Home Blog Page 474

Video: House passes bill to protect girl athletes, after Democrats continue false ‘genital exam’ strategy

Late in the evening on Sunday, the Alaska House of Representatives passed House Bill 183, a measure that would protect girl and women athletes from unfair competition in their sports by boys and men who prefer to present as females (transgenders).

HB 183 was contentious from the moment it was introduced, in that Democrats put up more objection to this bill than any other in recent memory, adding amendment after amendment to delay a vote. Those who spoke against the bill could barely contain their emotions Sunday night. Showing fatigue and personal trauma, their voices shook, their bodies trembled, and some of them were on the verge of tears or choked up to the point they could barely continue.

Selected floor remarks by House members prior to the final vote on HB 183:

Bill sponsor Rep. Jamie Allard: “Like my mom, my grandmother, and my great-grandmother before me, I plan on protecting my daughters. Expecting girls and women to be physically equal to boys and men is not equality. Equality is giving girls the same opportunities as boys and men. But madam speaker, if forced to compete against biological males, women will be disadvantaged once again.”

Bill opponent Rep. Andrew Gray: “In their biological brains, trans girls are biologically female.”

Bill opponent Rep. Louise Stutes: “I’m astounded we have spent days on a bill, House Bill 183, that is unquestionably unconstitutional. Aside from the fact that there’s not one of these instances addressed in this bill happening in Alaska today.”

Bill opponent Rep. Alyse Galvin: “We have heard from dozens of kids and parents that this bill will do significant harm to a large number of Alaskans who are trans or who have loved ones who are trans.”

Bill opponent Rep. Andy Josephson: “So yes, could these bizarre circumstances happen where there’s a transgender girl who by size and acumen and talent, could compete at the highest levels with boys and men but chooses to compete with girls, yes that could happen, and that concerns me. Now, when I say concerns me, it’s like the 5,000th thing in the world that concerns me. I’m more concerned about getting home to work my lawn than I am about that, by a lot.”

Bill opponent Rep. Jennie Armstrong: “When I was a junior in high school, I left the church because of anti-LGBTQ propaganda. I knew that my church had it wrong and that my god centers love and acceptance. And I was so grateful that I was able to separate god from dogma at a young age.”

Bill opponent Rep. CJ McCormick emotionally relived childhood trauma while he described how he was bullied, but how sports was his place where he could make friends out of those who bullied him.

Bill opponent Rep. Zack Fields: “This is a blatantly unconstitutional bill. Our attorneys have told us that based on clearly false information. It would put findings that are sexist in state statute. It is morally offensive to put discriminatory laws on our statute books again 79 years after the state of Alaska passed the anti-discrimination act. The most absurd thing about this bill is that it would force all girls, my girls, to undergo a genital inspection test.”

Sponsor Rep. Jamie Allard: Madam Speaker, there are members of this body who are misunderstanding this bill. They are saying this bill provides for a general inspection of genitalia. Wow. Madam Speaker, that’s gross. That is absolutely insane. The narrative that is being put out to all Alaskans across this great state is trying to do a scare tactic. Nowhere in this two-and-a-half page bill does it say anything about genitalia exams. That is just not true.”

Watch the exchange with Rep. Gray at this clip, where Allard calls out the media to find any portion of the bill that requires genital exams:

The votes on the bill went largely along party lines, with only Rep. Daniel Ortiz of Ketchikan breaking with the Democrat caucus to vote with Republicans:

Yeas: Jamie Allard, Thomas Baker, Ben Carpenter, Julie Coulombe, Mike Cronk, David Eastman, Craig Johnson, DeLena Johnson, Kevin McCabe, Tom McKay, Daniel Ortiz, Mike Prax, George Rauscher, Justin Ruffridge, Dan Saddler, Laddie Shaw, Will Stapp, Jesse Sumner, Cathy Tilton, Frank Tomaszewski, Sarah Vance, and Stanley Wright.

Nays: Jennie Armstrong, Ashley Carrick, Maxine Dibert, Bryce Edgmon, Zack Fields, Neal Foster, Alyse Galvin, Andrew Gray, Cliff Groh, Sara Hannan, Rebecca Himschoot, Andy Josephson, CJ McCormick, Donna Mears, Genevieve Mina, Cal Schrage, Andi Story, and Louise Stutes.

House Bill 183 is seen by most observers as dead in arrival in the Democrat-led Senate, as time has run out for this session. The Legislature must adjourn May 15.

Robert Seitz: Cook Inlet gas impediments include new taxes

By ROBERT SEITZ

We still do not have a clear path forward to enable new drilling to allow increase in production of Cook Inlet gas.  After years of our federal government blocking all our attempts to increase our oil and gas economy, we have legislators adding additional taxes onto HB 50 to further stifle our current attempts to get increased Cook Inlet gas production and to provide for ways to help develop energy resources which could eventually be the replacement for Cook Inlet gas.

As stated in many of my earlier commentaries, there is no action more important than to ensure the immediate increase in production of Cook Inlet Gas. Next to that the most important thing is to do nothing which will discourage future investment in Alaska’s oil and gas production.  

An additional income tax on Hilcorp can only discourage investment in developing new production or enhanced production on the fields for which they are responsible.  Now is when we are trying to add flow to the pipeline to add to what Willow and Pikka will contribute once they are in production.

I encourage Alaska residence to show lack of support for this proposed tax and stand behind the concept of increasing revenue by increased use of our resources.  We want to build wealth, make many more jobs and increase the number of viable businesses within the State. I encourage everyone to contact your legislators and voice you disapproval of this new tax and voice support for “revenue by resource extraction.”

A part of SB 217 is the Integrated Transmission Planning and the formation of the Railbelt Transmission Organization, which will require each of the utilities to give up that portion of their physical plant through which power flows between the different utilities that make up the Railbelt Utility System.   

It seems to me that this might be difficult to do cleanly at this time, and that the RTO would be more meaningful once the new transmission line which is intended to be separate from the individual utilities. Maybe the wording should soften the penalty (Sec 44.83.740 (c )) against the individual utility which might not clearly define what part of their system is transmission and not distribution. I can see this transition being used to a position not in the best interest of their ratepayers.  

It is my hope that all these energy bills be adopted to be much more positive than they are negative. 

Robert Seitz, is a professionally licensed electrical engineer and lifelong Alaskan.

House, Senate pass bill that makes it a Class C felony to desecrate a house of worship

The rise of antisemitic and anti-Christian vandalism is the motivation behind House Bill 238, which makes it a Class C felony to target houses of worship with property crimes.

The bill amends Alaska’s statute on criminal mischief in the third degree to include the crime of “institutional vandalism.” According to the sponsor, Rep. Andy Josephson, 42 states and Washington, D.C. make this and desecration of a grave crimes that are more serious than regular property damage.

Alaska already considers it a Class C felony to deface, desecrate, or destroy a cemetery or place of burial. The additional language adds places like churches and synagogues.

The bill adds the extra penalties to someone who “defaces or damages real property that (i) has a place of religious education or worship located on it; and (ii) if leased or used by a religious organization and is a part of a larger property, is the part of the property leased or used by the religious organization, including the access to the entry of the part of the property; or (D) defaces or damages tangible personal property that has religious significance and is used by religious organization or displayed for educational purposes.”

It would be a Class C felony if the property value is $750 or more, a Class A misdemeanor if the property value was between $250 and $750, and a Class B misdemeanor if the property value is less than $250.

Josephson’s office mentioned that there have been three recent desecrations of note: Mountain City Church in Anchorage, where someone used a chemical to burn a swastika shape onto the front lawn; a smashed crucifix at a church in Chefornak, and a phallic symbol painted on the entryway of a church in Eagle River. Nazi stickers were plastered on the walls of the Alaska Jewish Museum, and a swastika was carved onto the door.

In the Senate, the amended bill passed 17-2, with Sen. Shelley Hughes excused.

Voting yea were Sens. Bishop, Bjorkman, Claman, Dunbar, Giessel, Gray-Jackson, Hoffman, Kaufman, Kawasaki, Kiehl, Merrick, Myers, Olson, Stedman, Stevens, Tobin, and Wielechowski.

Voting nay were Sens. Shower and Wilson





The bill now goes back to the House for concurrence with minor changes and then would be ready for the governor’s approval.

Taxing the green: Will Alaska’s marijuana tax flip from growers to buyers?

The Alaska House of Representatives passed legislation Friday that would revise the state’s tax structure on cannabis. If passed by the Senate, House Bill 119 will change the tax from $50 per ounce ($800 per pound) of product to a 7% sales tax. 

HB 119 passed the House 36-3; voting against the measure were Reps. Ben Carpenter, David Eastman, and CJ McCormick.

In 2014, voters in Alaska approved a ballot measure legalizing commercial growing and sales of cannabis, and accompanying tax structure.

Alaska is one of five states, including Colorado, Maine, Nevada, and New Jersey, that use use a weight-based cannabis tax, where growers have the responsibility for remitting taxes based on the weight of various parts of the plants. 

With the proposed sales tax, Alaska’s tax occurs at the point of sale, rather than on the growers, who now represent the largest agricultural sector in Alaska in the less than a decade that growing and selling marijuana has been legal. 

The top taxes for marijuana in the nation remain:

  • Washington: 37%
  • Virginia: 21%
  • Montana: 20%
  • Arizona: 16%
  • California and Colorado: 15%

The only other true statewide sales tax in Alaska is the 8 cents per gallon for highway fuel and 5 cents per gallon on marine fuel collected by the state.

HB 119, sponsored by the House Rules Committee, comes after a task force was convened by Gov. Mike Dunleavy to study and recommend a different tax structure, at the request of growers. The Alaska Marijuana Control Board also was in favor, by a vote of 4-to-1, of creating a different tax structure. The original version of the bill proposed a 3% tax, but that was worked up to 7% throughout the legislative journey.

“While a reduced tax structure will, in the short term, lower the state’s revenue stream, it will also help prevent the decline of the industry which would ultimately drive tax revenue downward. This change in tax structure will not only stabilize the industry while providing areas for Alaskan businesses to grow, but it will also allow the state to capture revenue from value-ad products which will increase the tax base,” the Rules Committee said in a statement at the time of introduction.

HB 119 has been sent to the Senate, where it has been referred to Senate Finance Committee only, but has not been scheduled for a hearing. The last day of session is May 15 and if the bill does not pass, it will die and sponsors will need to reintroduce it next year.

Hilcorp Alaska: Powering Southcentral Alaska’s past, present, and future

By LUKE SAUGIER

For over a decade, Hilcorp Alaska has been proud to be the driving force in the Cook Inlet basin, investing significantly in Southcentral Alaska. When we entered the Alaska market, the basin was in rapid decline, and few investors were willing or able to put up the capital required to produce more oil and gas from the aging fields. Since then, we’ve invested more than a billion dollars in the Cook Inlet basin, generating well over 700 billion cubic feet of natural gas to power and heat Alaskan homes and businesses.

Our team of more than 1,500 Alaska employees has worked to stabilize the natural gas supply for the Railbelt. Our efforts have included drilling more than 155 new wells, implementing new technologies, and repairing aging infrastructure. And recently, Hilcorp made a long-term commitment to ensure the only jack-up drilling rig in Alaska doesn’t leave the state at this critical time.

Unfortunately, aside from Hilcorp Alaska, industry investment in the Cook Inlet basin has continued to decline, making our operations increasingly difficult. The necessary equipment is hard to source, especially on short notice, and contractor services are hard to find. In addition, the federal permitting processes are more tedious than ever. These challenges all layer on top of what is already only a six-month offshore drilling season.

Even with these headwinds making operations difficult, Hilcorp Alaska is deepening its commitment to the Cook Inlet, planning to deploy up to four drilling rigs to add 15 to 20 new wells annually over the next five years. This near-billion-dollar investment is crucial not only to sustain our current operations, but also to meet future needs, despite the 30% year-over-year production decline that’s common in Cook Inlet wells. 

We are doing what we can, where we can. During the recent cold spell in February, when the utility-owned gas storage facility faced operational issues, Hilcorp Alaska did not just meet, but exceeded its contractual obligations by releasing additional gas reserves to ensure uninterrupted energy supply without increasing prices. Similarly, even as our contract with Homer Electric Association concluded in March 2024, we provided an extra year of gas supply at stable prices, smoothing their transition to other energy sources. And we are collaborating with the utilities and regulatory agencies to make our gas storage assets available for commercial use. 

Hilcorp Alaska has and will continue to fully develop our Cook Inlet basin leasehold with a specific focus on delivering a reliable and affordable supply of natural gas.

As Hilcorp Alaska continues to invest in and expand our natural gas production in the Cook Inlet basin, we remain in constant contact with utilities, state and local governments, and the community. With so many Alaskans living and working for Hilcorp Alaska, our employees are personally committed to delivering lasting energy solutions for Alaska.

By Luke Saugier is the senior vice president of Hilcorp Alaska.

Watch video: Giessel’s new ad for ranked-choice voting says it has led to great bipartisanship in Senate

A YouTube ad by the leftist RepresentUs group stars Sen. Cathy Giessel, who was elected because of ranked-choice voting, and Sen. Matt Claman, both extolling the benefits of the new system that went into action in Alaska elections in 2022, turning the U.S. House seat Democrat, and handing Democrat control over in the State Senate.

Giessel says in the ad how she very much expected bipartisan leadership of the Senate after ranked-choice voting was passed by voters in 2020. The measure, Ballot Measure 2, was paid for by dark money groups outside the state that use Alaska as a petrie dish or experiments to drive liberal public policy. The Arabella Fund, New Venture Fund, Tides Foundation, and others are some of these dark-money groups that have an oversized influence on public policy in Alaska. They are groups few have ever heard of — just like the RepresentUs group, which gets funding from the Tides Foundation.

In the Alaska Senate, the Republican majority gave over control to minority Democrats after the 2022 election, awarding them powerful committee chairmanships, moving their priority bills, and blocking legislation Democrats opposed.

Only three members of the Senate were excluded from that majority — Robb Myers of North Pole, Shelley Hughes of Mat-Su, and Mike Shower of Wasilla. Their minority is so small it doesn’t even qualify as a minority in technical terms. They are completely shut out of the process by the 85% majority, the largest in the country, according to Claman.

That’s something Giessel supports. She said when Claman was in the House and she was in the Senate, “there was a lot of cross-pollination,” and “there were bills that we worked together on.”

Giessel said people are so committed to this caucus “for the first time in a number of years.”

The last time there was a “bipartisan working group,” as it was called in the Senate, was in 2010, when all 10 Democrats and six Republicans created the caucus, led by Sen. Gary Stevens, Sen. Bert Stedman, Sen. Lyman Hoffman and the late Sen. Johnny Ellis.

Hoffman that year lauded the Bipartisan Working Group, saying it would pay back everything that had been borrowed out of the Constitutional Budget Reserve.

“This year, we hope to do something that would have seemed impossible ten years ago,” said, who was co-chairman of the Senate Finance Committee, as he is in 2024. “After twenty years of borrowing from it, we think we can fully repay the state’s constitutional savings account. Saving, not borrowing – this is a very tangible sign of our fiscal responsibility.”

Back then the balance of the fund was $9 billion. Today, the balance is $2.79 billion. The bipartisan promise was not exactly kept.

This year, Senators Stevens, Stedman, and Hoffman are part of the new bipartisan majority caucus, and Giessel, thrown out by her constituents for being too liberal in 2020, but returned to the Senate after ranked-choice voting came into play in 2022, quickly joined in what is a nine-Democrat, eight-Republican leadership group that is raiding Alaskans’ Permanent Fund dividends in order to balance the budget.

Giessel calls this a “balanced budget that actually had a surplus.”

According to InfluenceWatch.org, the RepresentUs group gets funding from the Atlantic Foundation, the William and Flora Hewlett Foundation, Park Foundation, Tides Foundation, and Bohemian Foundation.

To get a sense of how RepresentUs aligns with leftist values, funder Atlantic Foundation also has made grants to the media group most associated with the leftist The Nation publication. The Park Foundation works to destroy natural gas as an energy source, and has made grants to Greenpeace and the pirate environmental group Sea Shepherd Conservation Society. Tides Foundation is best described as fake nonprofit that launders away the paper trail between its grants and the original donor.

RepresentUs has targeted Alaska, Colorado, New Jersey, Nevada, Oregon, Georgia, Minnesota, and Utah to expand and protect ranked-choice voting. It is also actively working to dismantle the Electoral College and replace it with a national popular vote, which would strip the lightly populated states like Alaska of their representation.

In Seattle, RepresentUs worked to advance and protect the use of “democracy vouchers,” which requires the city’s taxpayers to pay for political campaigns against their will. Since the new law passed in 2015, taxpayers in Seattle now must pay for the campaigns of people with whom they do not necessarily align. In 2023, taxpayers paid $2.4 million to 30 campaigns for city council.

Once a reliable vote for conservatives, Giessel now works to raise taxes on oil and gas companies, put unaffordable pension plans into place for public employees, and allow counselors in schools to refer children to “identity clinics” where they can get gender transition help, without telling their parents. She even is voting against strengthening the laws that protect the unborn.

Ninth Circuit rules against youth climate change lawsuit that relied on air conditioning argument

A lawsuit by several California youth against the Environmental Protection Agency, claiming their constitutional rights have been violated by carbon dioxide emissions, was dismissed in a federal appeals court judge last week.

District Court Judge Michael Fitzgerald of the Central District of California dismissed Genesis v. Environmental Protection Agency.

The lead plaintiff in the case, “Genesis B,” was a 17-year-old Long Beach, Calif. girl whose parents said they could not afford air conditioning.

“On many days, Genesis must wait until the evening to do schoolwork when temperatures cool down enough for her to be able to focus,” the lawsuit said.

According to FastCompany, Alaska leads the states in terms of homes without air conditioning, but 28% of California homes also don’t have AC:

  • Alaska (7%)
  • Washington (53%)
  • Hawaii (57%)
  • Montana (65%)
  • Vermont (67%)
  • Maine (70%)
  • Wyoming (71%)
  • California (72%)

The Genesis lawsuit was similar to Juliana v. EPA, dismissed a few days prior, in which the lawyers claimed the federal government is constitutionally required to curb greenhouse gas emissions. The plaintiffs cited the Constitution’s 14th Amendment, the Equal Protection Clause.

The Juliana case, with 21 young people that included Nathan Baring, a third-generation Alaskan, said the government “willfully ignored” dangers posed by fossil fuels, which violated the plaintiffs’ constitutional rights to life, liberty and property. That case was also dismissed on May 1, and the judge said Genesis was not materially different.

But in the Genesis case, Judge Fitzgerald granted the plaintiffs the ability to amend their complaint, and Our Children’s Trust immediately said it would do so without delay.

In Alaska in 2022, the Alaska Supreme Court upheld the Superior Court’s dismissal of a lawsuit brought by young Alaska Natives and their lawyers, which alleged the State of Alaska’s development of its natural resources contributed to climate change and thus was a violation of the Alaska Constitution’s natural resources provisions and their own individual constitutional rights.

Another youth lawsuit in Montana went in favor of the environmentalists, but is being appealed.

Michael Tavoliero: Power of the governor to enforce Alaska’s Constitution

By MICHAEL TAVOLIERO

Article VII, Section 1 of the Alaska State Constitution states, “Schools and institutions so established shall be free from sectarian control.”

This provision is aimed at ensuring that Alaska’s public education system, which includes its university system, remains impartial and free from influence or control by any particular religious or ideological group. It underscores the importance of maintaining neutrality and inclusivity within the state’s educational institutions.

If you agree with my constitutional reading, then how can this best be approached by our state government? 

The National Education Association-Alaska has over 12,000 members. It is obligated to represent its members. However, its ideological control over the Alaska education system is considered ubiquitous and multilayered in local school districts, our state bureaucracy and our tripartite government, the executive, legislative and judicial branches, and the federal government. 

In a seismic legal upheaval, Alaska’s educational landscape is in tumult, with the future of homeschooling hanging in the balance. Recent judicial action has delivered a stunning blow by striking down laws supporting the state’s correspondence education program, citing them as unconstitutional.

The reverberations of this decision are felt across the state, as over 20,000 homeschool students face uncertainty, and public-school districts are thrust into chaos, tasked with integrating these displaced students back into traditional classrooms. With the Alaska Department of Education and Early Development now at the center of this urgent crisis, the need for a swift resolution looms large. 

It’s baffling to witness our state government hesitating, caught in indecision over the crucial next steps: Do we pursue a legislative remedy or take the matter to the Supreme Court? The urgency of this issue cannot be overstated, yet inexplicably, the government remains on the defensive, failing to seize the initiative. Let’s be clear: This is not just about politics or legal wrangling. It’s about the very future of our children, the very future of our state. The time for action is now.

To address the issue of NEA-Alaska violating Article VII, Section 1, the governor of Alaska holds significant authority and avenues for action.

Firstly, under the state constitution’s Article III, Section 16, the governor has the authority to ensure the faithful execution of the laws, including constitutional mandates such as sectarian control in education. This authority empowers the governor to take appropriate legal action to enforce compliance with constitutional provisions and legislative mandates, as well as to restrain any violation of constitutional or legislative powers, duties, or rights by state officers, departments, or agencies.

Additionally, Article III, Section 23 grants the governor the authority to make changes in the organization of the executive branch or in the assignment of functions among its units for efficient administration. These changes, when requiring the force of law, are set forth in executive orders. The legislature has a specified period to disapprove these orders, after which they become effective. The governor also has administrative order authority which can be solidified into regulations without legislative review.

Moreover, the governor’s oath of office, as mandated by Article XII, Section 5, requires the Governor to uphold the U.S. and Alaska constitutions. This oath underscores the governor’s commitment to respecting and adhering to constitutional principles, including those related to education policy and sectarian control.

The governor and all members of the state legislature are required to comply with Article XII, Section 5. Additionally, every public official and employee of the state before entering upon the duties of office are required by AS 39.05.040 and AS 39.05.045 to take and sign an oath which includes supporting and defending both the Constitution of the United States and the Constitution of the State of Alaska.

Do the members of the NEA-Alaska support this when teachers have also taken an oath? The oath is same per 4 AAC18.010(a)(5) and AS 39.05.045 so all contracts for teachers and administrators must include in this all Alaska public school contracts.

This brings into question the practical application of the state’s Legislative Ethics Act, specifically Section AS 24.60.010, and the role of the Ethics Committee when the governor identifies a constitutional violation.

If you agree with my constitutional reading, how can any of our state government and our teachers support the continuation of NEA-Alaska’s sectarian control of education in the light of the oaths taken?

In practical terms, the Governor can utilize legal mechanisms such as executive orders or administrative orders to address concerns regarding sectarian control in education. These orders could outline specific actions or directives aimed at ensuring that schools and institutions remain free from sectarian influence or control. Additionally, the governor may use this opportunity to reign in the NEA-Alaska’s unconstitutional behavior through regulation.

Furthermore, the attorney general, as the legal advisor for the state, can work with the governor to assess the legal basis for any actions taken against NEA-Alaska or other entities perceived to violate constitutional provisions.

Regarding campaign donations to members of the legislature, the constitutional mandate for schools to be free from sectarian control may influence donor behavior and legislative decisions. Donations from organizations like NEA-Alaska may face greater scrutiny, and legislators receiving such contributions may be questioned about their commitment to upholding constitutional principles as well as their oath of office.

Will such a declaration of unconstitutionality by the governor trigger the Alaska Public Offices Commission to investigate every donation which supports this unconstitutionality? The governor certainly has the authority to demand this.

Ultimately, the governor’s authority, combined with legal and ethical considerations, provides avenues for addressing concerns related to sectarian control in education and ensuring adherence to constitutional mandates.

If the governor determines that NEA-Alaska has violated Article VII, Section 1 of the Alaska State Constitution, specifically regarding the freedom of schools and institutions from sectarian control, he has the authority to act, including addressing public education union contracts through administrative orders immediately. 

Administrative orders issued by the governor typically pertain to the organization and functions of the executive branch. If the governor declares unconstitutionality, the structural components of NEA-Alaska may be challenged. The governor could also take indirect actions within the scope of his authority to address concerns related to sectarian control in education.

For example, the governor could utilize administrative orders to initiate investigations or audits into public education union activities to determine compliance with constitutional mandates. If violations are found, the governor could work with relevant state agencies to enforce corrective measures or impose penalties as allowed by law.

Additionally, the governor may leverage his authority to influence legislative action or budgetary decisions that impact public education union contracts. By working with the state legislature and other stakeholders, the governor could advocate for policy changes or funding allocations aimed at addressing issues related to sectarian control in education.

Ultimately, any actions taken by the governor must adhere to constitutional principles, respect the rights of all parties involved, and comply with applicable laws and legal procedures. The governor must carefully consider the legal and practical implications of his actions and ensure that they align with the broader goals of promoting impartiality and inclusivity in Alaska’s public education system.

But the fact remains as open as the air we breathe, in Alaska, the education system is controlled by one entity, and one entity alone, and that is NEA-Alaska.

Michael Tavoliero writes for Must Read Alaska.

Transfixed: Democrats desperate for boys to compete against girl athletes try to run out the clock in Alaska House

The Alaska House on Saturday ran a marathon session, forced by the minority Democrats, who moved amendment after amendment on a bill that is designed to protect female competitive athletes in Alaska’s public schools and universities.

The Democrats made 88 amendments in all, carefully coordinated in caucus and designed to delay the passage of House Bill 183. Each amendment had at least six Democrats standing to speak in support of it to wear out the Republican majority. The amendment sponsor had three minutes to present, and three minutes to wrap up, and each member who rose had one minute to argue.

Even with that structure, it was going to take all day, and lawmakers were cranky.

One amendment was to exempt competitive chess tournaments from the proposed law that would protect girls in sports. Then came the amendment to exempt synchronized swimming teams from the protections for girl athletes.

On the chess amendment, Rep. Rebecca Himschoot of Sitka said she would vote for the bill because she had seen the movie, “The Queen’s Gambit,” on Netflix, and it made her realize how important chess is. Himschoot was a public school teacher in Sitka and Hawaii, teaching science.

On the synchronized swimming amendment, Rep. Donna Mears said she was a synchronized swimmer once and she got a concussion from the sport. But despite the brain injury, she supports males being able to be on these competitive teams with females.

One amendment was to create a “transgender awareness day” in schools and force a curriculum addition on notable transgenders in history.

Another amendment addressed “hate crimes” against transgenders.

Yet another amendment would have made the NCAA policy the standard by which Alaska schools would follow. The NCAA policy is being challenged in court by former NCAA champion swimmer Riley Gaines, who now fights for the rights of women athletes.

House members had gathered for the day’s session at 10 a.m. and were stuck in the chambers until past 10 pm, through Amendment 88, in which Rep. Andy Josephson argued that everyone should get to participate on any team they want to play on.

At one point in the proceedings, House Minority Leader Calvin Schrage threatened House Speaker Cathy Tilton, saying she would reap the consequences for years to come. After an extended at-ease, he apologized for the threat.

Also acting out in the House was Rep. Zack Fields, who petulantly broke the rules by interrupting the House Speaker, speaking on and on after he was past time, continuing to argue even though his mic had been shut off, and showing other disrespect to the institution by reading passages without first asking permission from the Speaker.

Rep. Daniel Ortiz, who is not an admitted Democrat but has only caucused with the Democrats since taking office, stood to ask for an indefinite delay of the bill. He said that if the House got through all its other business it could return to the topic. It was a lie perhaps he hoped tired Republicans would fall for, but Rep. David Eastman called him out on it, saying that by the rules, an indefinite postponement meant the bill could not be brought back up. That amendment, like all the others, failed.

While some Democrats pointed out that House Bill 183, sponsored by Rep. Jamie Allard, was a solution in search of a problem, Rep. Josephson admitted on the floor that a transgender track runner in Haines competed competitively in the girls’ division, the one instance in state history where he said this issue mattered. That occurred in 2016. Since it was the only case Josephson knew of, he stated it was the only instance, and therefore the bill is unnecessary.

However, with increasing frequency transgenders have started taking away medals from women on the national level in swimming, track and field, cyclocross, tennis, skiing, and a growing list of sports, as boys and men who cannot win in their own category switch to the female roster, even after they have gone through male puberty and have the musculature to prove it. In Alaska, the Alaska School Activities Association at first left the matter up the the schools, but now even the ASAA and the Alaska School Board have had to set boundaries in order to protect girls from boys who covet their medals and scholarships.

Although these are policies and regulations, the Democrats in the House don’t want the protections for girls to be in statute, and fought through the day and late into the night against the rights of girls.

The matter was finally referred to Sunday’s House calendar for a third reading and vote. Both sides — Democrats and Republicans — were worn out by the end of the debate.

But what Republicans got was hours and hours of Democrats on tape saying what they really think, such as Rep. Andrew Gray insisting that “trans girls are girls,” and Rep. Genevieve Mina suggesting that mixed martial arts should be co-ed if the athletes are of the same weight.

Rep. Sara Hannan, a former Juneau teacher, authoritatively talked about zygotes, and how all humans start out as females for the first several weeks before the testosterone turns some into males.

“The question is are we all transgender or just the men?” Hannan asked the body.

Rep. Himschoot and Rep. Fields falsely said the bill would force teachers to do genital inspections.

“I would be very uncomfortable doing a genital inspection,” said Himschoot.

Rep. Jennie Armstrong said transgenderism is an immutable characteristic, but later Rep. Mina said that children explore their gender identity.

At times the Democrats referred to girls as girls, and at other times they used the slur “cisgender girls.” It’s all on record for posterity — and election cycles to come.