Tuesday, July 28, 2026
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Parents could use the help: Covid made the case for the state education tax credit program

By DAVID BOYLE

Many parents in Alaska’s public schools have removed their children due to the shutting down of the schools, masking of the students, and the teaching of Critical Race Theory and other Marxist ideals. Parents have sacrificed jobs and finances to either homeschool their children or send them to a private school.

These parents could use some help in paying for their child’s education. Fortunately, there is help in the form of a State of Alaska Education Tax Credit program. 

Most parents don’t know about this great way to finance their child’s education. But Alaska’s Education Tax Credit program has been in existence since 1987. It was expanded in 2014 to include private nonprofit elementary and secondary Alaska schools. 

Unfortunately, it has been below the radar of most families. 

The tax credits are also available for cash contributions for STEM programs by a nonprofit agency and certain qualified childhood early learning programs. 

If a company pays certain taxes to the State of Alaska, it may be able to claim an Education Tax Credit. If you work for a company that pays taxes (corporate income tax, fisheries landing tax, mining license tax, etc.) your company may qualify.

This tax credit can also be used to support Alaska universities and accredited nonprofit Alaska two/four-year colleges. It covers the entire range of education from kindergarten through college.

Here’s how St. Mary’s School in Kodiak implemented the tax credit program: It went to the local Chamber of Commerce and got the names of 200 companies/persons that could qualify for the credit. It sent these companies information regarding the program. Then it worked with these companies to get them to participate. 

The program was set to end in 2018 but the Legislature extended it to Dec. 31, 2024. There was bipartisan, almost unanimous, support for this extension. 

In 2019 the credit was changed to allow for equipment contributions as well as cash.  

The credit has been reduced as of January 2021. It is set at 50% of all contributions and a business can claim up to $1 million in education credits annually.  For example, if a company contributes $100,000 it can offset its corporate taxes by $50,000. A win for the company and for education.

From 2018-2020 the credits totaled nearly $17 million. This chart shows the calendar year 2020 credits (taxes saved by the contributors) and the various beneficiaries. The University of Alaska benefited the most.

The Education Tax Credit program is an excellent way to help those parents who want the best education for their children. Corporations win by reducing their taxes and improving the education of the citizenry. Parents win by getting help to fund their child’s education. And the State of Alaska wins by improving educational options for students.

For more information on the Education Tax Credit program, go to http://tax.alaska.gov/programs/programs/credits/index.aspx for a description of the program.

Click here for a copy of the form.

David Boyle writes about education for Must Read Alaska.

Anchorage Assembly tightens rules for election observers

On a vote of 10-1, the Anchorage Assembly changed the rules for how campaigns can monitor the vote-counting process of the local mail-in-only elections.

Among the changes are limits to how many election observers a campaign can have in the building.

The changes came about after Mayor Dave Bronson’s campaign had a vigorous program of observers watching the workings of the Elections Office, run by the Municipal Clerk. They recorded much of the proceedings, which are difficult to observe from the security cameras that are installed in the building.

Clerk Barbara Jones, considered by many conservatives to be partisan, was unhappy and argumentative with the Bronson campaign for its election-watching activities in April and May.

But the new rules are not as onerous as the ones the Clerk had proposed earlier this year. Gone is the requirement that campaigns must tell the Clerk who the observers will be 22 days prior to the beginning the counting process.

Among the revisions to the original proposal, the Assembly chose to not ban recording devices in Election counting rooms, but ruled that the devices cannot be used in areas where confidential information may be captured by the devices.

Instead, observers will be able to record in undefined “designated areas,” leaving that decision about what that means up to the Clerk.

Without a vote of the people, the Assembly in 2017 voted to move the city to the mail-in election that has brought with it a significant amount of public mistrust in the election system. There were many irregularities documented during the last municipal election, including having a fire alarm go off during counting, requiring the clearing of the building, and having the attorney on contract to the Election Office also maintaining a simultaneous contract with a company that sells Dominion Voting Systems, the ballot tabulating equipment provider.

Voting against the changes were Chugiak/Eagle River Assemblywoman Jamie Allard.

Fritz Pettyjohn: The politicians at the Anchorage Daily News

By FRITZ PETTYJOHN

Gov. Mike Dunleavy is the latest in a long line of conservative Alaska politicians who have found themselves on the hit list of the Anchorage Daily News. It’s a tradition that goes back 43 years.

In 1994, the target was former two-term Lt. Gov. Steve McAlpine, running against Tony Knowles for the Democratic nomination for Governor. McAlpine had a small financial interest in some racehorses in Seattle. A few days before the primary election, the ADN published a sensationalist account of this minor investment, implying that McAlpine was in league with shady gambling interests. Knowles went on to win election as Alaska’s seventh governor.

In 1998 Knowles was in political trouble, and the ADN found a way to help. Former State Rep. John Lindauer spent hundreds of thousands of dollars in his campaign for the Republican gubernatorial nomination, narrowly beating conservative State Sen. Robin Taylor in the primary. Lindauer claimed it was his own money, but that was a transparent lie, easily disproven. Only after he had won the nomination did the ADN reveal what it had known all along: The money came from Lindauer’s wife, the daughter of a notorious Chicago mobster.

The Alaska Republican Party disowned Lindauer, and endorsed Taylor’s write-in campaign. But Lindauer was on the ballot as the Republican nominee, and Knowles won reelection.

After Joe Miller beat Sen. Lisa Murkowski in the 2010 Republican primary, the ADN did all it could to discredit him. Their campaign culminated two weeks before the election, when their reporter, acting as an agent provocateur, would not stop harassing Miller at a campaign event. This succeeded in provoking Miller’s security guard to arrest him and made the Miller campaign look foolish and thuggish.

Other recent examples are the endless harassment of Gov. Sarah Palin, to the extent that she resigned from office rather than continue to endure it. And, as MRAK recently described, the 2014 campaign the ADN waged against Governor Sean Parnell.

In 1978 former Gov. and Interior Secretary Wally Hickel was running against incumbent Republican Governor Jay Hammond, and ten days before the primary was poised to win. The Hammond campaign and Kaye Fanning of the Daily News colluded in publicizing an attack on Hickel by “Hands for Hammond”, an imaginary group of volunteers. The chairman of this fictional group issued a press release, accusing Hickel of running for governor only as a steppingstone in his planned campaign for the presidency in 1980. He said Hickel had the job once, quit it for a better one, and was setting himself up to do it again. 

Based on this press release, a reporter from the ADN confronted Hickel with this accusation. Predictably, Hickel erupted in anger, reminding everyone of his notorious temper. This was enough for the ADN to make a major story out of the unsupported fantasy of someone no one had ever heard of. Hammond rallied in the polls and beat Hickel by 98 votes.

I was asked by Bill McConkey, who was running Hammond’s reelection campaign, to issue that press release. I objected at first, since there was no such thing as Hands for Hammond. But Bill said that really didn’t matter. Everything was all set up.

I first came to Alaska in 1969, to meet the original Fritz Pettyjohn, an Army sergeant in 1941, who fought World War II with the 82nd Airborne Division, 505 Parachute Infantry Combat Team. I spent most of the summer with him and learned he was passionately devoted to the welfare of Alaska’s Native people. And he really didn’t like Wally Hickel. He told me Hickel didn’t respect the Natives.

In 1978 I was struggling to keep a law practice going, with a couple little boys, and another one soon to follow. When McConkey called me to ask if I’d help on Hammond’s campaign, I had nothing to lose, and a chance to get into Alaska Republican politics. I could never support Hickel, and Hammond was the alternative.

If you really want to get into politics, buy a newspaper, as Kaye Fanning and Alice Rogoff can attest. I hear the Daily News is always for sale.

Fritz Pettyjohn was named Chairman of Reagan for President, Alaska, in 1979. In 1982 he discovered he was in a new State Senate district, with no incumbent legislator. He served eight years in the Alaska Legislature.

Trump endorses Dunleavy, but with a caveat: Dunleavy can’t support Lisa Murkowski

In a statement today, former President Donald Trump says he is supporting Gov. Mike Dunleavy in 2022, unless Dunleavy decides to back Sen. Lisa Murkowski in her reelection. If Dunleavy does that, the endorsement is off.

“Mike Dunleavy has been a strong and consistent Conservative since his time in the Alaska State Senate. I was proud to endorse his first run for Governor, and I am proud to support his reelection, too. From his handling of the virus, support of the Constitution, including the Second and Tenth Amendments — taking advantage of all the opportunities Alaska has to offer, and his strong pushback abasing the Liberal Biden Administration’s attempt to hurt our great Country. Alaska needs Mike Dunleavy as Governor now more than ever. He has my Complete and Total Endorsement but, this endorsement is subject to his non-endorsement of Senator Lisa Murkowski who has been very bad for Alaska, including losing ANWAR, perhaps the most important drilling site in the world, and much else. In other words, if Mike endorsees her, which is his prerogative, my endorsement of him is null and void, and of no further force or effect!” Trump wrote in an official statement.

Dunleavy was elected in 2018 and is running for reelection in 2022. He won 51.4 percent of the vote. In 2020, Trump won Alaska for the second time, with over 53 percent of the vote.

“We certainly don’t believe Lisa Murkowski deserves anyone’s endorsement,” quipped Tim Murtaugh, spokesman for the Kelly Tshibaka campaign for Senate.

Dunleavy has not said who he prefers — Murkowski or Tshibaka — for U.S. Senate. Murkowski has held the seat since being appointed to it by her father, Gov. Frank Murkowski, in 2002. She has fought off challengers, even winning a write-in election in 2010, becoming the first U.S. senator in more than 50 years to win an election with a write-in campaign, when she beat Joe Miller after he won the Republican primary, and also defeated Democrat Scott McAdams. She easily won re-election in 2016.

Tshibaka is the former commissioner of Administration for the Dunleavy Administration and is endorsed by Trump for Senate.

Cheryl Frasca named Bronson’s director of Office of Management, Budget

Today, Anchorage Mayor Dave Bronson selected Cheryl Frasca as the director of the Office of Management and Budget. 

Through her 47-year career working for U.S. Congress, governors, mayors, and state legislators of different parties, Frasca has honed extensive skills dealing with state and city budgets and public administration. 

Frasca was previously the OMB director for the Municipality of Anchorage from 2000 to 2002, and 2009 to 2012, and served in the same role for the State of Alaska from 2002 to 2006. She has also worked in the private sector dealing with government relations, fiscal policies, and policy analysis issues.

“Cheryl is one of the top financial minds in the entire state of Alaska,” said Mayor Dave Bronson. “I am elated that she has agreed to once again serve the people of Anchorage as we work together to help our great city prosper.”

Frasca has a bachelor of political science from California State University Hayward and a Master of Public Administration from the University of Alaska Southeast. 

Lt. Gov. Kevin Meyer will not run again in ’22

During a press conference on Tuesday, Alaska Lt. Gov Kevin Meyer said he will not run for reelection. He made the announcement at the end of a press conference about a bill he and Gov. Mike Dunleavy are presenting in 2022 to beef up voting integrity.

Meyer said he wants to devote his entire focus in 2022 to ensuring a fair election. The election will be conducted for the first time in the brand new “jungle primary” and “ranked choice voting” for the general election, a system that was ushered in with Ballot Measure 2, passed by voters last November.

“I think this is going to be an election unlike any other,” Meyer said, and emphasized that he needs to be impartial, without appearance of bias or conflict. “That is extremely important as far as voter trust and confidence in our election process.”

After 30 years of elected service, he said he has been in 19 elections, and “I kind of look forward to sitting this one out, and focusing on having the best election process in 2022.”

His announcement gives Gov. Dunleavy the opportunity to choose a new running mate for his reelection campaign. In the past, lieutenant governor candidates ran separate from gubernatorial candidates, but with the new voting scheme, the governor and lieutenant governor candidates must run as a pair.

Dunleavy and Meyer have an election integrity bill for legislative session

Alaska Lt. Gov. Kevin Meyer and Gov. Mike Dunleavy today announced the Election Integrity Bill, intended to improve the way the Division of Elections maintains voter rolls while providing additional tools to ensure a more secure system.

“After the 2020 nationwide election, we saw that election integrity was a concern for many Americans,” said Meyer. “Alaskans deserve to feel confident that the election process is conducted fairly and with integrity. At the end of the day, The Election Integrity bill will help place trust back into the election process.”

In the Election Integrity Bill, there are changes to the Permanent Fund Dividend – Automatic Voter Registration process, giving the option to request voter registration. These changes will allow for more secure data to come from the Department of Revenue to the Division of Elections to clean up the voter lists.

The bill includes amendments and provisions that would require the Division of Elections to maintain the master voter file differently and issue a required report every other year to the legislature. There will also be increases in the transparency of the election process, an improved ballot-counting process, and a toll-free election offense hotline. 

The bill will provide additional ways to verify that the person voting an absentee ballot is the voter whose name is on it, such as using signature verification equipment. There will be a more thorough definition of crimes around election fraud and election interference.

In addition, the bill sets up future training for police officers on election offenses, so if they are called upon to investigate these new crimes, they have the training to complete the investigation appropriately.

The proposed bill will make Alaska’s elections more secure and efficient while increasing confidence and integrity in election processes and results. The Election Integrity Bill will be introduced in the next few weeks.

“This Election Integrity Bill will ensure confidence with Alaskans and help rebuild trust in the election process,” Dunleavy said. “We are making the current system more secure through improvements. By consolidating ideas from past bills introduced in the Legislature and incorporating practices from other states, we hope to establish a more trustworthy elections system.”

Highlights from the proposed bill:

  • The changes to the Permanent Fund Dividend – Automatic Voter Registration come after more than 5 years of experience with the process. PFD applicants will have to request voter registration. These changes will allow for more secure data to come from the Department of Revenue to the Division of Elections to clean up our voter lists.
  • New statutory changes amend the list maintenance language statute to require the Division of Elections to review certain records, such as deceased voters, voters registered in other states, certain felony convictions, among others. The Division of Elections will be required to consult a subject-matter expert to audit the list of registered voters and issue a report every other year. 
  • Within the bill, there will be increases in the transparency of the election process for election observers and an improved ballot-counting process to ensure accuracy. The bill includes the creation of a toll-free election offense hotline for voters to use if they see questionable activity at the polls.
  • The bill reinforces the belief that absentee ballot signatures should be witnessed and it pays the postage costs for the return envelopes. This legislation requires free online bill tracking to be set up. The bill will provide additional ways to verify that the person voting an absentee ballot is the voter whose name is on it, such as using signature verification equipment. Absentee voting integrity will be improved through the future acquisition of new signature verification equipment.
  • The bill gives voters the option to request an absentee ballot for a 4-year window application, instead of a permanent absentee option.
  • The bill provides voters the option to fix any minor errors to their ballot by establishing ballot curing. Ballot curing is a popular way for voters to fix any problems with an absentee or mail ballot to ensure their vote is counted.
  • Working in conjunction with smaller communities and villages, this bill gives the Division of Elections the ability to mail ballots should it be required to give some Alaskans the chance to vote, even during a pandemic.
  • The bill will require new regulations for routine forensic examinations and chain of custody protocols for tabulators to be created and followed. When questions arise, there will be tools set forth to ensure an accurate accounting of election results.
  • The bill introduces a more thorough definition of crimes around election fraud and election interference that will provide clarity in the case of unlawful interference with voting.
  • The bill also sets up future training for police officers on election offenses, so if they are called upon to investigate these new crimes, they have the training to complete the investigation appropriately.

The bill will be introduced early in the next legislative session.

Legislative committee asks Permanent Fund chairman for answers on CEO’s firing

Sen. Natasha von Imhof, chairwoman of the Legislative Budget and Audit Committee, wants answers from Permanent Fund Chairman Craig Richards about why the Board of Trustees suddenly fired CEO Angela Rodell.

“The dismissal was abrupt and the APFC has not provided any explanation for its actions or a clear plan for a professional and timely leadership transition. The Board’s actions threaten to send a message of management instability at the APFC during a time of global uncertainty,” she wrote.

Rodell was dismissed by the board on a vote of 5-1 during the Dec. 9 quarterly meeting of the board of trustees. The board has stated that it is a personnel matter and is confidential.

Alaska’s Permanent Fund, with $83 billion in assets, is owned by the State of Alaska; its oversight board of trustees is appointed by the governor according to a schedule set by law. The board Chairman Craig Richards was initially placed on the board by former Gov. Bill Walker and was retained by Gov. Mike Dunleavy. Others on the board includes designated seats for the Commissioner of Revenue and Commissioner of Natural Resources; all but one of the members, Bill Moran, were appointed by Dunleavy.

Von Imhof said in her letter that because the Permanent Fund now provides more than 65 percent of the state’s annual revenue and is now without a CEO, the public and policymakers need to know what transpired.

“Hiding behind employee confidentiality by refusing to provide any information or transparency regarding the process followed by the Board, or its goals and intent, contradicts the Board’s giving principles stated on your website,” she wrote.

Von Imhof said the Legislative Budget and Audit Committee has the responsibility to see that the Permanent Fund exists in perpetuity and is not politicized.

She is asking Richards to produce for the committee:

  • Any and all communications from 2019-present between the Trustees and the executive branch of the State of Alaska relating to the performance of Rodell.
  • Any and all communications from 2019-present between the Trustees and the executive branch relating to the decision to fire Rodell.
  • Any and all communications from 2019-present between employees of the Alaska Permanent Fund Corporation and the executive branch relating to the performance of and the decision to fire Rodell as CEO.
  • Copies of employee surveys from 2019-present that APFC conducted or received from any source.
  • Copies of Rodell’s employment contract.
  • Copies of all policies and procedures regarding employee termination, discipline, and counseling of employees.
  • Copies of all reports and documents considered by the board at the meeting at which the board terminated Rodell.
  • Copies of any benchmark reports used by the board in its evaluation of Rodell in 2021.
  • Any communications from 2019-present from any fund managers investment banksers or third parties to the board that either raised concerns with or praised Rodell’s performance.

Read the Von Imhof letter here:

Von Imhof is also asking that Richards destroy no documents relating to the material she wants to see. That request came in a separate letter:

Art Chance: Change comes at a price

By ART CHANCE

I’ve never really understood the antipathy towards Alaska’s Legislature. I’ve been around long enough to remember when everything that didn’t go the way the Editorial Board of The Anchorage Times wanted, it was because the capital was in Juneau and the Legislature met there. 

The voters of Anchorage and the Mat-Su embraced moving the capital from Juneau; the rest of the State not so much, but the ballot initiative did pass.  

Paying for the move was another matter, and the anti-move forces proved to be far better propagandists than were the capital movers. Alaska was full of big ideas in those days and the “Buy the NFL” campaign was masterful. Both live football and a nearby team, the Seahawks, were still new, and Alaska was more than a little football crazy. The central notion was that Alaska could buy every club in the NFL for less than it would cost to move the Capital from Juneau. Every town in Alaska could have its own football team. Or they could move the capital.

It was utter fiction but the pro-movers couldn’t effectively rebut it and it left a mark. Then, as now, the Juneau denizens knew more about running and keeping the government than the capital movers knew about taking it.

Moving the capital has long been a Republican thing, and keeping it in Juneau has been a Democrat thing. It bears remembering that Alaska was so deeply Democratic that it was only admitted to the Union concurrently with equally deeply Republican Hawaii, and Alaska remained firmly Democrat until the 1980 election gave the Republicans control of the State Senate (The 1964 House was 20-20, but the Speaker was Bruce Kendall, then still a Democrat.)   

I read with interest the comments to Gov. Dunleavy’s piece here on Must Read Alaska about his public safety initiatives in which various self-styled true conservatives are screaming at him for not exercising dictatorial powers; Alaska’s governor has great authority over running the Executive Branch of State government, but actually has very little authority over running the rest of the state.   

The Legislature runs the state and the governor just follows orders. The governor can issue administrative orders regarding the processes of the Executive Branch with pretty much untrammeled authority, so long as the order is constitutional.  The governor can also issue executive orders on other matters, but they are subject to review and potential reversal by either the courts or the Legislature. In terms of promulgating statutory authority, Alaska is a very democratic state. Alaska’s founders took that business about all power coming from the people seriously and the Legislature is the instrument of that power.

My friend Mike Tavoliero has a piece up on Must Read Alaska about moving the legislative session to Southcentral.   I’m not opposed to it but, I don’t share Mike’s enthusiasm for it.   

If you moved the session to downtown Anchorage, the only thing that would change would be there would be more school kids in the gallery and more frustrated teachers trying to get them to take their ear buds out and stop texting. Everybody who knows enough about issues and politics to talk coherently with a legislator already knows how to contact a legislator. Sadly, lots who don’t know how to talk coherently also know how to contact a legislator.   

If the communist dimwits that have controlled the Anchorage Assembly in recent years could get interested in anything other than feathering their and their friends’ in the homeless industrial complex’s nest, they’d have long ago gifted the unused Egan Center to the Legislature and maybe put up a little seed money for necessary remodeling.   

Of course these are the same left wing nuts who trashed a Legislative Information Office near the downtown government complex just because some Republicans might have gotten nice offices. Later, the police that the Lefties hate got a nice office from that debacle for a few dimes on the dollar.

Back to Mike’s point, you really haven’t lived until you’ve been a Republican elected or appointed official in the beautiful, friendly People’s Republic of Juneau. By the later years of my career there, Juneau was as segregated as the small southern town where I grew up in the 1950s and 1960s; Republicans went to Republican places and did Republican things, while Democrats went to Democrat places and did Democrat things.  

To this day I don’t share the same room with a Democrat unless it is a public accommodation or I’m being paid to be there. My union “friends” gave me my own shrine in the front window of the Teamster’s Hall across from the Willoughby Street entrance to the Juneau State Office Building, the SOB; the most aptly named building in America. 

Juneau isn’t all bad or all lefty.  I had a prominent local lefty do a Mad Maxine Waters on me and confront me in “The Hangar,” a popular watering hole, one evening.  I had reached the “I don’t care” stage of my career and got right in his face and insulted and threatened him out of the joint. I couldn’t buy a drink for the rest of the evening.

For the Executive Branch, the capital has largely moved; most of the commissioners and directors are based in Anchorage and are only in Juneau for session. Other than the infrastructure divisions, those that are the ministers of the internal government, Juneau is basically a regional center for the government; much like Fairbanks.   

The legislative session gives a welcome boost to the Juneau economy in the winter and keeps it from becoming Sitka, Ketchikan, or Skagway, which are ghost towns when the cruise ships leave. But then, so is Anchorage. If you haven’t noticed — and it is easy not to notice because there is no reason to go there — Downtown Anchorage is a wasteland.

I disagree with most of the fundamental principles of the opponents of Juneau as the capital. You can’t hide in Juneau.  If you want to hide, you go to Anchorage, or basically any place other than Juneau. There are a helluva lot more discrete, comfortable watering holes in Anchorage than in Juneau.   

It is a valid argument that Juneau is too remote and too expensive to travel to or subsist in. The only argument that makes any sense to rational people is a purely economic argument. Had I moved my division to Anchorage, it would have been a 25% or so raise for me and my staff, and would have saved the State several hundred thousand dollars a year in travel costs.

I think it is inevitable; the capitol has always been in the political and economic center of the State. Kodiak was the center of Russian government, then Sitka. Sitka remained the Capital until Juneau exploded with gold wealth in the early years of the 20th Century.   

For much of the first half of the 20th Century Juneau was the richest town in America and maybe The World and was the seat of Territorial Government and then the State.   

The economic center of Alaska today is Anchorage, for better or worse. Just remember that all those leftist interest groups that haven’t already moved their offices to Anchorage will follow the capital here. They make for interesting neighbors.

Art Chance is a retired Director of Labor Relations for the State of Alaska, formerly of Juneau and now living in Anchorage. He is the author of the book, “Red on Blue, Establishing a Republican Governance,” available at Amazon.