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Forty Texas counties declare invasion at border

By BETHANY BLANKLEY | THE CENTER SQUARE

Forty Texas counties have now declared an invasion at the southern U.S. border with Mexico, or have expressed support for Texas declaring an invasion. More are in the process of doing so, according to sources who’ve spoken to The Center Square. The Texas Republican Party has called on Abbott to repel the invasion.

The most recent to join the fray include judges and commissioners of Collin, Fannin, Leon, Navarro, Shackelford, Somervell, and Waller counties.

Over 5.5 million illegal aliens have poured across the border since President Joe Biden took office, a rate of over 8,000 a day.

They are calling on Texas Gov. Greg Abbott to formally declare an invasion and repel it, which he has yet to do. The governor cited the invasion clauses of the Texas Constitution and U.S. Constitution in a Nov. 14 letter to county judges and in a Nov. 16 letter to President Joe Biden. He also wrote letters to the heads of the Texas Military Department and Department of Public Safety.

In his letter to judges, Abbott refers to a July 7 executive order he issued two days after the judges of Kinney, Goliad and Terrell first declared an invasion. The executive order doesn’t declare an invasion, it authorizes Texas law enforcement officers to apprehend illegal foreign nationals and return them to ports of entry. After Abbott tweeted content from part of the letter to judges without providing context, many misreported that he declared an invasion.

As a Trinity University professor explained to KSAT News, “You can’t declare the invasion via Twitter. There is a process to name it, to give a date to it, to put it out in kind of a public way.”

Neither Abbott’s July 7 executive order nor his letter to the president declare an invasion; no signed and dated formal invasion declaration exists on the governor’s website.

The Republican Party of Texas and judges have called on Abbott to repel the invasion by preventing entry of illegal foreign nationals and returning those who do enter illegally to Mexico. While Abbott’s November letters use the word “repel,” Texas law enforcement officers working through Operation Lone Star haven’t prevented entry of thousands of people illegally entering Texas every day or returned them to Mexico. Currently, they are continuing standard operating procedure of turning over illegal foreign nationals they apprehend to U.S. Border Patrol agents.

As a result of Abbott’s directives, law enforcement officers working through OLS have apprehended more than 328,000 illegal foreign nationals, made over 22,100 criminal arrests with over 19,600 felony charges reported, as of Dec. 1. Texas has also bused more than 14,000 people who illegally entered Texas to four so-called sanctuary cities, according to state data.

Prior to Abbott’s November letters, judges and commissioners in Collin, Fannin and Leon counties signed resolutions in September recognizing “an invasion against the state of Texas.” They called on the state “to take all steps necessary and allowable under the U.S. and Texas constitutions” to secure the border and “repel the invasion at our border.” They also called “for additional measures to secure the border, stop the invasion at the border, and protect our communities,” citing cartel-driven human and drug trafficking that’s created “a security threat and humanitarian disaster with overwhelming consequences” to Texans.

In October, Navarro, Shackelford and Somervell counties took action.

Navarro County’s resolution expresses “support for the governor to take necessary action to stop chaos on our border,” stating “the health, safety, and welfare of Texas residents are under an imminent threat from unprecedented levels of illegal immigration, human trafficking, and drug smuggling coming across the U.S. border from Mexico.”

Shackelford County Judge Robert Skelton signed a disaster declaration similar to one signed by Lavaca County’s judge. Notably, it states that the rural county located roughly two hours west of Ft. Worth is under invasion. The border crisis, the judge said, has created a “security threat and humanitarian disaster with overwhelming consequences to the residents of Shackelford County and Texans.”

He also sent a copy of his declaration to Abbott, his assistant told The Center Square. The declaration requests Abbott to “declare the existence of an invasion on its border with Mexico and take necessary action to preserve and protect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Texas.”

The commissioners of the rural county of Somervell, located roughly an hour southwest of Fort Worth, also passed a resolution to secure the border. Judge Danny Chambers who signed it, said they did so because “it was the right thing to do. Northern counties are impacted too,” he told The Center Square. “Every county is.”

The resolution refers to Mexican cartels as “paramilitary, narco-terrorist organizations that profit from trafficking people and drugs” into the U.S., refers to the border crisis as a “security threat and humanitarian disaster,” expresses support for “border counties under invasion,” supports OLS efforts and requests Abbott “to secure the Texas border and repel the invasion at the border.”

Roughly one week after Abbott sent his November letters, Waller County was the first to pass a resolution calling on him to secure the border. Notably, the county was the first to refer to the cartels as having “command and control over irregular warfare operations into the United States, exploiting unsecure borders to solidify their power structure with billions of dollars in profit, using migrant warfare to obfuscate the trafficking of drugs and people by utilization of irregular techniques, tactics and procedures.”

The county also points to Abbott designating the cartels as foreign terrorist organizations, formally acknowledging “that non-state actors are conducting irregular warfare operations and breaching the sovereignty and national security of the United States and furthering Governor Abbott’s formal diplomatic representation to the United States that the State of Texas is not protected against an invasion.”

These seven counties join 33 whose border security resolutions or declarations remain in effect.

Combined, the 40 counties include Atascosa, Burnet, Chambers, Clay, Collin, Ector, Edwards, Ellis, Fannin, Goliad, Hamilton, Hardin, Hood, Hunt, Jack, Jasper, Johnson, Kinney, Lavaca, Leon, Liberty, Live Oak, Madison, McMullen, Montague, Navarro, Orange, Parker, Presidio, Shackelford, Somervell, Terrell, Throckmorton, Tyler, Van Zandt, Waller, Wharton, Wichita, Wilson, and Wise.

Uvalde Mayor Don McLaughlin is the only mayor in Texas or the U.S. to declare an invasion.

Web of leftist election influence: FTX connected to Data for Progress, Biden’s pick of Sec. Haaland for Interior, and to a flip-Alaska-blue project

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The massive scandal around crypto-scammer Sam Bankman-Fried and his bankrupt FTX cryptocurrency exchange has stung a Democrat political advocacy group that takes credit for several cabinet choices of President Joe Biden in 2021.

The network of young progressives played an oversized role in Biden picking far-left radical Deb Haaland for Secretary of the Interior. To discover this, one must start pulling at the threads of the weave of organizations to which Bankman-Fried and his allies were funding, and what they did with that financial support.

Data for Progress is one of the organizations. It’s a leftist public opinion research group and funded project of the dark-money Tides Advocacy nonprofit group, a spinoff of Tides Foundation. The group is one of the many subgroups that launder liberal funds into campaign-like activities, for which the Tides Foundation is the nexus. Data for Progress is, in practical terms, a brother of the Democratic Party.

Data for Progress was founded by Sean McElwee, a political activist and socialistic superstar with close personal and political ties to Bankman-Fried.

How close? McElwee advised Bankman-Fried on which candidates and causes to fund, during Bankman-Fried’s meteoric rise from an unknown rookie investor in cryptocurrencies to the second-highest donor to the Democratic Party and its candidates, after George Soros.

Earlier this year, McElwee himself gave thousands of dollars to Guarding Against Pandemics, the fake nonprofit set up by Sam Bankman-Fried’s brother Gabe inside the Beltway. Guarding Against Pandemic’s activities are allegedly to work on preventing pandemics, but it appears to be a shadow organization for liberal influence-peddling operation run by Sam Bankman-Fried.

The ties are even deeper: McElwee was part of the network of people running the Bankman-Fried-financed “Protect Our Future” PAC a Political Action Committee that funded Democrat Congresswoman Mary Peltola’s campaign and the campaigns of other radical Democrats.

McElwee’s ties to Bankman-Fried are so close and so damaging to the polling organization that the board of Data for Progress has decided it has lost its confidence in him, and he is leaving the organization by the end of the year. The news of his departure and the link to Bankman-Fried was scooped by Puck journalist Theodore Schleifer.

The flipping of Alaska’s congressional seat to Democrat control is a big victory for this FTX-Data for Progress network of progressives. But some of their work has been even more profoundly impactful in working to turn the state of Alaska back into a dependent colony of the federal government. Involving himself in cabinet picks for President Joe Biden is just one area where McElwee succeeded.

McElwee and Data for Progress took credit for Biden choosing Deb Haaland for Secretary of the Interior. The company gave four separate memos to the incoming administration showing polling data to support the decision for Haaland. It did the same when it pushed Janet Yellen for Secretary of the Treasury, Xavier Becerra for Secretary of Health and Human Services, Marcia Fudge for Secretary of Housing and Urban Development, and Katherine Taifor United States Trade Representative.

All of these officials were chosen by Biden, and the memos themselves were cited in several mainstream media news reports at the time, according to InfluenceWatch.org.

In 2018, McElwee wrote, “Progressives such as Alexandra Ocasio-Cortez, Deb Haaland and Rashida Tlaib show how insurgent candidates can push the whole party left,” at InTheseTimes.com, where he likened Haaland with other members of the radical left “Squad,” and encouraged far left candidates to challenge Democrat centrists in order to move the party toward socialism.

The New York Times even acknowledged Data for Progress’ undeniable influence in the Biden Administration:

“President Biden mentions it in private calls. The White House reads its work. And Senator Chuck Schumer, the majority leader, teams up with its leaders for news conferences, blog posts and legislation,” wrote Times reporter Lisa Lerer in 2021. “The embrace of Data for Progress by the highest ranks of the Democratic Party is a coming-of-age moment for a left-leaning polling firm and think tank that is barely three years old.”

The organization was credited with getting legislation passed by the Senate.

“This week, legislation that was championed by the group and that would pour nearly a quarter-trillion dollars into scientific research and development passed the Senate. Earlier this year, Julian Brave NoiseCat, vice president of policy and strategy [for Data for Progress], led a successful campaign to nominate and confirm Deb Haaland as the first Native American cabinet secretary,” the Times reported.

Data for Progress accepts the credit for that pick and details exactly how the group got Haaland appointed, in this story on its own website.

Data for Progress takes credit for Deb Haaland as Interior Secretary.

“We pushed Biden to embrace an ambitious climate plan. Throughout the 2020 election, we identified key areas for improvement in Biden’s climate proposal, including through our Green New Deal candidate scorecards, our polling of Biden’s climate plan, and our battleground state surveys. We also showed Biden that climate was the issue voters trusted him most on compared to Trump, and that targeting climate investment to frontline communities makes voters more supportive of the Build Back Better agenda. Ultimately, Biden has made his climate plans more ambitious over time, and his Build Back Better Plan will invest hundreds of billions of dollars in clean energy,” Data for Progress says on its website’s Climate tab.

And on its Earned Media tab, the organization reveals how it uses media to legitimize itself, with great success in framing the mainstream media narrative, as well as the White House narrative. Read that tab here.

According to InfluenceWatch, Data for Progress primarily produces data-based reports and scorecards designed to shift the future of the Democratic Party into support for Medicare-for-All, the Green New Deal, and the dismantling of U.S. Immigration Customs and Enforcement. But the record shows it has done much more, with its tentacles deep into the Biden Administration.

Data for Progress has infiltrated state-level politics as well, even in Alaska. It gave thousands of dollars to the political action committee called PAC for America’s Future, a hybrid super-PAC that has major funding from donors such as George Soros‘ Democracy PAC.

PAC for America’s Future is under the umbrella of Future Now, an issue advocacy group that also operates with dark money and says it is nonpartisan, but only works to elect Democrats and false-flag independents.

PAC for America’s Future is a major funder of the States Project, which targeted races in Alaska, such as endorsing Rep. Cal Schrage, in order to force a bipartisan coalition in the House and eventually flip the state blue.

Read more about the States Project’s work to flip Alaska with candidates like Schrage, who is featured on the website under the Alaska tab here.

PAC for America’s Future also gave $20,000 to a group that popped up in Alaska calling itself Alaskans for Posterity, (an attempt to confuse the public with the conservative group called Americans for Prosperity.) The Alaskans for Posterity group then used that money to fight Republicans, as detailed in this Must Read Alaska story in 2021. At the time of that MRAK report, this publication was not able to determine the sources of the funds that Alaskans for Posterity were using, but can now link it to the large liberal network of Data for Progress, Tides Advocacy, FTX, Sam Bankman-Fried, and Sean McElwee.

Dunleavy files notice of intent to sue Deb Haaland over 10 rights-of-way in Yukon-Charley National Preserve

The State of Alaska Department of Law advanced Gov. Mike Dunleavy’s statehood defense initiative by filing a 180-day legal notice of its intent to sue Sec. of Interior Deb Haaland and the Department of Interior over 10 State-owned rights-of-way within the Yukon-Charley Rivers National Preserve.

Once filed, the lawsuit will focus on an efficient approach toward confirming State ownership of 500 linear miles of historically documented rights-of-way in the Interior.

The State contends the easements were granted to the State by federal Revised Statute 2477 or “RS 2477.” The law gave the State automatic easements to certain public trails established across public lands. 

From small trails to major roadways, RS 2477 rights-of-way comprise a large part of Alaska’s transportation network. 

The Dalton Highway, Farmers Loop Road in Fairbanks, the Iditarod Trail are a few of the hundreds of codified State RS 2477 routes that were created under this law.

Multiple State efforts have coalesced under Dunleavy’s “Unlocking Alaska Initiative,” launched in 2021. Under the initiative, the Departments of Natural Resources and Law redoubled efforts to ensure that public access to Alaska’s lands and natural resources is recognized by the federal government, be it access via State-owned rights-of-way or by State-owned submerged lands.

“I will continue to fight for Alaskans to have full access to our lands and water bodies, and for the State to manage all submerged lands that were granted to us 63 years ago,” Dunleavy said. “This is the promise that was made to Alaska at statehood in 1959. Alaskans deserve better.”

The Yukon-Charley Rivers notice represents the State’s first attempt to tackle rights-of-way in an entire conservation system unit, instead of focusing on individual roads on a smaller scale.

“Lawsuits are historically expensive, time-consuming, and concerned with isolated rights-of-way instead of a more holistic approach to regional transportation networks,” Alaska Attorney General Treg Taylor said. “We want to work with the federal government to improve these processes rather than litigate mile-by-mile.”

Alaska resident John Sturgeon took his fight for access on navigable State waterways to the U.S. Supreme Court in this same region and won – twice.

“I applaud and endorse Alaska’s efforts to quiet title to its land-based network of RS 2477 rights-of-way within the Yukon Charley Rivers National Preserve. Such routes often provide the only available land-based public access to many parts of the State and are vital to Alaskans. They connect all of us to the vast resources of our State; to the communities and places we need to access; and to the people we need to see. Alaska’s intended quiet title litigation will advance and support the public access that is vital to all of us,” Sturgeon said.

Current Quiet Title Act cases against the federal government include litigation concerning several of the historic trails in the Chicken area, and navigability cases involving the North Fork of the Fortymile River, Middle Fork of the Koyukuk River, Bettles River, Dietrich River, Mulchatna River, Chilikadrotna River, Twin Lakes, Turquoise Lake, Mendenhall River, and Mendenhall Lake.

The historic trails in this pending lawsuit include:

Eagle–Alder Creek Trail aka RST 11: This trail begins on the west side of the Eagle, Alaska townsite and travels upstream along Mission Creek to the confluence with Excelsior Creek. Continuing up Excelsior Creek for approximately one mile, the trail then heads up an unnamed creek entering Excelsior Creek from the north. From this creek the route continues overland in a northwesterly direction through the headwaters of Phoenix Creek, then descends Rock Creek to its confluence with Hudson Coulee. The trail then splits to the north and west before coming back together in the Seventymile River valley. The trail then continues approximately two miles to Curtis Bar Creek where it branches to either side of the Seventymile River before meeting itself again near the mouth of Crooked Creek. After this point, the trail continues up the Seventymile River drainage and splits south paralleling both Flume Creek and Alder Creek while the western branch continues up the drainage to the base of Mt. Sorenson. The route is located in the United States Geological Survey 1:63,360 Eagle Quadrangle D-1, D-2, D-3, and D-4 as well as Charley River Quadrangle A-3 and A-4. The total length of the trial is approximately 60 miles.

Eagle–Circle Mail Trail aka RST 67: This trail begins on the west side the town of Eagle, Alaska. From the western edge of town, this route follows the Yukon River until Boulder Creek where it heads northwesterly overland to Ford Lake, then continues until it rejoins the Yukon River at the mouth of the Seventymile River. This trail then follows the Yukon River for approximately 135 miles occasionally traveling on uplands or across islands. The route is located in the United States Geological Survey 1:63,360 Eagle Quadrangle D-1, Charley River Quadrangle A-1, A-2, B-2, B-3, B-4, B-5, B-6, C-6, as well as Circle Quadrangle C-1, and D-1. The total length of the trial is approximately 160 miles.

Trout Creek Trail aka RST 803: Starting at the mouth of Trout Creek, this trail heads south following the creek upstream for approximately 6 miles. At Gillman Creek the trail forks to the southwest and ascends the draw onto the ridge. This trail continues west along the ridge before dropping into Little Washington Creek and joining the Eagle-Alder Creek Trail aka RST 11. The route is located in the United States Geological Survey 1:63,360 Charley River Quadrangle A-2 as well as Eagle Quadrangle D-2. The total length of the trial is approximately 16 miles.

Nation River-Rampart House Trail aka RST 466: RST 466 begins on the alluvial fan where the Nation River meets the Yukon River. The trail crosses the Nation River multiple times as it follows the valley bottom upstream and includes spurs and tributary routes entering the river from the southeast. After Jungle Creek, the trail follows a drainage north before reaching the US-Canadian border. Once at the border the trail heads north, weaving in and out of Canada for the remainder of its length. The route is located in the United States Geological Survey 1:63,360 Charley River Quadrangle A-2, B-1, B-2, C-1, D-1, Black River Quadrangle A- 1, B-1, C-1, D-1 as well as Collen Quadrangle A-1, B-1. The total length of the trial is approximately 170 miles.

Fourth of July Creek Trail aka RST 286: Fourth of July Creek trail begins near a side channel of the Yukon River south of Nation Reef. The trail follows the side channel and parallels Michigan Creek for approximately 0.75 miles. The trail then leaves Michigan Creek heading south approximately 2 miles before it meets Fourth of July Creek. After joining Fourth of July Creek, the trail continues upstream to the creek’s headwaters. At the confluence of Crowley Creek and Fourth of July Creek, a spur trail heads downstream to a cabin near the confluence. From the headwaters of Fourth of July Creek, the trail turns south up Ruby Creek. The route ascends to the ridge and follows the sidehill into the headwaters of Washington Creek. The route is located in the United States Geological Survey 1:63,360 Charley River Quadrangle A-2, and A-3. The total length of the trial is approximately 20 miles.

Rock Creek Trail: Rock Creek Trail begins at the Yukon River on the north, opposite the mouth of Logan Creek, and proceeds north following the Rock Creek valley. The route ascends to the top of the valley and crosses a low pass, then descends north through an unnamed creek valley before it meets the Kandik River upstream of Johnson Gorge. The route is located in the United States Geological Survey 1:63,360 Charley River Quadrangle B-2. The total length of the trial is approximately 19 miles.

Washington Creek Trail aka RST 1921: This route starts on the Yukon River near the location of the Washington Creek roadhouse. The trail crosses lowlands as it heads southeast toward Washington Creek. The trail continues up the valley paralleling the river for approximately 13 miles to the vicinity of Strawberry Dome. The terminus of this route is approximately 4 miles past Strawberry Dome near the headwaters of Washington Creek valley. The route is located in the United States Geological Survey 1:63,360 Charley River Quadrangle A-3 and B-3. The total length of the trial is approximately 19 miles.

Sam Creek Cutoff: From the confluence of the Yukon River and Sam Creek this route follows the valley of Sam Creek south along the western slope. The route then parallels Ben Creek to the West as it ascends the draw and forks to gain the northern ridgeline in two different locations. After rejoining at the crest of the ridge, the Sam Creek Cutoff then follows the ridge before descending a drainage south of the Coal Creek landing strip to meet RST 226 near the confluence of Coal and Boulder creeks. The route is located in the United States Geological Survey 1:63,360 Charley River Quadrangle B-4 and B-5. The total length of the trial is approximately 14 miles.

Woodchopper–Coal Creek aka RST 226: This route begins at the confluence of Woodchopper Creek and the Yukon River. Before leaving the alluvial plain, a spur trail heads upriver to the Woodchopper Roadhouse. The main route continues up the Woodchopper Creek valley primarily staying on the western slope. After meeting the Woodchopper placer mine and associated cabins the trail splits into two spurs near the confluence of Mineral Creek. The first spur intersects the Bielenberg Trail and continues for approximately 2 miles down the Woodchopper valley. The second spur leaves the area of the placer mine and ascends the Mineral Creek drainage. From this point, the trail follows the prominent southeast ridge toward Slaven Dome before descending into the Coal Creek valley. Once at the valley floor the trail splits to ascend and descend the Coal Creek valley. The route that ascends the valley continues for approximately 9 miles. The descending route connects through Coal Creek Camp to Slaven’s Roadhouse along the western slope of the Coal Creek valley. The route is located in the United States Geological Survey 1:63,360 Charley River Quadrangle B-5. The total length of the trial network is approximately 30 miles.

Bielenberg Trail aka RST 230: This route begins just east of Circle Hot Springs and heads east across lowlands. After intersecting Birch Creek, the trail turns south for approximately 1.5 miles before crossing Birch Creek and continuing along the north slope of the Steese area mountains. The trail then follows Thanksgiving Creek north for approximately 2.5 mile before turning southwest again. The trail then crosses Webber Creek and traverses the north slope of Webber Mountain before descending into Woodchopper valley via Green Gulch. Once at Woodchopper the trail intersects Woodchopper-Coal Creek aka RST 226. The route is located in the United States Geological Survey 1:63, 360 Circle B-1, B-2 as well as Charley River Quadrangle B-5, and B-6. The total length of the trial is approximately 45 miles.

Admitting defeat, Alaska Republican Party lifts censure on Sen.-elect Merrick, and U.S. Sen. Murkowski

The Alaska Republican Party has lifted its censures on two elected Republicans. The action came via vote of the officers during the state central committee meeting on Saturday in Anchorage.

That means Sen. Lisa Murkowski, who was censured by the party in 2021 for voting to convict former President Donald Trump after his second impeachment trial, is back in good graces with Alaska Republican Party.

Although Murkowski endorsed Democrat Mary Peltola for Congress, rather than a Republican, and although she resigned from her honorary position with the party in 2016 over her objection to then-presidential nominee Donald Trump, the state political party has accepted her return as their most senior elected leader.

Murkowski, who is pro-abortion, pro-Respect for Marriage Act, and generally pro-Joe Biden, has essentially defeated the Alaska Republican Party.

The party has also admitted defeat to Sen. Mitch McConnell, who fought against the state party’s choice of Tshibaka, and spent $7 million to shore up Murkowski and defeat the state party’s nominee.

The party lifted the censure of Sen.-elect Kelly Merrick, who won over Republican Rep. Ken McCarty this year for the state Senate seat to represent Eagle River.

Merrick has the support of Democrats and big labor unions, but was censured by the party two years ago after she organized with the Democrats in the House, where she has served for four years, in exchange for a co-chair on the Finance Committee.

Saturday’s votes included an agreement to not censure candidates until after the 2024 State Convention, which will be held in Anchorage.

There was also a change to the party to allow endorsements in local municipal and borough races, which are nonpartisan.

Last week, District 27 Republicans censured their senator, Sen. David Wilson, for caucusing with the Senate Democrat-controlled majority in the Senate.

Anchorage Baptist Temple Pastor Ron Hoffman’s one big, hairy, audacious goal

By JOHN QUICK

It’s the biggest church, in the biggest city of the biggest state in America, and Pastor Ron Hoffman has one big goal for it: to reach everyone in the entire 425.8-million-acre state with the message of the love of Jesus.

I was recently given the opportunity to record a series of vlog-style (video) profiles of Pastor Ron of Anchorage Baptist Temple and his team. What an incredible experience it was to spend the day with the ABT team.

Pastor Ron is motivated by the desire to see Alaskans succeed, no matter what they are going through. He is dedicated to spreading the loving message of Jesus and helping people embrace their destiny. He has also become a proponent of Christians getting involved in the political process.

Reaching every Alaskan with God’s Word is daunting; Pastor Ron is using technology to help him and his team fulfill ABT’s mission i”s “to make a BIG deal about following Jesus.”

With a Bible and a copy of Lead Like it Matters by Craig Groeschel, Ron facilitated a discussion with his team to begin envisioning the church in 10 to 20 years. He spoke to the importance of being able to move with the times as various tools become more widely available than ministries ever dreamed they would have centuries ago.

With the rise of online streaming from churches as a response to the Covid pandemic of 2020, the church expanded its reach to a wider audience extending beyond the bounds of the physical church. Anchorage Baptist Temple now offers its services under its Sermons page, where the sermons are live every Sunday at 11 am, and Wednesdays at 7 pm.

The church has also recently partnered with ABC Alaska to broadcast services on Sundays.

Pastor Ron recognized the need to expand services online for those who may not have the ability to physically get to the church, which is on Northern Lights Blvd. in Anchorage. Yet, with the growth of online communities, there are opportunities to reach more Alaskans through social media groups. 

While some things may change with how the church interacts with its members and future members, Pastor Ron reminded his colleagues that some things may never change. No matter how technology advances in a church, Jesus is steadfast, and there will always be the need for courageous and encouraging pastors, and people joined in fellowship through Christ. That has always been the core of the church that he would never want to lose. 

With Alaska being the biggest state in the nation, Pastor Ron intends to use every instrument he has available to help those in Alaska who are starving for a relationship with Jesus because he believes that is what will strengthen the state and the people. 

What does Jesus say about fear? Pastor Ron Hoffman explains in 10 seconds.

I asked Pastor Ron about his intentions for the church in the near future; his answer was to unite the state through the spirit of the Gospel. Once Alaskans embrace God’s purpose, they can create a great state that helps everyone.

I listened to him describe helping lost souls find their way back to Christ, and he reminded his team of their vital role in Alaskans’ everyday lives. One of ABT’s members was able to help a young man simply find the church. He met with him to hear his story and helped him join the church the very same day. Another focus of the ministry is with couples who seek help for their troubled marriages. During these meetings, while the husbands and wives would come in and sit on opposite sides of the room, many couples received the support through the staff at ABT to heal their broken relationships, and they would leave together, at each other’s side.

Witnessing the church members’ happiness by helping broken families brought a glow into the room as Pastor Ron began to prepare his closing prayer for their team meeting.

I asked Pastor Ron why he loves Alaska so much. “I’ve always felt a burden and a passion for Alaska, I’ve never thought that I would ever leave nor would I take another job anywhere else in the states,” he said. “So it’s truly just a love for the people, I really engage and love what we do here.”

His next project with ABT leader Kevin Whitley is to reach a larger audience through the church’s music program. In a recent Must Read Alaska video story, Whitley said his love of music was heavily influenced by his family, which was full of musicians and singers, the church, and his school. Continuing his passion for music as he became an adult, he believed that his ability to express himself through music was something to be shared with others and what God has given him to help make Alaska a better place.

When I approached him with the question about why he loves Alaska so much, Whitley said that it is having such a close-knit community in a big city like Anchorage, knowing that he can always call on someone and doesn’t have to feel alone.

“The gift that I have is not mine to keep to myself or to hold for myself but it’s something that you give back whatever way that the Lord kind of leads you to,” Whitley said.

Whitley gave Must Read Alaska viewers a preview of a song from the upcoming album, “Elevation,” which you can listen to at this link:

Keven Whitely from Anchorage Baptist Temple will inspire you

The Anchorage Baptist Temple opened its doors in 1956. What started as a small church of only 200 members has turned into over 2,000.

It also opened elementary and secondary schools emphasizing spiritual development. Due to its rapid growth, the church has expanded its services beyond its doors.

The ABT kids programs host fun, activity-filled Sundays where youngsters can play games and learn about the Word of God. The church also has a dedicated room for mothers and their newborn infants. ABT understands that it may be difficult for some to get to the church due to the spread out nature of Anchorage, and so it offers a bus service that can come straight to a person’s doorstep. The AWANA program for young children is the church’s after-school club that runs throughout the school year.

For older groups ranging from high school to older adults, ABT utilizes their school and community groups to help build connections among their followers.

For adolescents, the church has been able to offer after-school and Sunday groups for those wishing to develop their relationship with God and make new friends.

For those in adulthood, the church offers a variety of programs. From Spanish classes for those interested in learning the Bible in Spanish, to the “Transformation” support group that helps those who are on the wrong path or suffering from marital problems, to the marriage preparation group named “Forward,” and even several programs for the elderly to be active in the church, ABT knows that a church needs to be more than just a place that meets on Sundays. It has to be a place where people can feel at home and have fun.

Pastor Ron is the leader who helps light the way for Anchorage Baptist Temple. His own life journey is what has led him here, losing his own family at a young age, which forced him to move to Anchorage. In Anchorage, he was able to attend ABT’s Christian School, which helped keep him on the right path and eventually find his future wife, Crystal. The couple moved to Virginia, where he studied at Liberty University.

But Alaska called him home. Upon their return, Pastor Ron began working at the Anchorage Christian Schools and taught for about 25 years before moving on to work in the youth ministry. He is the founder of Frontline, which still runs to this day and is a community group for adults. Knowing the ins and outs of both the school and the church, he eventually became the lead pastor in May of 2019 and has been able to help grow the church’s programs and strengthen the community. 

John Quick is vice president of Must Read Alaska, and is living his best life in Nikiski.

Deven Mitchell: Alaska’s remarkable decision in 1976 to create the Permanent Fund stands test of time

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By DEVEN MITCHELL

This October, I was provided the opportunity to serve as the executive director of the Alaska Permanent Fund Corp. As a lifelong Alaskan, leading APFC is my childhood dream come true. From meeting with Gov. Jay Hammond with my third-grade class in 1976, to receiving the benefits of the fund’s existence throughout my life, to now having the experience to manage the corporation is truly special.

To tell a little about myself, I was born in Cordova and raised in Yakutat and Juneau, where my wife Erin and I reside and raised our two sons. For several decades, I served as Alaska’s debt manager and executive director of the Alaska Municipal Bond Bank Authority.

In my career, I often explained and highlighted the strengths of the Permanent Fund and the talented staff of the corporation. I am pleased to report that during my first month on the job, my long-standing belief in an organization composed of top-notch talent and a culture of outperformance has been validated.

As we count down to 2023, I encourage you to pause and reflect on what a remarkable decision Alaskans made in 1976 when they voted to set aside money that they could have spent then to ensure future generations of Alaskans would also benefit from the state’s resource wealth. Think about that, every year since the fund was established, the people of Alaska have made do with less to ensure the Permanent Fund would be able to benefit future generations. That intergenerational foresight for saving and investing a portion of the state’s revenue has helped Alaskans in the past, is supporting us today, and is being managed to continue providing in the future.

Just 13 years after the fund’s creation, one of its earliest supporters, Lt. Gov. Red Boucher, wrote: “The Permanent Fund is something wonderful we have done for ourselves. It offers real hope for the future and security for today. It represents the wisest use of our one-time oil wealth to date. We have designed it well, we have invested it wisely, we have consistently added to it, and we have ceaselessly protected it with great vigor.”

Almost half a century later, those words still ring true.

To maintain its long-term value, the Permanent Fund relies on a well-designed system of rules that define spending and savings policies. Since inception, the investment of the fund has generated $81.1 billion in realized earnings that have been appropriated to maintain the buying power of the principal through inflation-proofing, to pay the Permanent Fund dividend, and since 2018 to provide the state with predictable revenue.

Those earnings come from an increasingly sophisticated and diversified portfolio that now includes eight asset classes. Realized income from the investment activity is deposited in the Earnings Reserve Account, which is available for legislative appropriation. The annual percent of market value, or POMV, draw now provides more than $3 billion annually, an essential source of state revenue. This return is a true testament to the vision of Alaskans in the creation of an enduring intergenerational financial resource from a portion of the state’s royalties.

In 2022, APFC’s investment management again outperformed benchmarks while navigating through a year of challenging investment conditions. This performance is a testament to the savvy of our team of investment specialists and the prudent policies and asset allocation parameters set by the Board of Trustees.

As we look towards the new year, I look forward to working with the Board of Trustees: Chair Ethan Schutt, Vice-Chair Steve Rieger, Craig Richards, Gabrielle Rubenstein, and Commissioners Jason Brune, Department of Environmental Conservation, and Adam Crum, Department of Revenue in ensuring ongoing fund stewardship based on governing mandates and strategic vision.

As an independent public corporation, we hold ourselves to the highest standards of accountability for the work we do together on behalf of the Alaska Permanent Fund.

To learn more about the corporation and the fund, please visit our website at apfc.org or attend our upcoming board meeting on Dec. 7-8.

I also take this opportunity to wish all Alaskans happy holidays and a safe and prosperous new year.

Deven Mitchell is executive director of the Alaska Permanent Fund Corp.

Twitter Files: How the social media giant suppressed the story of Hunter Biden’s laptop just before 2020 election

An independent journalist was given the scoop of a lifetime: Actual documents showing Twitter executives meddled in the 2020 presidential election.

Matt Taibbi released on Twitter what Elon Musk has called “The Twitter Files” on Friday, showing how Twitter suppressed a major story by the New York Post in 2020, which connected now-President Joe Biden with officials from a Ukrainian gas company. The executive of the gas company Burisma thanked Biden’s son, Hunter Biden, for “giving me the opportunity to meet your father.” The meeting was arranged when Biden was still vice president to Barack Obama.

Taibbi on Friday evening wrote on Twitter about an email that shows Twitter’s trust and safety team decided to suppress the story before the election because it violated the company’s policy for sharing “hacked material.”

Yet there was no basis for determining the material actually qualified as hacked. It was simply the decision of a small group of executives who shared similar partisan political viewpoints and who, it can be now proven, were intentionally interfering in the 2020 election by suppressing damaging material on the Biden connection to Ukraine and influence peddling by Hunter Biden, who was paid about $11 million by the Ukrainian company, as he served as a “board member” of the company.

Twitter’s former head of legal, policy, and trust, Viyaja Gadde, is said to have played a key role in suppressing the story. Twitter founder and former CEO Jack Dorsey is, so far, cleared of involvement.

The New York Post, in writing about the revelation, said that Twitter executives “just freelanced their baseless decision to censor The Post’s bombshell Hunter Biden laptop scoop in the run up to the 2020 election — with top-level workers at the social media giant agreeing that controversial decision was “f–ked,” damning insider communications released by CEO Elon Musk Friday reveal.” 

Musk tweeted a link to the account of Taibbi, who had started tweeting a series of proofs that Twitter executives had interfered in the elections by suppressing news.

Emails and comments from former Twitter employees showed that “everyone knew”  the social media giant’s suppression of The Post’s scoops about Hunter Biden’s infamous laptop, The New York Post wrote.

It was a story that, in 2020, other mainstream newspapers such as the New York Times and Washington Post discredited and called “Russian disinformation.” But earlier this year, both newspapers changed their tune and admitted that the Hunter Biden laptop story was legitimate. By then, Joe Biden had been president for more than a year.

In the weeks leading up to the election, the New York Times was especially dismissive.

“President Trump’s allies have promoted claims of corruption aimed at the former vice president’s son in an effort to damage the Biden campaign,” the New York Times wrote in October of 2020.

“President Trump’s allies have long promoted claims of corruption about Joseph R. Biden Jr.’s son Hunter in a bid to damage Mr. Biden’s presidential campaign. The accusations intensified in recent days when some of Mr. Trump’s associates, including his personal lawyer Rudolph W. Giuliani, provided material for a New York Post article detailing some of the allegations. The Post reported that the F.B.I. had seized a computer that purportedly belonged to Hunter Biden,” the New York Times wrote.

“The Biden campaign has rejected the accusations. Many questions remain about the origins of the allegations themselves, the laptop and what, if anything, agents are investigating,” the newspaper continued.

“The Post article relied on documents purportedly taken from the computer to try to buttress an unsubstantiated argument peddled by Mr. Giuliani and other Trump supporters: that as vice president, Mr. Biden had shaped American foreign policy in Ukraine to benefit his son. The events are the latest chapter in a more than two-year effort by the president and his allies to uncover damning information about the Bidens, a pursuit that also helped prompt Mr. Trump’s impeachment,” the New York Times printed, in an effort to discredit the damaging information.

“Mr. Biden has long said he knew nothing about his son’s business activities in Ukraine. But the article suggested that the former vice president met with an adviser to a Ukrainian energy company whose board Hunter Biden sat on, Burisma Holdings. The article referred to an email that the adviser, Vadym Pozharskyi, sent to Hunter Biden thanking him for ‘giving an opportunity to meet your father’”’ and to spend ‘“’some time together.'”

Between the New York Times and Washington Post, a concerted effort to discredit the story ramped up, and Twitter suppressed the story at the request of Democrat operatives.

Twitter even resorted to a seldom-used tactic of blocking the sharing of links to the New York Post story via direct message, a tool usually only used in “extreme cases,” such as to stop the distribution of child pornography, according to Taibbi.

More about this story at the New York Post.

Dunleavy poised to sue EPA over Pebble preemptive veto

Alaska Gov. Mike Dunleavy earlier this year called on EPA Region 10 to withdraw its proposed action to prohibit the development of the Pebble deposit in the Bristol Bay area.

EPA Region 10’s administrator Casey Sixkiller didn’t listen.

Instead, he recommended that Environmental Protection Agency put a nail in mining’s coffin in Alaska by vetoing a permit before it is even issued. EPA now has 60 days to make a final decision, and Dunleavy is indicating that he will sue because this is state-owned land, not federal property.

If finalized, this action sets a dangerous precedent, Dunleavy’s officials said. If EPA can preemptively veto one project, it can do it to any project.

“It vetoes a permit that has not been issued and imposes a blanket prohibition on development over 309 square miles of Alaska-owned land. It lays the foundation to stop any development project, mining or nonmining, in any area of Alaska with wetlands and fish-bearing streams,” his office said.

“The State of Alaska has the duty, under our constitution, to develop its resources to the maximum in order to provide for itself and its people, so it’s important that any and all opportunities be explored in furtherance of this idea,” said Governor Dunleavy. “The recent decision on the Pebble mine, which is solely located on State land, is the wrong decision. The State of Alaska does resource development better than any other place on the planet and I challenge others to prove that wrong. Our opportunities to show the world a better way to develop our resources should not be unfairly pre-empted by the Biden administration under a solely political act. This sets a very troubling precedent for the State and the country. If this goes unchallenged, this issue will become precedent-setting, potentially for other states as well.”

“This is an incredible power for a federal agency—staffed by unelected officials, unaccountable to Alaskans—to have,” said Jason Brune, Commissioner of the Alaska Department of Environmental Conservation. 

The governor pointed out flaws in the agency’s supporting documents. 

One is that the veto is acting on a permit that has not been granted. At this juncture, Alaska’s State agencies—the Alaska Department of Fish and Game, the Alaska Department of Environmental Conservation, and the Alaska Department of Natural Resources—have not yet weighed in; through the State permitting process, the State’s 401 certification process, or through State input as a landowner. 

The veto also disregards the Alaska Statehood Act, violates the Clean Water Act, and departs from basic scientific methodology. Of particular concern is EPA’s failure to demonstrate why the Army Corps of Engineers was wrong when it reviewed the same scientific data but arrived at the opposite conclusion—that the proposed mine plan “would not be expected to have a measurable effect on fish numbers or result in long-term changes to the health of the commercial fisheries in Bristol Bay.”

The State of Alaska was joined by Arkansas, Idaho, Indiana, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Montana, Nebraska, South Carolina, Texas, Utah, West Virginia, and Wyoming in a letter of opposition filed concurrently with the governor’s. 

“Decisions like these,” the Governor’s Office wrote, “throw a wild card into the entire 404 permitting process.” 

Gov. Dunleavy to be sworn in Monday at Alaska Airlines Center on UAA campus

Gov. Mike Dunleavy and Lt. Gov.-elect Nancy Dahlstrom will be sworn in at 1 pm on Monday, Dec. 5, at the University of Alaska Anchorage’s Alaska Airlines Center.

The event, open to the public, will be enhanced with performances from the Alaska Native Heritage Center Dancers, the 11th Airborne Division Band, Stephen Holmstock, and members of the Pipeline Vocal Project. The swearing in will be ceremonial, as by law the new governor must be sworn in at noon, which means there will be a private ceremony before noon in order to follow the letter of the Constitution, which mandates the swearing must occur at noon on the first Monday of December. The event will be live-streamed on Youtube at this link.

For his first term, Dunleavy and Lt. Gov. Kevin Meyer were sworn in at Kotzebue’s high school gymnasium. The plan was to be sworn in at Rose Dunleavy’s hometown of Noorvik, but foggy weather prevented the planes from reaching Noorvik in time for the noon deadline. Instead, when the weather cleared, the Dunleavy family went to Noorvik for the first inaugural party of many that were held around the state in subsequent weeks.

Dunleavy won with over 50% of the vote on the first round of the ballot counting on Nov. 8. He was not subject to the ranked choice voting process after handily dispatching both the Democrat in the race, Les Gara, and the no-party candidate Bill Walker, who got 24% and 21% respectively.