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Pebbled: The secret history of ANWR and the human hand that shaped it

By MARK HAMILTON

(Editor’s note: This is the third in a series by Mark Hamilton about the history of the Pebble Project in Alaska.)

Very few Alaskans know about the establishment of the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge.  

During the debates prior to the vote on Statehood, President Dwight D. Eisenhower sent his Secretary of the Interior Fred Seaton to Alaska, requesting one more set-aside of land to appease opponents who didn’t want to see Alaska developed.  

Mark Hamilton

The group met at Bob Atwood’s home in Anchorage. Elmer Rasmuson was there with Atwood, as well as others.  

Presented with the president’s request, Atwood spread a map of Alaska on the pool table and reached his hand as far North to the sea and as far East as the Canadian border, as far from Anchorage as he could get it.  

They traced his hand on the map, and that became ANWR. The outline was modified to use topographic delineations, by none other than Ted Stevens, who was working for the Secretary in the Interior Department, but you can see today the rough outline of a right hand.  

ANWR was established as the Arctic National Wildlife Range and was 13,900 square miles at statehood. It was expanded in 1980, and renamed Arctic National Wildlife Refuge. More acreage was added in the 1980s and the refuge reached its 30,500 square miles.

Read the 1960 historic news release from the Department of the Interior

To the dismay of those who want to portray the region as mountainous, with bubbling streams and huge caribou herds (yes, opponents claim there is a new caribou herd that will disappear), they are stuck with a mosquito- infested swamp.  

Of course, that would not gain as much public opinion, so they pretend the Andes Mountains are at stake, and even use photos of the Andes in some of their propaganda literature.  I understand that one could fool people living in other states (indeed the anti-ANWR campaigns received donations from many in the United States and even some from Europe), but citizens of Alaska?  As many as one in three Alaskans surveyed are opposed to drilling in ANWR. Notice that the politics of that polling, (still 2-1 for), keeps our politicians passionately for responsible oil drilling in ANWR.

But ANWR isn’t the answer to Alaska’s need for an economic future because oil is on the way out. President Joe Biden has voiced that position, and it is a pillar in the environmental activists’ plan for the future.  

If you are confused by the politics of it, take a look at the economics: Wells Fargo recently joined the Goldman Sachs, JP Morgan Chase, and Bank of America in a decision to not provide future investment funding for Arctic oil projects. Alaska’s senators worked hard to open ANWR for lease sales. Because of the bankers, the subsequent lease sales were a nothing-burger.

If oil is on the way out, as I believe it to be, (understand this won’t happen this week—we will be pumping oil long after I am gone from this Earth) then mining must flourish.

That is going to depend upon our ability to responsibly develop the resources. Understanding at least some of the rigorous and enormously expensive process is something that all of us here in Alaska need to be spend some time on.  

In subsequent columns, I will present a short course in the very complex path of resource development, as well as thoughts to avoid being “pebbled” again.

The “Pebbled” series at Must Read Alaska is authored by Mark Hamilton. After 31 years of service to this nation, Hamilton retired as a Major General with the U. S. Army in July of 1998. He served for 12 years as President of University of Alaska, and is now President Emeritus. He worked for the Pebble Partnership for three years before retiring.

Ballot Measure 2 strikes Dunbar campaign, forced to admit its dark money is from Outside Alaska

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New campaign finance laws known as Ballot Measure 2, passed by voters in November, are beginning to sting the Forrest Dunbar campaign.

In the current attack ad against opponent Dave Bronson launched by supporters of Forrest Dunbar, the disclaimer at the end of the ad admits that “A majority of contributions to Building a Stronger Anchorage came from outside the state of Alaska.” That’s now required by law.

Majority of money is an understatement: All of money used to attack Dave Bronson is coming from a national attack dog group.

What group? The Sixteen Thirty Fund.

Ballot Measure 2 created a wide-open jungle primary for state and national seats, as well as ranked-choice voting during the General Election. None of that will go into effect until the 2022 cycle.

But the campaign finance part of the ballot measure requires greater disclosure of where the money comes from. Dark money must be disclosed in campaigns being run this year.

Only a handful of Alaskans truly understand the ballot measure, which stretches 25 pages long. Among other things, it requires persons and entities that contribute more than $2,000 that were themselves derived from donations, contributions, dues, or gifts to disclose the true sources (as defined in law) of the political contributions.

That means that groups like Building a Stronger Anchorage have to follow the law, and tell Alaskans the real source of their funding.

Building a Stronger Anchorage is funded, as it turns out, 100 percent by the dark-money Sixteen Thirty Fund in Washington, D.C. The Sixteen Thirty Fund’s existence dates back to the scandal-ridden ACORN group that was exposed to be engaged with voting fraud by Project Veritas’ James O’Keefe.

In 2018, The Sixteen Thirty Fund spent $141 million on over 100 left-leaning and Democratic causes.

According to Influence Watch:

“The Sixteen Thirty Fund (sometimes styled “1630 Fund”) is a left-of-center lobbying and advocacy organization founded in 2008.[1] Sixteen Thirty Fund often operates alongside its charitable “sister” nonprofit New Venture Fund, which provides similar funding and fiscal sponsorship services to center-left organizations. Both groups, along with the Hopewell Fund and Windward Fund,  are administered by Arabella Advisors, a Washington, D.C.-based philanthropy consulting firm that caters to left-leaning clients.

According to its founding documents, the Sixteen Thirty Fund was created with seed funding from Americans United for Change (AUFC)ACORNUSAction, the Sierra Club, and Working America[2]

Both Sixteen Thirty Fund and New Venture Fund have been criticized as “dark money” organizations by left-leaning news outlets, including the New York Times, for serving as a way for left-wing groups to anonymously funnel money toward various advocacy issues, such as attacking vulnerable Republicans or pushing state-level environmental restrictions. [3] [4]

In April 2021, the New York Times criticized Arabella’s “system of political financing, which often obscures the identities of donors,” as “dark money,” calling the network “a leading vehicle for it on the Left.” [5] Left-leaning Politico has called the Sixteen Thirty Fund a “massive ‘dark money’ network” responsible for “boost[ing] Democrats” in the 2018 midterm elections, a “liberal dark-money behemoth,” a “secretly funded nonprofit,” and “one of the Left’s financial hubs” responsible for “attacking Republican senators” in 2019. [6] [7] [8] The Sixteen Thirty Fund has also been characterized as one of the “key groups founded to resist Trump” by the left-leaning Atlantic. [9]

In its 2018 Form 990, New Venture Fund shows a $26.7 million grant to the Sixteen Thirty Fund for “capacity building.” [10] Sixteen Thirty Fund’s Form 990 of the same year, also shows zero employees, and notes in Schedule O that “New Venture Fund (NVF) is the paymaster for Sixteen Thirty Fund payroll. NVF pays the salary and immediately invoices Sixteen Thirty Fund, which reimburses the full amount.” [11]

Arabella and its nonprofit network have been criticized as “dark money” funders both for channeling hundreds of millions of dollars to left-wing organizations and for hosting hundreds of “pop-up groups”—websites designed to look like standalone nonprofits that are really projects of an Arabella-run nonprofit. [12]

In November 2019, Politico criticized the Sixteen Thirty Fund, the 501(c)(4) advocacy wing of Arabella’s nonprofit network, as a “little-known,” “massive ‘dark money’ group [that] boosted Democrats” in the 2018 midterm elections with $140 million. “The money contributed to efforts ranging from fighting Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh and other Trump judicial nominees to boosting ballot measures raising the minimum wage and changing laws on voting and redistricting in numerous states,” the left-leaning website reported. Politico also noted that Sixteen Thirty Fund’s biggest single donation (made anonymously) was for $51.7 million, “more than the group had ever raised before in an entire year before President Donald Trump was elected,” adding that “the group’s 2018 fundraising surpassed any amount ever raised by a left-leaning political nonprofit.” [13]

The left-leaning Washington Post further criticized Arabella’s Sixteen Thirty Fund as a “big campaign donor” in a November 21, 2019 opinion by the editorial board, which called on Congress to change nonprofit disclosure laws, noting in particular a $26.7 million anonymous donation to the Fund. [14] However, the Post also failed to connect the Sixteen Thirty Fund to Arabella Advisors and its other three nonprofits.

In a November 24, 2019 letter to the editor published by the Washington Post, Capital Research Center president Scott Walter identified the $26.7 million donation as originating with the New Venture Fund, the largest of Arabella’s in-house nonprofits, and confirmed Politico’s suspicion that the Sixteen Thirty Fund is “part of a larger network of dark money.”

Final: Bronson – 24,491, Dunbar -22,975

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The final election tally from the Anchorage Clerk’s Office was posted Friday, and Dave Bronson is still two percentage points ahead of Forrest Dunbar — 24,491 to 22,975 — for Anchorage mayor.

The results will be certified by the Anchorage Assembly at a special meeting at 5 pm Tuesday. The two will head to a May 11 runoff.

In the recall ballot question for Assembly Seat G, some 6,727 people voted to retain Assemblyman Felix Rivera.

This is an extraordinary show of support, since in April of 2020, only 5,499 people voted for Rivera over his challenger; in 2017, fewer than 3,600 voted for him. Unions were effective in this race in getting out the vote.

This year’s turnout in District G of 11,897 voters eclipses the 10,937 who voted the G ballot for Assembly in 2020, and the 7,568 who marked a District G ballot in 2017.

In fact, year the turnout in that particular Assembly district was more than 22 percent higher than last year’s turnout.

In Anchorage in general, the turnout increase was 5.3 percent over last year.

More than 75,222 people voted in the April 6 election, for a 31.79 percent turnout, slightly higher than last year but lower than 2018, when there was a 36.31 percent turnout.

In other races the winners are:

  • School Board Seat B: Kelly Lessens, 25,281
  • School Board Seat E: Pat Higgins, 21,352
  • School Board Seat F: Dora Wilson, 28,700
  • School Board Seat G: Carl Jacobs, 31,846
  • All ballot propositions passed except Prop 1 and Prop 8, to purchase a new fleet of vehicles for the police department.

Bronson fundraiser hits $32,000 as momentum builds with Robbins’ help

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A fundraiser at Saint Coyote restaurant in Anchorage on Thursday, hosted by Mike Robbins, hauled in dozens of donations, for a total of $32,630 for the day, which was double the amount Bronson had raised just one day prior.

Bronson is running against Forrest Dunbar for mayor of Anchorage.

Last night’s event brought out over 100 people to support Bronson.

Most of Bronson’s donors are from Anchorage, while many Dunbar’s individual donors are coming from out of state — San Francisco, the East Coast, and other liberal strongholds.

Hosting the event was former mayoral candidate Robbins, and political figures attending included former Lt. Gov. Mead Treadwell and former Mayors Dan Sullivan and Rick Mystrom. But there were a lot of new faces, too.

Dunbar, at the end of March, had raised $251,376, while Bronson had raised $207,800. Since Thursday of last week, Bronson has raised another $108,000.

Alaska campaign law limit donations to $500 per person per candidate in a calendar year.

Free shots for tourists: Dunleavy expands on details of plan to save small tourism businesses with ARP funds

Alaska’s small tourism business owners are hurting, and Gov. Mike Dunleavy said he knows time is running out for many of them. With no certainty that the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the Biden Administration, and Canada will cooperate to allow a cruise ship season this year, Dunleavy is working on plans to try to keep businesses alive for another year.

He’s setting aside $150 million for the tourism sector, which will be a mix of marketing and grants.

And, to entice people to come to Alaska, he said the State of Alaska will give a free Covid-19 vaccine to anyone who comes to Alaska who wants the shot. People will be able to get the shot at the Anchorage and Fairbanks airports.

As for Alaska’s part of the American Rescue Plan money, “we are going to be proposing the Legislature looks at tranches of money. About $1 billion is heading our way. How do we help our businesses, tourism, business structure, harbors, ports, and how do we help protect Alaska,” he said.

His plan will look at tranches of funding from the ARP money, to include:

  • Protecting Alaskans – $80 million
    • Emergency response costs including addressing the domestic violence impacts of COVID-19 ($6M), portable equipment, and individual security including food security, and fishermen COVID-19 coverage.
  • Alaska Tourism Revitalization – $150 million
    • Industry relief to promote tourism and adapt services for potential loss of cruise ship season.
  • Economic Recovery and Innovation– $325 million
    • Relief to businesses and organizations impacted by the pandemic and preparing Alaska’s economy to emerge as a destination for workers, investors, and families.
  • Build Alaska – Infrastructure Investment – $325 million
    • Alaska’s backlog of infrastructure needs includes safe water, sewer, and broadband infrastructure investments; leverage local and other funding using matching grant programs will benefit under this proposal.
  • General Fund Offset – $139.26 million
    • Utilize ARP funding, up to $1.02B, to offset existing general fund expenditures.

The American Rescue Plan Act also provided $230.7 million for payments to Alaska communities, of which $185.4 million requires appropriation and distribution by the State of Alaska to communities based on a federal formula.

Numerous state programs were awarded increased federal funding through the ARP, totaling $220 million for public health and safety, workforce development, education, transportation, and emergency management.

Among the plans, Lt. Gov. Kevin Meyer has been tapped to visit several communities dependent on tourism to learn the best strategy for helping small businesses.

His first stop will be in Sitka on Tuesday. Then, he’ll have a meeting in Juneau with Zoom capabilities so people around Southeast Alaska can attend. After that, it’s off to Ketchikan next Thursday, and Kodiak on Saturday. He’ll also visit with small tourism business leaders in Fairbanks, Healy, and Nome.

The tour is to inform a report to the governor on how best to keep businesses alive through yet another year that will likely be grim for these seasonal business owners. The focus will be on Alaska-owned businesses, Meyer said.

Dunleavy said he is losing hope with action needed by the CDC to allow a cruise season to proceed this year.

“If we don’t know in the next couple of days, I’m afraid those assets will be deployed by those companies in other places. We need a little help from the CDC.”

“In the event that doesn’t occur, we are fully prepared to file suit to talk about the impacts to our communities and municipalities. If that is the only took that’s going to be let in our toolbox we are prepared to do that,” he said.

Murkowski raises $380,687 in first quarter, as Tshibaka raises $214,844 in three days

As the 2022 midterm election cycle begins with required quarterly reports, U.S. Sen. Lisa Murkowski’s first quarter fundraising report to the Federal Elections Commission shows she raised $380,687 between Jan. 1 and March 31 for her reelection effort. She has $1,353,204 cash on hand.

Murkowski challenger Kelly Tshibaka, who announced her campaign March 29, three days before the end of the reporting period, raised $214,844 in three days.

Former Alaska Republican Party Chairman Randy Ruedrich is the chairman for Kelly for Alaska, Tshibaka’s campaign committee.

Noticeable in Tshibaka’s fundraising report is that the vast majority of her funds came from Alaskans. Tshibaka got more small-dollar donors in her three days than Murkowski got in three months. Murkowski had more checks from political action committees than she did from Alaskans, and five of her Senate colleagues, including Sen. Susan Collins, chipped in to help her with her reelection.

Whether Murkowski will actually run for reelection is still unknown. Earlier this week she told a scrum of D.C. reporters that she is still deciding on whether to go for a fourth term.

“I have been doing everything that a good incumbent does in terms of preserving my options, visiting with Alaskans, spending a lot of time, as much time on the ground as I can, and raising money,” she was quoted as saying.

Of the seven Republican senators who voted to convict President Donald Trump in the 2021 impeachment trial, only Murkowski is up for reelection, and she faces a state of constituents who voted 53 percent for Trump just five months ago. Trump has vowed to focus on removing her from office and many members of his former 2020 campaign team are supporting Tshibaka.

The Alaska Republican Party voted in March to censure Murkowski and find another candidate to run against her. They also asked Murkowski to not run as a Republican in the future.

Muni tells homeowner he must remove Bronson sign from his house. What does he do?

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A municipal code enforcer sent a letter to Jay Simmons, telling him that his standard 4×8 Bronson for Mayor sign was too big and needed to come down from his house.

The letter, dated April 9, was signed by Bradley Larson, land use enforcement officer. It didn’t arrive for several days. It was postmarked April 14.

“I have driven by your property and verified there is a temporary sign on the property. Two temporary signs are permitted on a residential lot but each can be no larger than six square feet. The sign on your property appears to be about 4 feet by 8 feet; larger than 6 square feet. Please reduce the size of the sign,” the letter said.

Larson said he would follow up in 10 days “If I do not hear from anybody.”

“I think he sat on this thing for a minute, given who I’m supporting here (Bronson),” Simmons said.

He won’t need to.

Homeowner Jay Simmons, a retired police officer, decided he could comply with the requirements. He cut the sign in half and rehung the sign. He also said he feels the code enforcer is going after him because of who the sign is for: It supports Dave Bronson for mayor of Anchorage.

The Bronson sign is now in compliance after Jay Simmons was told to remove his sign.

“It’s not as nice as the original sign was. This is who we support. I’m not taking the sign down, I’m not going to kneel to the Muni. We support Bronson … This is what it is,” he said.

According to the municipality, temporary political signs are exempt from local sign regulations.

Win Gruening: Voter suppression or election integrity? The ‘woke’ battle rages in Georgia

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By WIN GRUENING

The latest battle in “woke” politics is the hyperbolic response to Georgia’s recently passed voting law. The legislation addresses perfectly rational concerns about election security yet has been condemned by Democrats as voter suppression. Detractors of the law, however, ignore public sentiment on voting requirements that safeguard against fraud and electioneering. 

An August 2016 Gallup survey, for instance, determined that presenting photo ID to vote is overwhelmingly supported throughout the nation: 80 percent of voters approve, including 77 percent of nonwhite voters.  

Changes implemented in Georgia also addressed long voting lines and election return reporting delays.

Nevertheless, this legislation is being compared to Jim Crow laws (enacted in the South during Reconstruction and later) that legalized racial segregation and denied Blacks the right to vote.

This kind of rhetoric by prominent Democrats, including President Biden, to tie Georgia’s law to that era is deceptive and hypocritical.  While modifying some temporary pandemic-related voting procedures, the bill actually expands voting access in Georgia, mandating at least 17 days of early voting. Voting locations must be open for at least eight hours, up to 7 p.m. Several states (including President Biden’s home state of Delaware) don’t currently allow any in-person early voting, and many offer fewer than 17 days. 

In lieu of signature matching, validation of which is time-consuming and imprecise, Georgia voters can verify their identity on absentee ballot applications using an identification number from their driver’s license or voter ID card, both available free of charge.  

Democrats objected to the requirement even though it is similar to the existing requirement for in-person voters.  If without ID, voters can provide the last four digits of their social security number or a copy of an official document that includes their name and address.  

President Biden’s claim that food and water can’t be provided to waiting voters was flatly untrue.  There is a prohibition on special interest groups distributing money, gifts, food, or drinks to voters within 150 feet of a polling place or 25 feet of voters standing in line to vote.  But poll workers can provide self-service water receptacles and groups can provide food and water outside the law’s distance limits.

Still, misinformation continues to circulate throughout social media and the national press. Black business executives lobbied corporations to oppose the legislation and a number of Georgia-based organizations did just that – including Coca-Cola and Delta Airlines. Major League Baseball announced the All-Star Game would be moved out of Atlanta. Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer jumped on the bandwagon stating, “Racist voter suppression laws are now hurting Georgia voters…” and offered to host the All-Star Game in New York where he inaccurately claimed it’s “easier, not harder, to vote.” The game was subsequently moved to Denver, Colo.

The irony of all this virtual signaling soon became apparent. 

New York’s voting laws are actually more restrictive than Georgia’s, allowing fewer early voting days and requiring voters to provide an excuse in order to vote by mail. New York also bans offering food and water to voters.  It’s hardly unique in the nation. Colorado, like 37 other states including Delaware and now Georgia, prevents campaign partisans from electioneering and using food, water, or campaign paraphernalia to influence voters waiting to vote.

Identification is required in many states when voting, including Colorado.  It’s also required to fly on Delta Airlines or collect tickets at the will-call window at a baseball game.

Atlanta, a city with a 51 percent Black population — the largest Black-majority metro area in the nation — will now suffer a $100 million hit to their economy. Denver’s Black population is approximately 9 percent. So who actually is harmed by this absurd boycott?

Why is it racist to accept the notion that preserving some minimal integrity in elections is important? 

Even in Alaska, efforts to prevent the pandemic-related unsolicited delivery of mail-in ballots to voters and improve election security are being  labeled as suppression that can only be avoided if our voting systems are superseded by national legislation. 

Alaskans don’t need the federal government telling us how to run our elections and neither our state nor Georgia should sacrifice election security in order to bow to left-wing cancel culture.

After retiring as the senior vice president in charge of business banking for Key Bank in Alaska, Win Gruening began writing op-eds for local and statewide media. He was born and raised in Juneau and graduated from the U.S. Air Force Academy in 1970. He is involved in various local and statewide organizations and currently serves on the board of the Alaska Policy Forum.

Sen. Shower introduces election bill that allows use of tribal ID and ballot ‘curing’

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Sen. Mike Shower has unveiled a new version of Senate Bill 39 – proposed legislation to make Alaska’s election system more secure, protect voter data, and increase voter confidence in results. 

“A troubling trend has emerged where entire segments of our nation are not only disappointed by election results, but refuse to acknowledge them as legitimate,” said Sen. Shower. “It happened in 2016 and again in 2020. Senate Bill 39 is a proposal I’ve been working on since 2018 to help restore Alaskans’ confidence in our election system – the very cornerstone of our constitutional republic – by utilizing the latest in election security technology to authenticate voter identification and protect sensitive voter information from hackers.”

The new version of SB 39:

  • Introduces Multi-Factor Authentication security for all registered voters, exempting those unable to use the technology. MFA is an electronic method of verifying a user’s identity using two or more pieces of evidence most commonly used to protect users from unauthorized access to their personal information, financial assets, and more.
  • Requires the Division of Elections to use a highly secure digital ledger known as blockchain technology to protect election data and ensure something like the October 2020 data breach of over 113,000 Alaskans’ personal information never happens again.
  • Requires the Division of Elections to clean the voter rolls more frequently and cross reference them with other more recent and accurate databases.  
  • Adds tribal identification cards to the list of acceptable forms of identification when registering to vote.
  • Requires the Division of Elections to notify each absentee voter whose ballot has been rejected and provide an opportunity for the voter to fix any issues. This is known as “ballot curing.”
  • Directs the Division of Elections to adhere to the U.S. Postal Service’s existing ballot envelope barcode procedure, enabling voters to track their mail-in ballots.

Blockchain has not been used in elections so far in America, Shower said, but the technology protects investments in the bitcoin industry. Blockchain is hard to hack since the data is stored in numerous places. Many institutions, including the military and banking institutions are already using the technology because of protections it provides.

“There are individual bits and pieces throughout the country that are being used in elections, but I don’t think we have any one state that has adopted that has the whole package of multi-factor authentication with blockchain technology to secure their election system,” he said.