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Navy to conduct bomb exercise outside Alaska Capitol

Suzanne Downing
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Navy to conduct bomb exercise outside Alaska Capitol

The U.S. Navy will conduct an explosives training exercise outside the Alaska Capitol on Thursday, March 10, from 1-4 p.m.

Juneau Police Department will have community service officers in the area to help with traffic control as JPD, Alaska State Capitol Security, and Navy Explosive Ordnance Disposal technicians hold a drill involving a mock improvised explosive device in vehicle.

The Capitol’s daily business activities will not be impacted, the Navy said, but the drill will require traffic limits on 4th St. between Main St. and Seward St.

Navy ordnance disposal personnel are in Juneau participating in Exercise Arctic Edge 2022. Their team is conducting Expeditionary Mine Countermeasures operations in the Gastineau Channel.

AE22 is a U.S. Northern Command exercise that takes place every two years, providing training for participants in locations across Alaska.

Anchorage School Board votes for construction monopoly by labor unions

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Anchorage School Board votes for construction monopoly by labor unions

By DAVID BOYLE

The Anchorage School Board voted to create a construction monopoly controlled by labor unions, limiting competition on construction projects over $1 million to those companies hiring union labor.

The policy, “Community Work Agreement,” is the same thing as a project labor agreement that requires all workers to be hired through union halls; non-union workers must pay union dues and pay into union pension plans; and union rules are applied to the project.

Non-union contractors may not compete competitively on a project that requires a Community Work Agreement. As a result, there are fewer project bidders and project costs go up due to a lack of competition. In addition, this policy change will lead to companies from the Lower 48 gaining contracts that previously would have gone to Alaska non-union contractors.  

This has nothing to do with hiring union workers because they have higher wages. The Davis-Bacon law requires that “prevailing wages” be paid for any publicly funded projects.  Both union and non-union workers benefit from the same wages.

There was significant opposition from the non-union construction industry. One contractor stated there are seven mechanical insulation contractors licensed in Anchorage. Only one is union, so that company will get the contract by default. This is sole-sourcing by definition and would increase project costs substantially.

Stephen Rowe testified that he is a union contractor opposed to this CWA policy. He depends on non-union workers as well. Rowe has worked on 15 Anchorage school projects worth more than $80 million. Rowe said, “I will make more money if you pass this. But that’s not the right thing to do.”

The only construction entity invited to participate in the discussion during an earlier work session was Local 341, the Laborer’s.  Others, such as the Associated Builders and Contractors and the Associated General Contractors, were not invited; only union input was accepted. 

Thomas Roth, chief operations officer, for the Anchorage School District, noted the district has a responsibility for transparency and other construction organizations should have been invited to participate in the discussion. 

The Beacon Hill Institute studied 52 Connecticut school construction projects from 2001-19. It found that community work agreements or project labor agreements increased costs by nearly 20 percent — an increase of $89 per square foot.

 The CWA policy can be expected to increase school construction costs for the current $111 million bond that is on the ballot to be mailed to voters on March 14.

This policy also does not align with the “equity policy” the board recently implemented. More than 75 percent of Alaska’s contractors are non-union and the policy discriminates against these companies and their workers, many of whom are minorities and Anchorage taxpayers. This policy discriminates against women-owned and minority-owned construction companies that are non-union, a violation of the ASD anti-discrimination policy.

Superintendent Deena Bishop stated that the district was strongly opposed to this policy because it will substantially drive up construction costs. She noted that the board has a fiduciary duty to get the best value for the taxpayers’ money.

Board president Margo Bellamy moved to table the policy until more information was available from the construction industry that opposed the bill in their written testimony. She was concerned with discrimination against minority construction companies. Her motion failed with 6 voting “no” and only Bellamy voting “yes”. 

Board member Andy Holleman then paraphrased House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s, “We have to pass the bill so that you can find out what is in it.”  He said, “We are going to have to watch carefully as it goes forward to see if it’s really doing what we want.” He made it clear he wanted to pass the policy that night.

Motions to raise the $1 million threshold failed. The $1 million threshold means practically all construction projects will include a CWA, be non-competitive, and cost taxpayers more. 

The CWA was approved by a vote of six to zero, with member Dora Wilson abstaining due to her job as the Community Outreach Manager for IBEW Local 1547. Even conservative board member Dave Donley, formerly associated with Local 341, voted for the CWA policy.

Here is a link to the written testimonies (14 opposing, 2 supporting).

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RNC sues Nancy Pelosi and House Jan. 6 committee over weaponizing congressional subpoena powers

Suzanne Downing
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RNC sues Nancy Pelosi and House Jan. 6 committee over weaponizing congressional subpoena powers

The Republican National Committee filed a lawsuit Wednesday against House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, the House of Representatives January 6th Committee, and its members, seeking to stop the unlawful seizure of confidential party information.

“The RNC has sued to stop the January 6th Committee from unlawfully seizing confidential information about the internal activities of the Republican Party and millions of its supporters which is completely unrelated to the attack on the Capitol. Nancy Pelosi and the Committee have weaponized Congress’ investigatory powers by issuing this staggeringly broad subpoena which tramples on core First Amendment rights of the RNC and millions of Americans. The RNC is challenging this unconstitutional overreach so that one of America’s two major political parties may not use the force of government to unlawfully seize the private and sensitive information of the other,” said Justin Riemer, RNC Chief Counsel.

Pelosi’s committee has subpoenaed Salesforce.com for the RNC’s data without any legitimate basis, the RNC said in its lawsuit.

The RNC uses Salesforce technology to collect and maintain significant amounts of RNC data, including confidential and sensitive information about private individuals with whom the organization has engaged. All of this informs the development and execution of political strategy.

“Digital communication has revolutionized how political parties and other non-profit organizations to operate, allowing organizations to interact virtually with millions of Americans and becoming a central and core component of political activities,” the party said.

“The RNC had nothing to do with the violence that occurred at the Capitol and has repeatedly condemned it. In fact, the RNC was a target of violence and had a bomb placed outside of RNC headquarters, which put our staff in immediate danger and is something the committee has yet to investigate,” the Republican National Committee wrote.

The Jan. 6 Committee’s subpoena is so broad that it could expose the personal and private data of up to 60 million Americans and strategy on things like the party’s Election Day turnout operation and the Georgia Senate runoffs.

“This information has nothing to do with January 6th, and there is simply no reason the committee needs personal and private information on millions of Americans,” the RNC said. “Pelosi and the committee are weaponizing and abusing Congress’ investigatory power.”

Pelosi’s committee is illegitimate, “having rejected two Republicans that McCarthy appointed to the Committee – Reps. Jim Jordan (R-OH) and Jim Banks (R-IN) – an abuse of power for purely political reasons. Pelosi’s committee is unconstitutionally attempting to exercise law enforcement authority, with The New York Times reporting  that the committee ‘is employing techniques more common in criminal cases than in congressional inquiries.'”

In addition, the committee has dramatically exceeded its scope, issuing hundreds of wide-ranging subpoenas and demanded records well beyond the scope of the events of Jan. 6, 2021 in disregard of the checks and balances and the rule of due process.

The Republicans pointed out that in 2020, Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee Chair Rep. Sean Patrick Maloney (D-NY) sent multiple emails falsely claiming that President Trump was “rigging” the election. And yet there was no investigation by Pelosi.

The Democratic Legislative Campaign Committee also sent emails falsely accusing Republican officials of “rigging the voting laws”  and having “rigged the voting laws.” Again, no investigation by Pelosi.

The far-left Progressive Turnout Project sent a fundraising appeal claiming Mitch McConnell had committed “treason” and had worked to “rig”  the impeachment trial. The PAC sent a fundraising appeal suggesting if they didn’t get enough money, then “Trump will get away with cheating to rig the 2020 elections.”

In 2018, the DCCC sent out an email falsely claiming that President Trump had fired Robert Mueller.

“Pelosi is attempting to kneecap the RNC for political gain while trampling on free speech and freedom of political association. If Pelosi and her committee want to look at candidates and committees who lie to their donors to dupe them out of money, they should look at Democrats,” the Republican National Committee said.

To read the full lawsuit, click here.

Michael Tavoliero: Decades later, education reform in Alaska has gotten nowhere

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Michael Tavoliero: Decades later, education reform in Alaska has gotten nowhere

By MICHAEL TAVOLIERO

Part 1: A look back at the Alaska 2000 education task force findings

“Let’s stop blaming each other. The problems in public education are not primarily problems with teachers, parents, administrators. or students. The problems grow out of a system. If we all work together to restructure that system, if we add standards, accountability and competition-kids win!” 

Today, Alaska schools have some of the lowest student performance outcomes and some of the highest costs per student of any state in the nation.

It is easy to condemn the school boards, the school administrations, the unions, the teachers and even the parents and students, but the fact is when your job is to nail down tarpaper on a roof in a windstorm, look forward to frustration, anger, and failure.

It is time to reform the cause of all of this, Alaska Statutes Title 14, Education Code. 

The opening quote of this column is from the Alaska 2000 task force on education, which began in 1991. It was led by former Alaska Education Commissioner Jerry Covey, under the leadership of then Gov. Walter Hickel. 

It was a profound, event since it clearly saw the problem Alaska faced in education. The members of Alaska 2000 were from a multitude of disciplines in Alaska, all sharing a common concern. The Alaska education system was broken and required immediate attention.

With their acronym for the new century, “AK2K,” they approached their mission as a plan for action. Their goal was to address and correct the declining scores on standardized tests, high school dropout rates as high as 25% statewide and as high as 45% for Natives in urban schools, poor student performance relative to other industrialized nations, public alienation and dissatisfaction, and the failure of school reform to turn things around fast enough and far enough.

AK2K was a plan to restructure the Alaska public education system from an apolitical foundation and create a new model for education which would be the “best in the world”.

The members of AK2K earnestly approached the challenge by identifying the issues that the public and stakeholders saw as a collapse in Alaska’s social fabric. They were intrinsically devoted to mapping a system of recommendations which would turn Alaska’s education around in the next century. They worked diligently from October 1991 through July 1992.

On July 15, 1992, AK2K submitted its recommendations to the Alaska State Board of Education. 

These recommendations included improving education standards by adopting a new vision, performance standards, student testing and “a state­-issued warranty that a student has met state standards, guaranteeing that schools will reteach students who are lacking these skills.”

They urged provisions for charter schools, school choice, allowing choice and vocational programs that would have created educational competition in the state for the first time in its history. 

When it came to paying for education, AK2K opened the discussion up to local cost sharing, per capita funding, a school price index to maintain funding equity for rural schools, adoption of financial standards, reporting student contact time in hours instead of days, addressing transportation costs, include rental provisions in the foundation program and levying a school tax. 

AK2K asked for regulation review, withholding funds as a penalty to school districts in violation of regulations and statutes, subjecting all education statutes to a five-year sunset review, establishing a fast track for regulatory change, and allowing regulatory waivers for innovative approaches that improved student achievement.

They proposed capital funding priorities, new schools and classrooms, shared capital costs, two-phased funding for capital construction to include planning and site development and then construction, statewide school construction standards, major maintenance prioritization, preventive maintenance, independent audits, statewide education facility inventory, construction oversight, construction standards and assessing the need for residential high schools with dormitories.

AK2K saw technology becoming an important tool in education by recommending technology training, developing a telecommunications network, and creating a telecommunication reporting system. It also addressed the need for workforce development in the education system to include teacher training standards, additional certification requirements, knowledge of technology, staff evaluation and amending teacher tenure and a teacher certificate endorsement.

AK2K had new program ideas such as student incentive grants, a 13-year education funding cycle to include tuition reimbursement for college credits, increased student contact time, research and development, a school conservation corps focused on at risk students, advisory board establishment and encouraging parental responsibility.

AK2K also saw the challenges the state faced in the 1990s. 

After school infrastructure construction statewide from 1976 through 1991, Alaska faced two problems: 

First, huge school infrastructure operation and maintenance costs were headed into a future (1990’s) of what many believed was to be a difficult and uncomfortable situation of declining oil revenues. History shows undeniably that the ‘90’s were a tough decade on Alaska, especially after the late 1980’s recession, which saw the sharpest revenue declines since the beginning of oil revenue in 1977.  

Second, and the more urgent of the two, was the disparities of outcome in a state needing a ready, willing, and available workforce. This growing fact became increasingly dominant—the school system wasn’t producing trained and educated workers. The central effort for education changes that were very apparent to Commissioner Covey and all on the AK2K team. This was best stated by Commissioner Covey at the time: 

“In the late ‘80s and early ‘90s, school system growth slowed, school funding decreased, and school districts turned their attention to operating their expanded systems. Around that time, state leaders, employers, in-state colleges and universities, and parents began raising concerns about education quality. Those stakeholders felt frustrated by the fact that some high school graduates were well prepared for entry into the workforce or higher education, whereas others with the same fresh diplomas were not. Employers and higher education institutions often found themselves having to teach skills that were expected of high school graduates. They asked, ‘What exactly does a high school diploma signify? And how are we to know what skills graduates possess?’”

These problems were addressed by the AK2K task force. But the Alaska Legislature, the constitutional arbiter of education policy, was nowhere to be found. The needed and necessary changes to improve education institutional behavior were not addressed sufficiently, if at all.  The problems continue into this decade.

Moreover, AK2K realized increased funding for education did not necessarily lead to better education performance. In that task force’s findings, it noted Eric Hanushek of the University of Rochester reviewed studies that examined relationships between money and performance. and he concluded: “Expenditures are unrelated to school performance as schools are currently operated.” John Chubb of the Brookings Institution and Terry Moe of Stanford University concluded similarly, “There is no connection between school funding and school performance.”

At the time of AK2K, education in the 1991 state operating budget commanded $800 million, compared to the 2021 state education operating budget of $1.66 billion. District enrollment totals for all Alaskan public-school districts in 1991-92 totaled 116,766 students. District enrollment totals for all Alaskan public school districts in 2021-2022 were 130,442 students. This translates into roughly an 11.7% district enrollment increase. The 2021 state operating budget more than doubled at a 107.5% increase over 30 years. Interestingly, this 30 year process almost equaled inflation.

What was more startling was this statement from AK2K: “Accountability to standards and competition force us all to improve. They create dynamism. As David Boaz of the Cato Institute said: ‘The people in the public school system aren’t necessarily bad people, they are people who face bad incentives. In fact. they have good incentives not to change anything.'” 

“Look at the different consequences of failure in the public and private sectors. If you fail in the private sector, you may lose your job or business. In the public sector, if students don’t learn or drop out of school-well, what happens? The agency or school gets more money,” AK2K wrote. “Now what kind of incentive structure is that?”

Has Alaska education changed for the better or the worse since Alaska 2000?  Perhaps more importantly, where has all that money gone?

Michael Tavoliero is a realtor in Eagle River, is active in the Alaska Republican Party and chairs Eaglexit. Part II of this series will be posted shortly.

Oil and Gas Workers Association endorses Tshibaka

Suzanne Downing
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Oil and Gas Workers Association endorses Tshibaka

The Oil and Gas Workers Association announced Wednesday that it is endorsing Kelly Tshibaka for U.S. Senate. The association, based in Texas, represents more than 45,000 oil and gas workers across 33 states, including Alaska.

Matt Coday, president of the OGWA, released the following statement:

“Now more than ever, America’s oil and gas workers need elected representatives who will not waver in protecting and promoting our vital industry and jobs. Kelly Tshibaka is the champion who will put Alaskans — and all American workers and families first. She will fight for our energy jobs, and will oppose anyone who threatens them.

“Incumbent Sen. Lisa Murkowski, in contrast, has kowtowed to the Biden administration. She cast the tie-breaking vote to advance Interior Secretary Deb Haaland to final confirmation, even though she knew that Haaland would be hostile to the oil and gas industry, and therefore, Alaska. Murkowski has also cast far too many votes to confirm radical environmentalist federal judges, who are just as harmful to workers. We once thought Murkowski would fight for our jobs, but her voting record proves that she bows to anti-energy activists.

“Put Kelly Tshibaka first because she put working families first. Put Lisa Murkowski last because she put our people last,” Coday said.

The endorsement follows a big Tshibaka endorsement last month from the Alaska Outdoor Council, an organization that is well-known for supporting candidates who win. She is also endorsed by former President Donald Trump and the Alaska Republican Party.

Lisa gets support from State Sen. von Imhof; Tshibaka brings in Alaska Outdoor Council endorsement for Senate


Juneau schools keep masks on, while the rest of the world goes mask-optional

Suzanne Downing
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Juneau schools keep masks on, while the rest of the world goes mask-optional

The Juneau School District says the children must remain masked, because of the science. This, while across the country schools have made masking optional. The latest was the Montgomery County Public Schools, the largest school district in Maryland, which ended its mask mandate immediately today. Even the Democrat-run state of Hawaii has ended its mask mandate.

In a message on March 3 from the Juneau School District, capital city parents learned, “Masks, or similar facial coverings designed to mitigate COVID-19 transmission and are well-fitted covering the mouth and nose, are required for all persons indoors in Juneau School District facilities. Masks are optional for staff, students, and visitors while outside on District grounds. The Superintendent has the authority to grant minor exceptions/adjustments to this policy that are consistent with CDC guidelines for in building operations and at District sponsored events outside or offsite.”

The note to parents said that there are some exceptions/adjustments are currently in place for indoor student activities using testing protocols to provide for optional use of masks for participating students. 

“As part of our commitment to the safety and wellbeing of our students and staff, we work closely with Juneau Public Health and the City and Borough of Juneau. We have followed the recommendations of the CDC and are aware of the recent change in guidance for mask wearing in schools. The Board of Education is considering this recommendation along with our existing mitigation strategies and the current impact of COVID in schools. Our number one commitment is keeping schools open for in person learning.  The School Board is considering the balance of all things related and input received.  With spring break just around the corner and the likelihood of many staff and families traveling, this is also a consideration,” Superintendent Bridget Weiss wrote.

“It is important to take time to assess our needs and any changes in protocols.  We have evolved throughout this pandemic and made changes along the way when it was deemed appropriate. The School Board has already received input from many – some wanting masks optional and some requesting to hold onto the mask requirement through the remainder of the year.  The Mask Policy will be on the Board’s agenda Tuesday, March 8th during their regular board meeting,” she wrote.

The Juneau School superintendent, while arguing that masks work in the Juneau schools, also seems to say they don’t work, with 177 cases of Covid in January, and 144 cases in February in the schools — a total of 321 cases in a fully masked school district in 59 days. That is 7 percent of the student body of the Juneau School District, or 6 percent of students, teachers, and staff.

“This is a ‘good problem to have’.  This is an uncomfortable and complex time.  While cases are decreasing, they are still more than we have seen in other times.  In January, we saw a minimum of 177 COVID cases inside our schools and in February there were 144.  Change is disruptive.  Closing schools is extraordinarily difficult.  We have managed to stay open since January 2021 when we returned to in person learning.  That is our highest priority,” Weiss wrote. She then linked a survey to get public opinion on whether the mask policy should continue.

On Tuesday night, the school board took public testimony about the mask policy. The testimony from parents and teachers, made via Zoom to the masked board members, was mixed. Some parents want the masks to remain mandatory, arguing that they work while others said it is child abuse and is stunting the development of the children.

“Juneau is becoming an anomaly,” said one parent, citing the fact that all over the country masks are now optional.

The school board will take up the matter again on Thursday at noon and will take more public testimony.

Alaska’s vaccine breakthrough Covid infections reached 47 percent of all Covid cases in December

Suzanne Downing
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Alaska’s vaccine breakthrough Covid infections reached 47 percent of all Covid cases in December

The number of Covid-19 cases among those who are fully vaccinated for Covid has reached 47 percent, according to the latest report by the Alaska Department of Health and Social Services, which documents and summarizes Covid data through December. This means nearly half of those getting Covid have been vaccinated for it.

December saw 8,078 total cases of Covid-19 documented in the state, a low number compared to the high of 22,971 cases of Covid diagnosed in September.

Of those 8,078 December cases, 3,795 were among those who had been vaccinated. In December, over 55 percent of Alaskans over the age of 5 were vaccinated for Covid, just two percentage points higher than the month prior.

For the entire year — Jan. 16 through Dec. 31, 2021 — a total of 27,831 vaccine breakthrough Covid-19 cases were documented in Alaska residents. An additional 4,591 cases occurred among Alaska residents who were partially vaccinated. The reporting on cases typically lags by at least two months.

The incidence of Covid-19 among fully vaccinated persons has remained lower than among persons who were unvaccinated, “though at the end of December 2021, the relative difference in incidence rates was much less marked. This corresponds temporally to the Omicron variant wave in Alaska,” the department said in its December report.

Read the December Covid report in its entirety at this link.

Alexander Dolitsky: Old Russian saying is ‘Beat your friends to make your enemies afraid of you’

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Alexander Dolitsky: Old Russian saying is ‘Beat your friends to make your enemies afraid of you’

By ALEXANDER DOLITSKY

“Beat your own so that strangers are afraid of you.” This is a common Russian expression, which literally means, “beat your friends, so your enemies will be scared of you.”

In Russian culture, the phrase is often used to condemn someone’s behavior. It’s an ironic expression, often used to describe people who attack others from their own team in order to intimidate everybody else.

The phrase clearly characterizes Russian psychological behavior and today’s Russian invasion of Ukraine—a big Russian brother teaches a “lesson” to his little Ukrainian brother, while pointing an aggressive finger to his “naughty” neighbors — former Soviet Republics. 

But what are the underlining causes and reasons of today’s brutal Russian–Ukrainian war?

Historically, Russians and Ukrainians are both Slavs, sharing similar languages, cultural traditions, religion, psychological behavior and many other elements of Slavic culture. The historic bond of both nations goes back to the mid–9th century or formation of the Kiev Rus and later acquisition of other Slavic territories under authority of Moscow in the 12th and 13th Centuries.

Slavic states withstood and ultimately defeated a brutal Mongol invasion and occupation from the 13th to 15th centuries. They  participated in Eastward expansion into Siberia and Russian Far East, bravely fought together in the Crimean War of 1853–1856, and revolutionary movement of the early 20th century. They courageously defended their land in both World Wars, and were under one national state — Soviet Union — until the end of 1991. Ukraine received its sovereignty as de-jure and de-facto country for the first time in its history only after the collapse of the Soviet Union at the end of 1991.

There are many cultural, political, historic, and linguistic ties between Russians, Ukrainians, and Byelorussians. I know this first-hand. Born and raised in Kiev, Ukraine, I traveled extensively in these republics as an archaeologist and educator prior to my departure as a political refugee from Kiev to the West in 1977. 

I know Ukraine and its people well. The country is truly multi-cultural and bilingual. Eastern, north central and southern parts of the country, including Crimean Peninsula, predominantly speak the Russian language, while western and rural territories of the country predominantly speak the Ukrainian language.

All residents of the country can freely communicate with each other in both languages. My native language is Russian and I speak Ukrainian fluently. Nevertheless, politically, academically and ideologically, Ukraine was firmly under strict Moscow’s thumb prior to 1991. Any anti-Moscow policies and ideological diversions were severely punished by the central Soviet regime.

Considering the historic and cultural bond between these two nations, why has war erupted with such uncompromising force?

In my view, one of the major reasons is the continued expansion of the NATO military alliance eastward, approaching Russian national borders and, therefore, threatening its national security.

In the last 15–20 years, the Russian government has cautioned against this expansion, reminding the West that “the security of one nation should not be done at the expense of the security of another nation.” For example, Cuba is a sovereign country, but we will not tolerate a Russian nuclear submarine to be stationed in Cuba; among other instances—Iran and North Korea nuclear ambitions.

The second reason for the current Russian–Ukrainian war has to do with Ukraine’s incompliance with the Minsk Protocol of 2014. The Minsk Protocol was drawn-up by the Trilateral Contact Group on Ukraine, which consisted of legitimate representatives from Ukraine, Russia, and the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE). The group was established in June 2014 as a way to facilitate dialogue and resolution of the strife across eastern and southern Ukraine.

The text of the protocol consists of 12 points: 

  1. To ensure an immediate bilateral ceasefire.
  2. To ensure the monitoring and verification of the ceasefire by the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE).
  3. Decentralization of power, including through the adoption of the Ukrainian law “On temporary Order of Local Self-Governance in Particular of Donetsk and Luhansk Oblasts (Districts).”
  4. To ensure the permanent monitoring of the Ukrainian–Russian border and verification by the OSCE with the creation of security zones in the border regions of Ukraine and the Russian Federation.
  5. Immediate release of all hostages and illegally detained persons.
  6. A law preventing the prosecution and punishment of people in connection with the events that have taken place in some areas of Donetsk and Luhansk Oblasts (Districts). 
  7. To continue the inclusive national dialogue.
  8. To take measures to improve the humanitarian situation in Donbas.
  9. To ensure early local elections in accordance with the Ukrainian law “On temporary Order of Local Self-Governance in Particular Districts of Donetsk and Luhansk Oblasts.”
  10. To withdraw illegal armed groups and military equipment as well as fighters and mercenaries from the territory of Ukraine.
  11. To adopt a program of economic recovery and reconstruction for the Donbas region.
  12. To provide personal security for participants in the consultations.

Ukraine’s request to become a member of the European Union and subsequently to join NATO is unwise, unrealistic, and dangerous for all sides involved. This request should never be encouraged by the West. In addition to this request, President Zelensky’s recent suggestion to exit 1994 Budapest Memorandum only added fuel to the fire during this turbulent time for Ukraine and the world at large.

President Putin responded to this unwise suggestion on Feb. 22, “Yes, we heard you.” And several days later, Russia launched a massive full–scale invasion of Ukraine.

To remind readers of the 1994 Budapest Memorandum, the United States, Russia, and Great Britain committed “to respect the independence and sovereignty and the existing borders of Ukraine” and “to refrain from the threat or use of force” against the country. Those assurances played a key role in persuading the Ukrainian government in Kiev to give up what amounted to the world’s third largest nuclear arsenal, consisting of some 1,900 strategic nuclear warheads.

When the U.S.S.R. broke up in late 1991, there were nuclear weapons scattered in the post–Soviet states. The George H. W. Bush administration worried that the collapse of the Soviet Union might turn violent, raising the prospect of conflict among nuclear–armed states. Ensuring no increase in the number of nuclear weapons states meant that only Russia would retain nuclear arms. Further, President Bill Clinton’s administration pursued the same goal.

Eliminating the strategic nuclear warheads, intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), and strategic bombers in Ukraine was a critical deal for the United States, NATO and Russian Federation. The ICBMs and bombers carried warheads of monstrous size—all designed, built, and deployed to attack United States and Western Europe. The warheads atop the SS-19 and SS-24 ICBMs in Ukraine had explosive yields of 400–550 kilotons each—that is, nearly 30 times the size of the atomic bomb that devastated Hiroshima. The 1,900 strategic nuclear warheads—more than four times the number of nuclear warheads that China currently possesses—could have destroyed every U.S. city with a population of more than 50,000 three times over.

Clearly, Russian–Ukrainian war, resulting in massive destructions of the Ukrainian cities, casualties on both sides and dangerous tensions between the West and Russia, was preventable if two stipulations described above were followed through by Ukraine and NATO—i.e., stop expansion of NATO eastward and Ukraine’s compliance with the 2014 Minsk Protocol.

In my presentation “Russian–Ukrainian Relations: Looking Back and Looking Forward” at the Juneau World Affairs Council in 2014, I discussed demographic, territorial and social issues between these two nations that is still current today. Click on the link to watch this presentation.

Unfortunately, today the “bear” is out of his cage, and he will grab what he can and wants. Sanctions against Russia are interpreted by Russians as an economic declaration of war and, most likely, will not result in Putin’s retreat or ultimate defeat. 

In my observation and communication with Russian citizens, most of them support Putin’s aggressive politics, his imperial ambitions and “special military operation in Ukraine.” It is conceivable that Russia will continue its aggressive invasion and eventual partition of Ukraine; and who knows what is next.

Solution—someone has to give in order to prevent a global conflict. And please, don’t tease the “Bear” or play with “matches.”

Alexander B. Dolitsky was born and raised in Kiev in the former Soviet Union. He received an M.A. in history from Kiev Pedagogical Institute, Ukraine, in 1976; an M.A. in anthropology and archaeology from Brown University in 1983; and was enroled in the Ph.D. program in Anthropology at Bryn Mawr College from 1983 to 1985, where he was also a lecturer in the Russian Center. In the U.S.S.R., he was a social studies teacher for three years, and an archaeologist for five years for the Ukranian Academy of Sciences. In 1978, he settled in the United States. Dolitsky visited Alaska for the first time in 1981, while conducting field research for graduate school at Brown. He lived first in Sitka in 1985 and then settled in Juneau in 1986. From 1985 to 1987, he was a U.S. Forest Service archaeologist and social scientist. He was an Adjunct Assistant Professor of Russian Studies at the University of Alaska Southeast from 1985 to 1999; Social Studies Instructor at the Alyeska Central School, Alaska Department of Education from 1988 to 2006; and has been the Director of the Alaska-Siberia Research Center (see www.aksrc.homestead.com) from 1990 to present. He has conducted about 30 field studies in various areas of the former Soviet Union (including Siberia), Central Asia, South America, Eastern Europe and the United States (including Alaska). Dolitsky has been a lecturer on the World Discoverer, Spirit of Oceanus, andClipper Odyssey vessels in the Arctic and sub-Arctic regions. He was the Project Manager for the WWII Alaska-Siberia Lend Lease Memorial, which was erected in Fairbanks in 2006. He has published extensively in the fields of anthropology, history, archaeology, and ethnography. His more recent publications include Fairy Tales and Myths of the Bering Strait Chukchi, Ancient Tales of Kamchatka; Tales and Legends of the Yupik Eskimos of Siberia; Old Russia in Modern America: Russian Old Believers in Alaska; Allies in Wartime: The Alaska-Siberia Airway During WWII; Spirit of the Siberian Tiger: Folktales of the Russian Far East; Living Wisdom of the Far North: Tales and Legends from Chukotka and Alaska; Pipeline to Russia; The Alaska-Siberia Air Route in WWII; and Old Russia in Modern America: Living Traditions of the Russian Old Believers; Ancient Tales of Chukotka, and Ancient Tales of Kamchatka.

A few of Dolitsky’s past MRAK columns:

Read: Neo-Marxism and utopian Socialism in America

Read: Old believers preserving faith in the New World

Read: Duke Ellington and the effects of Cold War in Soviet Union on intellectual curiosity

Read: United we stand, divided we fall with race, ethnicity in America

Read: For American schools to succeed, they need this ingredient

Read: Nationalism in America, Alaska, around the world

Read: The case of the ‘delicious salad’

Read: White privilege is a troubling perspective

Read: Beware of activists who manipulate history for their own agenda

Read: Alaska Day remembrance of Russian transfer

Read: American leftism is true picture of true hypocrisy

Read: History does not repeat itself

Read: The only Ford Mustang in Kiev

Read: What is greed? Depends on the generation

Read: Worldwide migration of Old Believes in Alaska

Read: Traditions of Old Believers in Alaska

Read: Language, Education of Old Believers in Alaska

Breaking: Biden to stop subsidizing Russia’s war on Ukraine, announces ban on Russian oil and gas imports

Suzanne Downing
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60
Breaking: Biden to stop subsidizing Russia’s war on Ukraine, announces ban on Russian oil and gas imports

President Joe Biden on Tuesday announced a ban on all imports to the United States of Russian oil. Sen. Dan Sullivan said he should have done it months ago.

The United Kingdom is preparing a similar ban, according to European media citing unnamed sources, although European Union countries are not following suit. European nations are heavily dependent on Russian energy, a result of European Union policy over the past several years that gave Russia decided control over their economies.

“…Goal of US policy is to prevent letting tyrants like Putin use energy as a weapon in the future. Putin seems determined to continue on his murderous path no matter the cost. I call on Congress to pass the $12 billion Ukraine assistance package,” Biden said in his statement today.

“Putin’s war is already hurting American families at the gas pump since Putin began his military buildup on Ukrainian borders,” Biden said. “And with this action, it’s going to go up further. I’m going to do everything I can to minimize Putin’s price hike here at home and coordination with our partners. Americans have rallied to support the Ukrainian people and made it clear we will not be part of subsidizing Putin’s war.”

The United States imports oil from Russia, but it only amounts to about 3 percent of all the crude imports. Imports of Russian oil and petroleum products represented about 8% of the U.S. total in 2021.

Alaska Senate candidate Kelly Tshibaka put out an immediate response:

“It’s not often that I agree with something President Biden has done, but he is right to ban the U.S. purchase of oil from Russia. Now all he has to do is reverse all of his other policies that have assaulted Alaska’s energy industries so we can return America to energy independence,” Tshibaka said. “Biden attacked domestic production – and specifically Alaska – on his first day in office and every day since, hurting our country’s ability to have any leverage with other oil-producing nations. The fact that he is begging Saudi Arabia, Venezuela, Iran, and OPEC to increase their production is an embarrassment and proof that the environmental extremists who control his administration are actually making our foreign policy decisions as well. He’s fine with increasing the oil supply, just as long as it doesn’t happen in the United States.”

Sen. Lisa Murkowski’s office also issued a response, saying that she and Sen. Joe Manchin (D-WV), Chairman of the Senate Energy and Natural Resources Committee welcomed the announcement.

“This announcement follows the lead of Senators Manchin and Murkowski’s bipartisan, bicameral Ban Russian Energy Imports Act, which would prohibit the importation of Russian crude oil, petroleum, petroleum products, liquefied natural gas and coal. Introduced last week, the legislation has already received support from 36 Senate sponsors,” she wrote.

On Twitter, U.S. Sen. Dan Sullivan said the ban should have happened weeks ago and is not enough.

“He needs to quit asking dictators, like those in Venezuela and Iran, for more oil and gas, and instead expand energy production here in America—with our own workers. We should NOT be reliant on brutal dictators. The President needs to tell the truth: We CAN produce the oil and gas we need right here in the United States. Americans should NOT be paying outrageous energy costs,” Sullivan said.

Alaska North Slope Crude rose to $120.72 per barrel, the highest in over a decade, and is expected to climb further this week on the news. Gas prices at the pump in the Lower 48 are already the highest in history, according to federal price tracking going back to 1990.

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