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Michael Tavoliero: Anchorage Assembly’s kindergarten tyranny traces its roots to unification in 1975

By MICHAEL TAVOLIERO

In 2013, then-Mayor Dan Sullivan and the Anchorage Assembly passed AO37 into law. It was deemed the “Responsible Labor Law.”

It provided a legal standard for the costs of union contracts, as well as changed the original 25-year-old labor law, eliminating all pay incentives. Unions could no longer bargain for increased pay for specialized training or for earning a college degree. The mayor and the Assembly believed the incentives didn’t provide any benefits to the city, so why include it in the city’s labor negotiations?

It made sense. After all, it was our tax money, not the public unions.

On Nov. 4, 2014, Anchorage Municipality voters repealed AO37.

This was the equivalent of the Fall of Vicksburg for the special interests’ takeover of what Italian communist Antonio Gramsci described in the 1930’s: “ Socialism will triumph by first capturing the culture via infiltration of schools, universities, churches, and the media by transforming the consciousness of society.”

The repeal of AO37 was a clandestine operation through our most impressionable institutions to change cultural, political, and societal behavior locally. 

As Christopher F. Rufo, founder and director of the public policy research center Battlefront and senior fellow at the Manhattan Institute, recently pointed out “the revolutionary ideas of the ‘60’s have been repackaged, repurposed and injected into American life at the institutional level.”

Having lived through Woodstock and my college days living in Berkeley with experiences never to be revealed publicly, I can only say that that is correct. 

In Anchorage, we now see this in our Assembly and our school district. We are witnessing the ideological division perpetrated by the elected representatives of the most populated community in the State of Alaska. Like some many other large urban centers around our nation, this handful of elected officials by simple ideological determination controls our future and that of our children. 

There is a conditioning approach to all its legislation, creating a public policy where government restricts its people. AO 2022-60 was drafted to give the Assembly a path to allow the Assembly to remove the mayor or any elected official for almost any reason. With declaring that under the authority of the municipal charter Section 7.01(b), the Assembly is establishing specific procedures for the removal of an elected official for breach of the public trust. 

Hey, why not? This is true behavioral modification.

The parameters they have given themselves are broad and vague. Nonetheless, they do create a procedural approach for the removal of an elected official who may not be using the same ideological compass as most of the Assembly. 

If the ordinance passes, and it appears likely, it may be contested in court as a breach of the separation of powers and constitutional rights. Given the current judicial activist penchant of our Alaskan judiciary, this next level of litigious well-intentioned behavior on the part of the liberty minded conservatives may well end in another darkly polished example of bad case law.

Haven’t we had enough?

If defeated in court, what can happen next? 

I point to the short life of AO-37. 

May I also point out the more recent failed contests which were costly to Anchorage conservatives? Both recent recall elections of Assembly members Felix Rivera and Meg Zalatel were defeated. Five of the 7 conservative candidates on the ballot were defeated. 

Given the pattern, the likelihood of a conservative prevalence in an election to repeal AO 2022-60, I suspect, will not be successful.

Where does that leave the most embattled mayor in the history of Anchorage?

You got it. He is now prey to a continued and vicious attack by the members of the Assembly and their minions with even less defense. He’s gelded and ready for the glue factory.

Which brings me to my point. 

All of this defense will cost the mayor, his supporters and the Anchorage taxpayers money, time and wasted elected executive efforts. Given the track record of over the past decade of conservative disappointment, I am not optimistic that this next litigious carnival or election effort will be successful or even effective. 

Even if it is, the mayor during the remainder of his term will be effectively distracted just like Trump was by Pelosi and Schumer with the continued obstacles the Assembly puts in his way with little to no accomplishments and perhaps impeachment, removal and/or a one term Mayor.

In the Anchorage political scene, it’s kind of like banging your head against the wall. When you stop, it feels good.  

Same cycle same scenario and no sign of it changing soon.

I have an idea: Decentralize the Municipality of Anchorage.

Yes, de-unify the Unified Municipality of Anchorage.

This half century experiment which unified the state’s largest population into a centralized local government is a tragic political, financial, and social failure.

The mayor should consider this as the one true offensive measure which may potentially remove all power and control from the Anchorage special interests. The mayor, with the Alaska Local Boundary Commission’s approval, may submit a petition under 3 AAC 110.410(a)(3) to effect boundary changes. 

Remember if Chugiak-Eagle River had not been involved in being a borough during the vote for the unification charter commission, the unified Municipality of Anchorage may have never been. The Eagle River-Chugiak voters were not residents of the Greater Anchorage Areawide Borough in February 1975 when Greater Anchorage Areawide Borough voters approved the concept of unification and elected members to the Charter Commission.

The irony is if the conservative Eagle River-Chugiak voters had voted in that election, the probability of the commission being approved was unlikely and today’s exercise in kindergarten tyranny may never have happened.

Michael Tavoliero is a realtor in Eagle River, is active in the Alaska Republican Party and chaired Eaglexit.

Jodi Taylor: Private school, state reimbursement, and family choice is available to parents in Alaska

Michael Tavoliero: Education and the public purpose

Assembly vice chair cuts mic of youth member, who tries to defend Youth Advisory Commission’s authority

Anchorage Assembly continued today to try to take away power from the Youth Advisory Commission; the Assembly’s left-leaning majority doesn’t like the direction the commission has taken, which is often contrary to the majority’s positions.

A Friday work session got testy when Assemblyman Chris Constant muted the microphones of Assemblywoman Jamie Allard and Youth Advisory Commission Assembly representative Sarah Price. Constant cut off Price, after sarcastically thanking her for repeating the points she had made at the previous full Assembly meeting, and as Price was trying to say that the leftist Assembly was acting in a partisan manner.

Constant ruled that statement out of order.

Allard, who attended by phone, said that Constant was discriminating against women by cutting off Price’s microphone, at which point Constant also cut off Allard’s microphone. Allard later said this is part of a pattern of discrimination against women by Constant.

The Assembly majority is trying to remove the youth commission from the mayor’s office and make the appointments to the commission itself, so it can return the youth commission to a left-leaning indoctrination organization.

The effort to take the power away from the Youth Advisory Commission is a new- development on the Assembly, whose majority has not attended any of the YAC meetings this year.

The youth commission has a firebrand representative sitting on the dais at the Assembly meetings; Sarah Price has not been shy about stating a strong viewpoint against the Assembly majority at times. She is not a voting member of the Assembly but her vote is recorded.

The ordinance will come up on Tuesday for a possible vote during the regular Assembly meeting, which starts at 5 pm in the ground floor of the Loussac Library. The Assembly agenda is at this link.

And another 2,493 votes counted, some coming from Fairbanks

Alaska’s congressional candidate leaders continue to lead, with no discernible change for the final four for the August ballot.

The vote total in the special congressional primary is now 150,036, which is 2,493 votes more than announced at 1 pm. Most of the latest votes appear to have come from Fairbanks, with both Adam Wool and John Coghill gaining a few votes, although they are far down from the final four. Wool and Coghill are well-known Fairbanksans.

There were 48 names on the ballot to choose from in the June 11 special primary election to replace Congressman Don Young until the voters make their final decision in November.

The leader standing, as of 2:20 pm on Friday:

  • Palin: 41,302, 27.59%
  • Begich: 28,859, 19.27%
  • Gross: 18,936, 12.65%
  • Peltola: 14,133, 9.44%

The top four above will appear on the Aug. 16 ballot, where voters will rank them in their order of preference.

More votes counted: 147,543, as Peltola notches more votes, locking fourth place in congressional race

The Division of Elections counted another 13,364 ballots on Friday in the special primary election to seat a temporary congressional representative for Alaska.

As of 1 pm Friday, the total votes counted by the Division are 147,543 out of 587,174 received for a 25.13% turnout.

The overall results haven’t shifted: Sarah Palin, Nick Begich, Al Gross, and Mary Peltola are still headed for the special general election on Aug. 16. But the percentages have shifted slightly:

  • Palin: 40,644, 27.61%
  • Begich: 28,430, 19.31%
  • Gross: 18,644, 12.66%
  • Peltola: 13,893, 9.44%

The gap between Palin and Begich has tightened by two points since election night on Saturday. Peltola went from 8.86% election night to 9.44% today.

Democrats, including non-declared Democrat Al Gross, have received 27% of the vote.

The final vote count will take place on Tuesday and the election certified on June 25. About 3.56% of ballots received in this mail-in election have been rejected by the Division of Elections. Most of the rejections are probably because there is no witness signature on the mail-in envelope.

Cautionary tale: Candidate for Alaska House takes child to drag-themed adult events, and crows about it on Facebook

Andrew Timothy Gray is a frequent figure at the Anchorage Assembly meetings, most often testifying on behalf of leftwing causes and perspectives. He is a rising star in the Democratic Party.

Then Gray decided to run for an open seat for the Alaska House, and his judgment to serve the state came under greater scrutiny. This month, Gray posted a photo on Facebook of a child — his child — appearing at a drag-themed event at an Anchorage cafe, and winning one of the coveted prize cards for a card game that involved drag queen personalities.

Drag Queen Loteria is a bingo game with drag theme cards. A monthly event at Cafecito Bonito in cooperation with local drag artists, it takes place every final Friday and Sunday of the month.

“Between rounds of game play, there will be incredible performances by local drag artists,” the event notice advises for the upcoming show. “PLEASE BRING $INGLES to show some love for our all-Latinx lineup of drag performers! This month’s event features the talents of Glenn Coco, Dela Rosa, and Brenden Badd.” Those single dollar bills are presumably to stuff into the garters of the drag queens as they perform their burlesque acts.

Gray is running for District 20 against two Republicans, Paul Bauer and Jordan Harary. District 20 is part of the University of Alaska Anchorage area and is a subsection of Senate Seat J.

With three people on the ballot for the district, all will appear on the Aug. 16 pick-one primary, and all will appear on the November ranked-choice ballot. All seats in the Alaska House are up for election this year, a result of the redistricting that has just completed, redrawing the House and Senate seat boundaries.

Must Read Alaska has blotted out the face of the child in the drag queen event referenced above by Andrew Gray.

Andrew Klavan: The big white lie of leftism

By ANDREW KLAVAN | CITY JOURNAL

The thing I like best about being a conservative is that I don’t have to lie. I don’t have to pretend that men and women are the same. I don’t have to declare that failed or oppressive cultures are as good as mine. I don’t have to say that everyone’s special or that the rich cause poverty or that all religions are a path to God. I don’t have to claim that a bad writer like Alice Walker is a good one or that a good writer like Toni Morrison is a great one. I don’t have to pretend that Islam means peace.

Of course, like everything, this candor has its price. A politics that depends on honesty will be, by nature, often impolite. Good manners and hypocrisy are intimately intertwined, and so conservatives, with their gimlet-eyed view of the world, are always susceptible to charges of incivility. It’s not really nice, you know, to describe things as they are.

This is leftism’s great strength: It’s all white lies. That’s its only advantage, as far as I can tell. None of its programs actually works, after all. From statism and income redistribution to liberalized criminal laws and multiculturalism, from its assault on religion to its redefinition of family, leftist policies have made the common life worse wherever they’re installed. But because it depends on—indeed is defined by—describing the human condition inaccurately, leftism is nothing if not polite. With its tortuous attempts to rename unpleasant facts out of existence—he’s not crippled, dear, he’s handicapped; it’s not a slum, it’s an inner city; it’s not surrender, it’s redeployment—leftism has outlived its own failure by hiding itself within the most labyrinthine construct of social delicacy since Victoria was queen.

This is no small thing. To rewrite the rules of courteous behavior is to wield enormous power. I see it in Southern California, in the bleeding heart of leftism, where I live. I’ve been banned from my monthly poker game, lost tennis partners, lost friends—not because I’m belligerent but because I’ve wondered aloud if the people shouldn’t be allowed to make their own abortion laws, say, or if the world might not be a better place without the UN.

It’s a rotten feeling. I sometimes think that I’d rather be deemed evil than a boor. Wickedness has some flair to it, even a whiff of radicalism. If you molest a child, there’s always a chance that you can get the ACLU to defend you as a cultural innovator. But if you make a remark at table about the destructive social effects of broken homes and then discover that your dinner partner is a divorcée—trust me, you feel like a real louse. It’s manners, not morals, that lay the borderlines of our behavior.

This, I believe, is the reason conservative politicians so often lose their nerve, why they back down in debate even when they’re clearly right. No one wants to be condemned as a brute—especially not conservatives, who still retain some vague memory of how worthy it is to be a lady or gentleman.

Continue reading this column written in 2007 at City Journal. City Journal is a publication of the Manhattan Institute for Policy Research, a leading free-market think tank. Are you interested in supporting the magazine? As a 501(c)(3) nonprofit, donations in support of MI and City Journal are fully tax-deductible as provided by law (EIN #13-2912529).

Dunleavy signs: Live music now allowed in breweries as sweeping alcohol reform, SB 9, becomes law

Alaska on Thursday overhauled its alcohol laws, the largest reform in 40 years. With a stroke of Gov. Mike Dunleavy’s pen and under the eager gazes of nearly 20 legislators, Senate Bill 9, the legislation sponsored by retiring Senate President Peter Micciche, became law at O’Malleys on the Green in Anchorage.

“This is a journey that is 10 years in the making and over 16,000 volunteer hours from the public to make a reality,” said Sen. Micciche to the crowd. “Everyone here will see the results of this hard work, and Alaskans and visitors to Alaska will be the better for it.” 

Senate Bill 9 passed with near unanimous support in both the House and the Senate. For the past eight sessions, the bill, also known as the “Title 4 Rewrite” (after the title in the Alaska statute books that alcohol laws are housed), seemed to be on a path of inevitable passage. During those same eight years, the bill was to come up short of the needed votes. Each time, the House floor was the final resting place for the rewrite effort. 

The changes in law are sweeping, ranging from how events are managed (live music is now allowed in breweries) to the basic functions of businesses (liquor stores can now make deliveries and provide samples of alcohol onsite). The Alcohol Beverage Control Board, which oversees the enforcement of alcohol laws, anticipates the regulatory process for implementing Senate Bill 9 to be the largest package in its history. 

Alaska’s alcohol laws are notoriously complicated and divisive. The state’s saloon and boomtown history of abuse, combined with the highest levels of alcoholism per capita in the nation, garnered enough public support in the early 1980’s to have laws that ‘dried out’ some of the unwanted activity. 

That temperance-focused system had the added effect of stifling new entrants into various Alaska communities, creating a lucrative market for existing licensees. The laws passed in the 1980s could not foresee the enormous popularity of locally brewed beers and local craft distilleries. 

As breweries took off in towns of all sizes, and restaurants and liquor stores (called technically ‘package stores’) looked for expanded practices, the same refrain came back: Do not open up Title 4, because then there will be open war with incumbent license holders and new entrants into the alcohol industry. 

With so many large projects, contrary groups came together to compromise and strike a deal. Alaska CHARR, the lobby which represents primarily bars, restaurants, and distributors, came to an accord with the Brewers Guild of Alaska, as well as the alcohol treatment groups that historically opposed any expansion of alcohol consumption. 

That compromise rested on a bedrock assumption that the laws governing alcohol, written when the state was slightly over 20 years old, needed significant revision to comport with the reality of a world with different tastes from the early-Reagan era. Staff from the local consulting group Agnew-Beck were employed to develop a framework for that rewrite. By 2015, the bill was ready to launch. The coalition had approached Sen. Micciche, now into his third year in the Legislature and already a prominent voice, to spearhead the initiative. 

But opponents had powerful friends in Juneau. Bar owners could count on the assistance of two freshmen who owned bars of their own: Democrat Adam Wool of Fairbanks and Republican Louise Stutes of Kodiak, as well as sympathetic ears from Gabrielle LeDoux of East Anchorage. That opposition killed the reform in the final hours of the 2016 legislative session.

This process was repeated again in the 2018 session, thanks to LeDoux, Wool, and Stutes being in the majority.

Notoriously, a poison pill was placed into the reform bill that would have devastated breweries. The pill did its job: the bill died before it could even have a vote in the House. 

By 2020, the obstacles to the Title 4 Rewrite appeared to have opened. Stutes had committed to not opposing the bill going to the floor, and LeDoux was effectively ostracized for other actions (LeDoux was indicted by the Department of Law for election fraud, and her trial date is to be set early next month). Wool had effectively been outvoted even within his Democratic caucus.

But then, the spring of 2020 was disrupted by the Covid-19 virus arriving from China. The Legislature ended business faster than at any time in the state’s history, and scattered its membership to their districts to wait out the virus. The rewrite of Title 4 was a victim of circumstance. 

Nothing was left to chance this time. Although by now he was Senate President, a position from which personal bills are often held as leverage, Sen. Micciche nevertheless embarked on the alcohol rewrite.

In the final days of the legislative session, the dam finally broke. The House voted on Senate Bill 9. The Senate agreed to the House’s changes with hours left before the mandatory end of the Legislature’s business. 

As in the celebration for the Alaska Reads Act earlier this month, Thursday’s ceremony was filled with an upbeat atmosphere with attendees. Partisan differences were set aside, with hard liberals like outgoing Rep. Ivy Sponholz and ultra conservative Sen. Roger Holland looking on for the signing of Senate Bill 9. After nearly an hour of snapping pictures on the green, the party slowly migrated into the clubhouse, where there were definitely drinks available.

Alaska Life Hack: Alaska land auctions underway

The Department of Natural Resources has opened the 2022 Alaska State Land Auction, Offering #493, which includes 186 road-accessible and remote parcels from Prince of Wales Island to the Interior.

“Alaskans feel a powerful connection with their land, and there is something special about owning a piece of property where you can put down roots, build a home and build a life in our beautiful state,” said Gov. Mike Dunleavy. “Land auctions are just one of the ways DNR helps implement my vision of putting Alaska land into Alaskans’ hands, and I encourage everyone to consider taking advantage of this opportunity.”

Alaska residents may submit sealed bids in person, by mail, or online until Oct. 4 at 4:30 p.m. Apparent high bids will be announced Oct. 19. Bidders may purchase up to two parcels.

Free auction brochures can be downloaded from the DNR Land Sales website at this link.

Parcels not sold at auction may be available through over-the-counter sales to Alaska residents, non-residents or businesses, starting on Nov. 2 at 10 a.m. OTC parcels currently available for purchase are posted on the Land Sales website’s Over- the-Counter section. DNR offers competitive in-house financing for land purchases. For more information about OTC sales, check page 25 of Auction Brochure #493.

The state also has an agricultural land auction underway at this link. The auction features 27 parcels available for sale in the Nenana-Totchaket area.

Nenana-Totchaket area was planned as a farming project decades ago, but access to the area limited the agricultural development. A new bridge constructed over the Nenana River, which was completed in 2020, was the key to unlocking the development of millions of acres of land owned by the State, Alaska Native corporations, and the University of Alaska.

With access barriers removed, combined with increased interest in creating sustainable food sources for Alaska, the Department of Natural Resources, Division of Agriculture started building a 30-year development plan for the area.

Constant quits, supports Peltola for Congress

After failing to get more than 3.63% of the statewide vote in the special primary election for Congress, Anchorage Assemblyman Chris Constant has pulled out of the regular primary election that will be held Aug. 16.

Constant, who is both cantankerous and sensitive as an assemblyman representing downtown Anchorage, didn’t gain traction with voters, in spite of having filed for office in February, weeks before most of the dozens of other candidates jumped in to compete in the race to replace Congressman Don Young. Young died on March 18.

Constant told reporters he will back rural former legislator Mary Peltola, who has advanced to the special general election, being held on Aug. 16 to determine who will be the temporary congressional representative. Peltola, like Constant, is a Democrat.

Constant’s withdrawal means he will not appear anywhere on the Aug. 16 ballot.

Candidates have until June 25 to withdraw from the ballot, and word is that Democrat Adam Wool is also withdrawing. Candidates must file paperwork with the Division of Elections to be officially removed from the ballot.

Constant’s campaign was filled with drama and handwringing from the beginning. He claimed that a death threat was made against him, something that was debunked by police. Most of his campaign was focused on an LGBTQ platform, and some analysts believe the entire campaign was a name recognition-building effort to prepare to run for Anchorage mayor. But in his own downtown home district, he did not perform well and was beat by Al Gross, who is proceeding to the special general election as a nonpartisan candidate, along with Peltola and two Republicans — Nick Begich and Sarah Palin.

During the last Federal Elections Commission report from mid-May, Constant had raised $150,790, but had only spent $63,000. He had $82,000 on hand, the remains of which he will probably donate to the Democratic Party to use on behalf of Peltola and other Democrat candidates.