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Gruening: Canada’s gut-punch to Southeast Alaska

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By WIN GRUENING

2020 was tough on tourism.  Alaska’s cruise industry had the worst year in its history.  The global pandemic left thousands unemployed and our private-sector economy in shambles.  Then, just as vaccinations ramped up and Covid-19 infections subsided, our hopes for some semblance of a visitor industry recovery were dashed with the announcement that Canadian ports would continue to be closed to Alaskan cruises until February 2022.

It was a gut punch.  

Under archaic and often misunderstood legislation, the Passenger Vessel Services Act of 1886, or PVSA, cruises between American ports may not transport passengers except on ships that are U.S.-built, owned, and documented.  

An exception is allowed for foreign vessels departing from and returning to the same U.S. port, provided the ship visits a foreign port.  This makes at least one Canadian port call mandatory on almost every Alaskan cruise.

Cruise critics have hammered large cruise lines for years, faulting them for building and flagging ships in foreign countries. There are, however, no shipyards in the U.S. that can build large cruise ships of the size used in Alaska. Even if flagged in America, the ships wouldn’t qualify unless U. S. built.  

The cruise industry must now rely largely on other forces to overcome two major obstacles in their efforts to resurrect the 2021 season – if there’s any chance of cruise ships sailing in Alaska this year.

First, the industry needs to receive clear guidelines from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention on safety protocols so it can acquire equipment and train crews as well as secure agreement from all the affected Alaska port communities. CDC has had almost a year to prepare for this and has yet to clarify workable guidance.

Second, the provisions of the PVSA could be waived at the congressional level (or perhaps by Presidential executive order) so Canadian stops would not be required for foreign-flagged ships.  Alternatively, a negotiated agreement with the Canadian government may secure an early termination of their cruise ship ban.  It is doubtful Canada would agree to this unless the aforementioned CDC guidelines were in place.

Governor Dunleavy and our congressional delegation are working on both issues full-time but there is no guarantee of success.

Time is rapidly running out. 

According to industry insiders, it will take at least 60 days to get ships ready and crews onboard and trained. The longer it takes to resolve health protocols and the Canadian cruise ban issue, the longer it takes before a decision can be made to salvage any part of the season.  At some point, the cost of running ships in a shortened season will be greater than leaving them mothballed with a skeleton crew.  

In a recent Southeast Conference presentation, Howard Sherman, Norwegian Cruise Line Executive Vice President, stated that if a path to resolving these issues was not found by May 1, then it would likely mean cancellation of their 2021 season.

Needless to say, the worst-case scenario  with major cruise line cancellations would be an unmitigated disaster for hundreds of small businesses and our port communities. Another round of Covid relief funding is likely, but it may not be enough.

Some have suggested ramping up independent tourism,  by ferry, for instance. It’s hard to see how current frequency, capacity, and cost of Alaska ferries could be significantly modified to attract many travelers. The one-way fare for two people with a stateroom (without a vehicle) on AMHS for the 3-day voyage from Bellingham to Haines is $1,441. 

Add a motorhome and the fare is around $4,900. Double that for the return trip due to problematic Canadian border restrictions.

Regardless, the options being considered wouldn’t come close to offsetting the decline in commercial and municipal revenues caused by a shortened or canceled cruise season.

Alaskan communities with economies dependent on cruise visitors are all hoping  for the best but are bracing themselves for the worst.

Even before the Canadian cruise ban extension, the City and Borough of Juneau was facing a $9.9 million deficit this year and an $18.4 million deficit in FY2022. Yet, the Assembly has yet to consider any serious operating spending reductions.

It would seem now is the time.

Win Gruening retired as the senior vice president in charge of business banking for Key Bank in 2012. He was born and raised in Juneau and graduated from the U.S. Air Force Academy in 1970. He is active in community affairs as a 30-plus year member of Juneau Downtown Rotary Club and has been involved in various local and statewide organizations.

Governor tells Sen. Reinbold she’s violated ethics act with misrepresentations and wild allegations about virus

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Gov. Mike Dunleavy has run out of patience for Sen. Lora Reinbold. In a scorching letter to the senator from Eagle River, he told her that not he, nor anyone in his Administration, will engage with her any longer. The letter is dated Feb. 18, 2021:

“As public officials, we both swear an oath to support and defend the Constitution of the United States and the Constitution of the State of Alaska.‘ That oath reads, in part, that public officials will ‘faithfitlly discharge [my] duties as….to the best of [my] ability. ”2 That premise, of faithfully discharging duties, is the basis of public service; that those empowered by the citizens of a land can be trusted to act in good faith on their behalf.

“It is clear you have abdicated the tenets of your oath as a public servant. Out of respect for Article II of the State of Alaska Constitution, I will not outline in detail your violations of the Legislature’s Uniform Rules,3 the Legislative Ethics Act, the manual of legislative procedure guiding conduct on the record, and the Alaska Legislature Professional Workplace Conduct Policy; your continued qualification as a member of the Legislature is a matter best determined by the Voters.

What does fall within my purview, as the Governor of the State of Alaska, is the daily administration of government. An essential part of how state government functions is the interaction between its Legislative and Executive Branches. The laws and budget passed by the Legislature are enacted by the Governor,” Dunleavy wrote.

Dunleavy admonished Reinbold to conduct herself in good faith and in the public interest.

“People can disagree, and do so vehemently; that marketplace of ideas is intrinsic to a republican democratic form of government. When those entrusted by the people, imbued with the dignity and authority of an office affording them the power to change the laws of the land, and to hold the power of the public purse, engage in direct affronts to those responsibilities, they dishonor their office and should be publicly condemned for their conduct,” he continued.

“You have used your position as a member of the Alaska State Senate to publicly misrepresent the State of Alaska’s response to a global health crisis. You impugned the motivations of unelected and non-political employees working for the State of Alaska with baseless allegations that, on multiple occasions, were demonstrated to you to be false. Time and again, when provided the information unequivocally illustrating the blatant inaccuracies in your public statements about the State of Alaska’s health responses, you persisted in continuing to betray the public trust with those statements. You deceived the people of Alaska about their government’s response to the largest public health crisis in a century. In doing so, you violated the obligation you have, as a member of the Legislature, to promoting and protecting public health,” Dunleavy wrote.

Clearly, the chair of Senate Judiciary has gotten on the governor’s last nerve. He continued to admonish:

“The misinformation must end. Since you have been, up until now, either incapable or unwilling to read the responses from employees in the various agencies under my constitutional authority, let me be clear with you:
I have never imposed martial law or forced Alaskans to take the COVID-19 vaccine. My administration instead coordinated with local governments, hospitals, businesses, and volunteer organizations so that as many Alaskans as possible have access to the vaccine if they so wish. Alaska has through this pandemic had one of the best sets of health outcomes in the United States, with some of the least restrictive measures of any state in the country.

“My administration suspended regulations, as authorized under AS 26.23.020, so that Alaskans would not have to subject themselves to increased risks of contracting the virus. This administration also suspended dozens of regulations affecting businesses, to assure that our economy could withstand the shocks it was subjected to in 2020. Our government suspended imposing fees on thousands of Alaskan businesses and prevented increasing fees on our neighbors who were struggling to keep their staff employed and their doors open.

“There are certainly many Alaskans, and colleagues within the Legislature, who had desires and demands for my administration to take more invasive and drastic measures, such as implementing a statewide mask mandate, or overriding the constitutional rights of First Class cities to manage the public health of residents. To those groups’ mutual frustration, I adhered to my stance that the State of Alaska Constitution defers to local control, because the best government is that closest to the people.” As a self-professed small government conservative, you should know this. You do know this, because my administration has responded to you, repeatedly, in answer to your accusations on this subject,” the governor wrote.

“The resources brought to bear in responding to your many superfluous inquiries have been costly, time consuming, and most importantly, distracting from the public duties of the many employees attempting to do the business of the people of Alaska. While it is undoubtedly the rightful place of the Legislature to hold the Executive Branch of government accountable, that process of inquiry must be consistent with the laws, procedures, and within the structured functioning of the Legislature. More importantly, the requests, or demands, must be based in fact, and not in idle speculation, and must be with a public purpose in mind.
It is clear, from the unrelenting correspondence between yourself and the members of my administration, that your demands are not based in fact, or in concert with the intent granted legislative oversight. Your baseless, deleterious, and self-serving demands on government resources amounts to an abuse of public services and will no longer be endured.”

And finally, Dunleavy gave the directive that his Administration is not going to respond to her any longer:

“This letter serves as notice that all officials and staff, employed and serving the State of Alaska’s Executive Branch of government, will not be responding, or participating, in any matter that pertains to yourself, your office, or, currently, in your capacity as the chair of a committee. The resources of the State of Alaska are not yours to abuse for your own, as yet undiscemible, personal benefit. It is lamentable that the good citizens of Eagle River and Chugiak are deprived of meaningful representation by the actions of the person holding the office of Senator.

“I will not continue to subject the public resources of the State of Alaska to the mockery of a charade, disguised as public purpose.”

His letter is signed

“Sincerely,
Mike Dunleavy Governor”

House creates Ways and Means Committee for Spohnholz to run

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The Alaska House majority voted to create a House Ways and Means Committee today, which is a special committee that could slow down progress in the House of Representatives’ bill-moving process. The House is already a month behind in its work for the 90-day session.

The vote was along majority lines, with Rep. Kelly Merrick of Eagle River falling in line with the proposal that ended up putting Rep. Ivy Spohnholz as the chair of this special committee. Spohnholz spoke forcefully in favor of creating the committee; she is a pro-income-tax Democrat.

It’s unclear what the committee’s full responsibility will be. A Ways and Means Committee can be whatever the makers want it to be. In the U.S. House, the Ways and Means Committee is the chief tax-writing committee.

Although 103 bills were read into the House today and referred to various committees, none of those committees was the Ways and Means Committee, because that vote to create the committee came later. In actuality, however, the Speaker can add the Ways and Means Committee to a list of committees to which bills can get referred at any time.

Years ago, the Republican caucus in the Alaska House had a Ways and Means Committee that had the focus of “missions and measures,” setting up mission statements for departments and measurements for whether departments were achieving their missions.

In 2007-2008, the special committee was created and chaired by Rep. Mike Hawker, with vice chair Rep. Anna Fairclough (now MacKinnon).

Among bills that were referred to it that year were HB 57, Amerada Hess oil royalty settlement money into the Permanent Fund; HB 68, a long-range fiscal plan; HB 395, repealing an estate tax on residents; and HJR 1, 5, and 35, having to do with transfers, revenue, and state debt.

Campbell: In politics, your word is your bond

By CRAIG E. CAMPBELL

In politics it is said that any publicity is good publicity so long as you are not in an obituary.  

Also in politics, there are two types of obituaries. The first is the obvious time when each of us gets to meet our maker. The second is when a politician commits political suicide and breaks their word, their bond, with their constituency.  

Unfortunately, Eagle River Republican Rep. Kelly Merrick unilaterally terminated her future representing District 14 Eagle River when she broke her bond by going back on her word. She couldn’t get elected dog catcher today, even if we elected dog catchers.

Just 100 days after getting elected to her second term in the Alaska House of Representatives, Merrick betrayed her constituents by being the single vote out of the 40 house seats to turn a numerical Republican majority, into the minority.  

While telling her constituents she “did not join a bi-partisan Democrat controlled House majority,” her words fell on deaf ears, as her actions resulted in a bi-partisan, Democrat controlled majority.  

This can only be explained in one of three ways. Either she knew exactly what she was doing and thought she could hoodwink her constituents into thinking she didn’t do something she did; or worst, she didn’t care about her constituents and used this opportunity to advance her own political future. The third option is that she just didn’t understand what she was doing.  

I know Kelly Merrick, and she is not dumb.  In fact, she is a shrewd devil who understood exactly what she was doing and thinks she can get away with it.  

The track record for Republicans forming bi-partisan Democrat controlled majorities is not good. In 2014, a few Republicans formed the Musk Ox Coalition and sided with Democrats. 

In the 2016 election, Musk Ox members Cathy Munoz and Jim Colver lost their races. In 2018, Musk Ox Republican Paul Seaton lost his primary election to Sarah Vance.  

While no longer called the Musk Ox Coalition, Republicans continued to broker Democrat led coalitions and in the 2020 election, Jennifer Johnston, Chuck, Kopp, and Gabrielle LeDoux all lost their primary races while Gary Knopp unfortunately died in a tragic plane crash.  

The history of Republicans supporting Democrat-led coalitions does not appear too good for political careers.

Why would Merrick break her bond with her constituents by going back on her word?  Eagle River is one of the most conservative districts in Alaska.  She understood that District 14 would erupt, and it did last night by passing a resolution censuring her and committing to never provide any future support. Obviously, she must have no intention of returning to either the House or Senate.    

Maybe Merrick thinks she has a shot at winning the governor’s race in 2022.  That doesn’t make sense. Her husband Joey Merrick is the union boss at Laborers Local 341.  

Coincidently, Vince Beltrami just retired from the AFL-CIO boss position and word has it he is considering a run for governor.  

There is no way Merrick would be allowed to split the union vote against Beltrami, and Republicans certainly aren’t going to elect a Benedict Arnold to the governorship. So I don’t think Merrick has any intention of running for governor.  

But there are two other plausible possibilities. The first is that Merrick may be aiming to run against Senator Murkowski in 2022. With the political suicide cliff-jumping Sen. Lisa Murkowski seems to be taking with Republicans, this might make a lot of sense.  The problem is, Murkowski has a lot of liberal support and unless Merrick switches her long-time pro-life stance, she would have an uphill battle against Murkowski, who has a track record and can turn out liberal Republicans, moderate Democrats, and the rural vote. My bet is Merrick is not running against Murkowski.

Is she targeting Congressman Don Young’s seat? Merrick is more conservative than Alyce Galvin and could curry Democrat favor these next two years as co-chair of House Finance. With union backing and building a strong moderate base, Merrick would certainly be a challenge to Don Young.   

However, there is that pesky Republican primary she would have to face, that’s if she remained a Republican. Ballot Measure 2, which was clearly put forth by its sponsors to bolster Sen. Murkowski’s changes at another Senate term, may help Merrick in her quest for a House seat. But Young has been a stalwart at supporting Alaska, and he has union backing. So, Merrick is most probably praying the Young retires and she gets to take a shoot at an open seat, otherwise this path to victory for her is a dead-end.

My bet is she will run for lieutenant governor, supporting Beltrami, to form a union backed gubernatorial team in 2022. A Beltrami/Merrick team would draw from numerous, traditionally conflicting bases. That should worry Republicans to the max. A Beltrami/Merrick executive branch would be the final nail in the coffin of a death sentence for Alaska.  

Merrick is probably considering the prospects of switching parties by 2022 to gain Democrat support for a lieutenant governor run. For anyone who may even think for a second of supporting her, consider her word. She made a bond with District 14 to never join a Democrat led coalition, so regardless of how she tries to spin it, she lied and was the kingpin that allowed Louise Stutes to become Speaker of the House and form committees controlled by Democrats. 

Let me end on a positive note: I am positive Kelly Merrick will never again be elected to any position in Alaska, ever.

Craig E. Campbell served on the Anchorage Assembly between 1986 and 1995 and later as Alaska’s Tenth Lieutenant Governor.  He was the previous Chief Executive Officer and President for Alaska Aerospace Corporation.  He retired from the Alaska National Guard as Lieutenant General (AKNG) and holds the concurrent retired Federal rank of Major General (USAF).

Committees accepted by House Majority, 22-17

In a 22-17 vote, the drama ended and the Committee assignments have been made for the Alaska House of Representatives.

The report has been amended.

Some changes were made to the report. Rep. Tom McKay is now on Resources and Rep. Kevin McCabe is now on Community and Regional Affairs.

Although last-minute vote-hostage-taking took place by Rep. Geran Tarr, who was withholding her vote on the committee assignments, the procedure went smoothly Thursday morning. Three Republicans are aligned with the Democrat-majority coalition: Speaker Louise Stutes, Rep. Kelly Merrick, and nominally Rep. Sara Rasmussen, who says she is not part of the coalition, but voted with them to approve the committee assignments. Rasmussen, representing South Anchorage, was awarded a coveted seat on Finance.

The minority caucus of Republicans is comprised of 18 members, with Rep. Cathy Tilton as minority leader and Rep. Laddie Shaw as minority whip.

With committees established, over 100 bills were read across the floor and assigned to those committees.

The House Minority Caucus is now made up of Ben Carpenter, Mike Cronk, David Eastman, Ron Gillham, DeLena Johnson, James Kaufman, Chris Kurka, Bart LeBon, Kevin McCabe, Ken McCarty, Tom McKay, David Nelson, Mike Prax, George Rauscher, Laddie Shaw, Steve Thompson, Cathy Tilton, and Sarah Vance.

The majority caucus has Matt Claman, Harriet Drummond, Bryce Edgmon, Zack Fields, Neal Foster, Sara Hannan, Grier Hopkins, Andy Josephson, Jonathan Kreiss-Tomkins, Daniel Ortiz, Josiah Patkotak, Calvn Schrage, Liz Snyder, Ivy Spohnholz, Andi Story, Chris Tuck, Adam Wool, Tiffany Zulkosky, all of whom are reliable Democrats or pretend undeclareds, and Republicans Louise Stutes and Kelly Merrick.

Sarah Rasmussen, also a Republican, has insisted she is a member of neither caucus.

District 14 GOP leaders censure Rep. Kelly Merrick and Sen. Lisa Murkowski

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District 14 Republicans met on Wednesday evening and passed resolutions to censure both their State House Rep. Kelly Merrick, who joined the Democrat-controlled majority coalition, and Sen. Lisa Murkowski, for her role in the impeachment trial of President Donald Trump.

Both elected leaders who were sanctioned by the district Republican leaders are Republicans.

District Chair Joe Wright led the meeting, during which members had tried to get Merrick to join by phone or Zoom teleconference to explain why she had left the Republican majority (there are 21 elected Republicans in the House) and joined the Democrat-led coalition to form up a weak majority, with Speaker Louise Stutes. Stutes is the other Republican in the patched-together coalition.

The group of 19 Republicans in Eagle River had a long discussion about Merrick, who had promised to them in earlier meetings that she would not join the Democrats. Among their options, sources say, is to initiate a recall against Merrick, something that they are now researching.

Read: Merrick jumps ship, joins Democrat-majority coalition

The censure of Murkowski was similar to the the resolution passed last year in the District. This time, the censure said she had violated her constitutional duties, and that she had voted to convict Donald J. Trump of inciting an insurrection.

Several other districts in Alaska have censured Murkowski, and others are in the process of voting to do so.

Tarr makes demands to majority coalition

Rep. Geran Tarr said she won’t be the vote needed for the committee structure unless the House Majority meets demands she outlines in a letter to Speaker Louise Stutes.

She wants her staff to be retained during the restructuring. She wants the emergency declaration extended. And she wants some of her legislation passed.

She says she has decided against joining the House majority coalition and cites threats from others in the coalition to leave and joint the Republican caucus. The situation, she says, is contrary to her commitment to honorable public service.

Here is her letter:

During the last legislative session, Tarr was co-chair of the House Natural Resources Committee. This year, she has only received a committee assignment on State Affairs, while the Republican members who joined the coalition have received more powerful positions, such as Reps. Kelly Merrick and Sara Rasmussen getting seats on Finance, while Tarr, a Democrat, has more seniority.

This is a rapidly evolving story. Check back for updates.

Is Bill Falsey the sleeper liberal candidate for Anchorage mayor?

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If the strength of campaigns are seen in cash, Anchorage voters have something to mull over: Forrest Dunbar, the Anchorage Assemblyman running for mayor, has raised the most cash of all of the candidates, it appears. But he also has a lot of controversy around him, based on statements he has made and votes he has taken.

Another liberal candidate has made a surprisingly strong showing in fundraising: Bill Falsey.

Falsey was the city manager for the Municipality, but left late last year to run for mayor. In his year-start report, he had raised $106,285.

Name recognition is a problem for Falsey, because he has worked behind the scenes in the Berkowitz Administration and then the Quinn-Davidson Administration; also he was the municipal attorney for a few years. His donor list reveals that he knows a lot of influential people.

Ken Salazar, who was Secretary of the Interior for President Obama, donated $500 to Falsey’s campaign, as did Margaret Stock, who ran for U.S. Senate for Alaska in 2016 as an independent.

Also donating to Falsey are numerous municipal employees, such as Jason Bockenstedt, the mayor’s chief of staff, and his wife, and Erin Baca, the director of the 49th State Angel Fund, which is a project Falsey managed when he was with the Muni. More big-name donors are Scott Goldsmith, Eric Wohlforth, Rep. Liz Snyder, former Sen. Pat Pourchot, and Larry Persily and his long-time comrade, former Rep. Kim Elton. These are all well-known political names in Anchorage.

Although Falsey raised less than half of what Dunbar raised for the year-start reporting cycle, he raised slightly more than center-right Bill Evans, who filed his year-start report with Alaska Public Offices Commission, with $96,380 raised for the race that is well underway.

Evans, too, has recognized donors associated with his campaign, such as former Mayor Dan Sullivan and current Attorney General Treg Taylor. Also, former Attorneys General Michael Geraghty and Craig Richards, along with business leaders Larry Cash, (formerly of the Permanent Fund Board of Trustees,) and Al Fogle, former candidate for State House.

Dave Bronson raised $162,481.80. The unusual thing about his campaign fundraising is that many of the donors appear to be small-business owners in Anchorage. In fact, 95 percent of his donations are coming from inside Anchorage, mostly in small amounts. Former Lt. Gov. Craig Campbell is a supporter.

Mike Robbins filed his report early, with $210,057, and he has a lot of well known names in his camp — former Lt. Gov. Mead Treadwell, former Sen. Lesil McGuire, for example. And also, there are a lot of local business owners on the list, and very few government bureaucrats.

None of those candidates had as much at the beginning of the year Forrest Dunbar, the leading Democrat for mayor, who had raised $252,000 in his war chest.

George Martinez, also in the hunt for mayor this cycle, raised a respectable $56,033.

The year-start report totals:

  • Dunbar: $253,890 ($203,000 plus cash from prior campaign)
  • Robbins: $210,057
  • Bronson: $162,418
  • Falsey: $106,000
  • Evans: $96,380
  • Martinez: $56,000
  • Jacobs: $37,100

(There are 15 candidates for mayor. Not all of them are raising money.)

Dunbar, candidate for mayor, has friends in high places, like Democrats in Congress, National Guard

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Forrest Dunbar, the leading liberal candidate for Anchorage mayor, has posted a hefty haul in his year-start financial report, and some names popped out that show how he has friends throughout the government.

Currently a member of the Anchorage Assembly, Dunbar at the beginning of the year had raised over $252,000 for his campaign for mayor.

One of the most high-profile and high-dollar donors to his race is Jamie Raskin.

That’s Congressman Jamie Raskin of Maryland, an attorney who was the House of Representatives impeachment manager and lead prosecutor of President Donald Trump during the trial in the U.S. Senate earlier this month.

Also notable on the Dunbar list is Laurie Hummel, a frequent donor to Dunbar’s campaigns. Hummel is the Inspector General of the National Guard. Dunbar is a JAG officer in the Guard. Hummel has donated at least three times to Dunbar’s campaign for mayor.

Hummel once ran against former Rep. Gabrielle LeDoux for State House, and is a reliable Democratic Party contributor.

She’s also up the chain of command in terms of oversight for officers like Dunbar, and would have influence if ever a complaint was brought against him. She just has to pick up the phone and make a call to get complaints dismissed.

A former adjutant general of Alaska under Gov. Bill Walker, Hummel was replaced in 2019 by Gov. Mike Dunleavy. In 2015, she had chosen Dunbar to  to help overhaul the state’s code of military justice.

Must Read Alaska research shows that Dunbar is well-funded from outside Alaska:

  • 21 percent of his donations come from out of state.
  • 30 percent of his donations are from outside of Anchorage.
  • 10 percent of his donations come from lawyers, many who work in the government bureaucracy, such as Department of Justice.
  • 11 percent of his donations come from educators.

COMPARING WITH BERKOWITZ

Dunbar is not yet raking in as much campaign cash as his predecessor and Democrat ally Mayor Ethan Berkowitz did in 2018. Berkowitz raised $604,000 and had 2,636 contributions, about 89 percent of which were from inside the Anchorage Borough. Just 6 percent of Berkowitz’ donations were from out of Alaska.

Dunbar has raised $252,000 and 70 percent of his donations are from inside Anchorage so far, while 21 percent of his donations are from out of state.

Dunbar had, as of the beginning of the year, raised 42 percent of what Berkowitz had raised when he ran for reelection in 2018, but Dunbar’s out-of-state donations are 230 percent higher than Berkowitz’ were.

It’s early — there are 48 days until the end of the municipal election and the campaign cash reports will continue to be posted in coming weeks.

Ballots for the mail-in-only race will be in the mail about March 16 and must be postmarked by April 6.

Feb. 18 is the deadline for candidates for Anchorage mayor to file their year-start reports with the Alaska Public Offices Commission. Dunbar filed his report two weeks early.