Tuesday, October 20, 2026
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Legislature’s last hours is full of intrigue, at eases

It’s horse-trading season for the last hours of the Alaska Legislature’s regular session, and that means it’s also bill-stuffing season. Those legislators with bills they want to pass — and who haven’t been able to move them — will try to wedge their bill language into other bills that are already on the floor.

The piece of legislation most Alaskans are paying attention to is the state operating budget, which contains the Permanent Fund dividend appropriation. Alaskans have a dog in the fight because $3,850 per qualifying Alaskan is on the potential chopping block.

The conference committee — a body of six from the House and Senate — hammered out a negotiated amount of $3,850, and also reduced the overall budget by about $1.5 billion. The final budget deal went to the Clerk’s Office, and was to be on the desks of every legislator 24 hours before the end of tonight’s floor sessions, which is expected to go until midnight. There will be a final vote.

There are understandings and there are side conversations at play:

In the understandings department, the governor originally wanted a 50-50 dividend for the people, plus an “even-up” from what the Legislature took from their dividends last year. That’s what this amount of $3,850 represents. He also wanted the people to be able to vote on putting the way the PFD is calculated into the Alaska Constitution. That is an item he is not getting.

The budget and the dividend needs a three-quarters vote — a supermajority — to access the Constitutional Budget Reserve as one of the sources to pay for it. The short version is: If 11 legislators in the House and six in the Senate vote no, every Alaskans loses $550 from the dividend that now stands at $3,850. The supermajority is 30 in the House, 20 in the Senate, which will require a lot of anti-dividend Democrats to vote in favor of this budget.

If they don’t vote for this budget, word is that the governor will veto capital projects from their districts. This year’s capital budget is the largest in a decade, and it’s a target-rich environment for the governor to get what he can for Alaskans in terms of a dividend. Alaskans are facing the highest gas and heating oil prices of their lives, along with inflation that is over 11 percent for the essential goods and services they need.

For this vote, and for this dividend, lawmakers really have nowhere to hide. They will have a tough time explaining to the people of their districts why they voted against their interests.

As for side conversations, one wealthy Anchorage senator has been working the halls to try to knife the deal. Careful observers in the halls of the Capitol say Sen. Natasha von Imhof, who is an opponent of large dividends, has been visiting other lawmakers to get them to vote against the deal. Von Imhof is not running again for Senate and is said to be preparing to take the helm of the Rasmuson Foundation, her family foundation that some call the fourth branch of government and the second-most powerful branch of government, due to its endowment and therefore its control of the nonprofit sector in Alaska.

Last year, she implored her colleagues to not vote for a statutory dividend, in a speech that was shocking, in that she called it “greed and entitlement.”

“The greed and the entitlement is astounding to me,” von Imhof said to the Senate last year, describing the people of Alaska who support the statutory formula for the Permanent Fund dividend. She is working her magic again this year.

The operating budget vote comes at a price for all lawmakers. All of them who are up for reelection this year — and that is almost all of them but Von Imhof and Sen. Donny Olson — will have to face their voters to explain why they voted down the $550 portion of the PFD, and why they cost their district needed capital budget items such as road maintenance.

New in Juneau: Alaska senators bow heads for prayer for ‘magic and truth’ to Norse god Odin

The Alaska Senate usually starts out its floor sessions with a prayer or sometimes a thought for the day from a non-religious member. On Tuesday, the prayer was offered by one of the Senate pages, Ollie Zaldivar of Anchorage, who beseeched wisdom from a Norse god named Odin.

He offered the prayer that asked that he know magic and know truth. He referred to the god as “Allfather.”

Described as a wise, one-eyed old man, writes the description in Wikipedia, “Odin has by far the most varied characteristics of any of the gods and is not only the deity to call upon when war was being prepared but is also the god of poetry, of the dead, of runes, and of magic.”

After the prayer, typically Sen. Lyman Hoffman asks, in the tradition of the Senate and House, that the prayer “be spread across the journal,” but this time he did not make the request.

Instead, Hoffman looked over at Sen. Gary Stevens, who rose and did the deed, asking for the the traditional “spread across the journal.”

Sen. Gary Stevens ask that the prayer be spread across the journal.

As a legislative floor staff, Zaldivar is one of several who work for the entire Senate.

Oddly related, Sen. Bert Stedman has a wooden bust of Odin that sits in the Senate Finance Committee on a shelf overlooking the table that the committee members gather around to decide on legislative matters coming before them.

A wooden bust of Odin, Norse god of war and magic and other things, sits in Senate Finance.

House subcommittee UFO hearing was first in 50 years on ‘unidentified aerial phenomena’

By CASEY HARPER | THE CENTER SQUARE

A House subcommittee hearing drew national attention Tuesday for its unusual focus: UFOs.

The House Intelligence Counterterrorism, Counterintelligence, and Counterproliferation Subcommittee held the hearing Tuesday on “Unidentified Aerial Phenomena,” also commonly called UFOs.

The Congressional hearing, the first of its kind in decades, allowed lawmakers to raise an array of questions about what UFOs, or UAPs, are, how they are identified, and what should be done about them.

A Pew Research Center survey from last year found that 65% of surveyed Americans “say their best guess is that intelligent life exists on other planets.”

“A smaller but still sizable share of the public (51%) says that UFOs reported by people in the military are likely evidence of intelligent life outside Earth,” Pew said. “Most of this sentiment comes from people who say that military-reported UFOs are ‘probably’ evidence of extraterrestrial life (40%), rather than ‘definitely’ such evidence (11%)…”

That survey came just before the release of a report from the Office of the Director of National Intelligence in June on UAPs.

“In a limited number of incidents, UAP reportedly appeared to exhibit unusual flight characteristics,” the report said. “These observations could be the result of sensor errors, spoofing, or observer misperception and require additional rigorous analysis. There are probably multiple types of UAP requiring different explanations based on the range of appearances and behaviors described in the available reporting.”

The report added that the objects pose a danger to flights and possibly even to national security.

“Our analysis of the data supports the construct that if and when individual UAP incidents are resolved they will fall into one of five potential explanatory categories: airborne clutter, natural atmospheric phenomena, USG or U.S. industry developmental programs, foreign adversary systems, and a catchall ‘other’ bin,” the report said.

The “other” bin has drawn attention for decades. During the hearing, images from the Department of Defense showed several UFOs, drawing a wide array of speculation online.

“This phenomenon is real and perplexing, and it is past time that Congress and the Administration gives it the attention it deserves,” said Christopher Mellon, former deputy assistant secretary of Defense for Intelligence.

Others criticized Congress for giving attention to the issue when other problems like inflation and the baby formula shortage have not been fixed.

Some lawmakers raised concerns about the national security implications, especially if the UFOs are foreign aircraft. Scott W. Bray, deputy director of Naval Intelligence, said there have been several near misses with these kinds of objects and U.S. military aircraft.

“Unidentified Aerial Phenomena are a potential national security threat, and they need to be treated that way,” said Rep. André Carson, D-Indiana, who chaired the hearing. “For too long, the stigma associated with UAPs has gotten in the way of good intelligence analysis. Pilots avoided reporting, or were laughed at when they did. DOD officials relegated the issue to the back room or swept it under the rug, entirely fearful of a skeptical national security community.”

Overall, though, Americans do not see UFOs as a major concern.

“When asked to think about U.S. national security, most Americans (87%) say that UFOs are not a threat at all (51%) or a minor threat (36%),” the Pew survey said. “One-in-ten say UFOs are a major threat to U.S. national security.”

Free Beacon: Leaker, liar, turncoat, nut job

STEVE SCHMIDT’S ABASEMENT MAKES PUBLIC WHAT WE’VE KNOWN FOR A LONG TIME

By WASHINGTON FREE BEACON

No Books. No Money. Just the Truth. That’s the title of the meandering Substack post Steve Schmidt threw up last week at the tail end of a two-day Twitter bender. In that time, he didn’t take more than an hour away from the keyboard, tapping out stilted and overwrought attacks against the late war hero John McCain and his daughter, Meghan.

Since then, he’s widened the aperture, lashing out at the living, from Republican lawmakers (New York Rep. Elise Stefanik, Nebraska Gov. Pete Ricketts) to journalists (Maggie Haberman, Matt Lewis, Jonah Goldberg) and another subset of former colleagues (sorry, Lincoln Project).

Schmidt, in what is obviously a mental unraveling, denies any responsibility for McCain’s decision to tap Sarah Palin as his running mate in 2008. He claims he didn’t even sit down with Palin until after McCain had made his choice and that, in the end, he didn’t even vote for the old man.

“This was a lapse in John’s judgment, not mine,” he writes. “My mistake was leaving John McCain alone in a room with her.” Schmidt elaborated days later in an interview with the Kyiv Post. “The first time I had a conversation with her was after the decision had been made,” he said of Palin, adding that he went “bananaramas” over the decision—whatever that means.

Well, there was a book! It was called Game Change, and Schmidt and his fellow turncoat Nicolle Wallace were the primary sources for it. The book eventually earned Schmidt a red-carpet appearance with Woody Harrelson, who played him on the big screen.

According to Game Change, Palin’s vetting was hardly outsourced. The authors describe an hours-long conversation between Schmidt, Palin, and McCain aide Mark Salter that took place before her selection at the Flagstaff, Ariz., home of McCain supporter Bob Delgado. Schmidt “wanted to be sure Palin was ready for what she’d face and would toe the line.”

But he and Salter, by their own account, dropped the ball. “They asked her nothing to plumb the depths of her knowledge about foreign or domestic policy,” the book recounts. “They didn’t explore her preparedness to be vice president. They assumed she knew as much as the average governor, and that what she didn’t know, she would pick up on the fly. They weren’t searching for problems. They were looking for a last-second solution.”

It wasn’t just the book. There were news reports, too! A 2012 New York Times article chronicled how Schmidt had parlayed the disastrous McCain campaign into fame and fortune through “self-criticism and challenges to his own party.” (Sound familiar?)

“It was Mr. Schmidt who first championed Sarah Palin as Mr. McCain’s running mate, a bold move, he told Mr. McCain, that could win him the White House,” reporter Adam Nagourney wrote. “My regret,” Schmidt told Nagourney, “is I should have been the guy to say, ‘Stop, it’s too risky.’ As opposed to the guy saying: ‘Let’s take the risk. We have to win this.'”

Was Schmidt lying then, or is he lying now? That’s a trick question. He’s been lying the whole way. That includes his complaint that, when the McCain campaign ended, “Sarah Palin lashed out at Nicolle Wallace and me” and “smeared us as disloyal leakers.”

Schmidt’s public self-abasement has made clear for all to see what was evident to those who served on the campaign: He is disloyal and he did smear Palin in an attempt to preserve his reputation with the same reporters who breathlessly regurgitate the bullshit of a deranged man 14 years on. (Attention, New York Times reporters, the link to your archive is here.)

Now Schmidt says he’s converting to Judaism. We hope that’s a lie, too, but if not, we await the epic Twitter thread denouncing Hashem. It can’t be long.

This editorial, written by the staff of the Washington Free Beacon, is used with permission.

Which congressional candidates have missed or met their Ethics in Government Act financial disclosure deadlines?

Sarah Palin, Josh Revak, Adam Wool, and Andrew Halcro are among the many candidates for Congress who have neglected to file a required financial disclosure with the Clerk of the House of Representatives.

The Ethics in Government Act requires members of Congress, officers, employees of Congress, and candidates for Congress who intend to raise more than $5,000 to file a financial disclosure. They must file within 30 days of becoming a candidate, or May 15 of the year they become a candidate.

Several candidates for Congress did file their disclosures on time: Nick Begich, Jeff Lowenfels, Tara Sweeney, and Chris Constant are among them.

Santa Claus of North Pole has filed a statement saying he will not be raising more than $5,000, so he is not required to file with the Clerk.

The late filing fee is not excessive — the lagging candidates will be charged just $200 for filing 30 days or more after the deadline.

The financial report details all the investments that each of the candidates have, income they’ve earned, and businesses they own. The statements show details such as how much their spouses make. Because the special election to fill Alaska’s one seat in Congress is coming at such a rapid pace, this particular filing with the Clerk of Congress is the only real sense that the public has about whether a candidate has the wherewithal to continue a campaign, if they are not raising funds from supporters.

In the filings, it’s clear that Chris Constant does not have enough personal wealth to sustain his campaign for Congress without financial help, while Jeff Lowenfels can pay for much of his own campaign, as can Nick Begich.

For the ones who are no-shows on the filings, it’s not clear if they are trying to keep their finances quiet or if they simply haven’t raised over $5,000. In the case of Palin, it’s unlikely she has not raised more than $5,000. Her upcoming fundraiser in the swanky Ponte Vedra, Florida is an indication that she has raised a significant amount of money already and will be the fundraising powerhouse for this special election.

The filing deadline for the Federal Elections Commission report is a separate schedule. The deadline for the pre-primary FEC report is May 30, and the July quarterly report is due July 15.

Senators are trying to kill SB 140, the bill that would ensure gender protection for girls in sports

The bill that protects girls in sports from transgender takeover was tabled today by the Alaska Senate, over the objections of Sen. Shelley Hughes, the bill’s prime sponsor.

Voting to kill the bill through the tabling process were Democrats Tom Begich, Elvi Gray Jackson, Lyman Hoffman, Scott Kawasaki, Jesse Kiehl, and Bill Wielechowski.

Also trying to kill the bill were Republicans Josh Revak, Bert Stedman, Gary Stevens, and Natasha von Imhof, and Click Bishop.

The only Democrat to try to save the bill for the floor vote was Donny Olson.

The vote was 11-8, with Republican Lora Reinbold excused.

Already stripped out of the bill were protection for college women’s sports. SB 140 only applies to sports competitions for K-12. The bill defines gender as that which a person is born with, not assigned later, or chemically created gender attributes.

Many staffers in the Legislature are transgenders or gay, and they are being hired in groupings by each other, according to sources in the Capitol.

Von Imhof was overheard by multiple senators commenting,

Before the floor session she was talking about it on the floor and was heard to say, “Josh [Revak] will vote for to table. If wants to have any chance of winning, he better.” Revak is running for Congress.

Others overheard Von Imhof telling Hughes, “We have more important bills to work on than this piece of shit.”

Mob rule wins: Activist judge says no to redistricting board, orders Democrats’ map to be used for elections

An Anchorage Superior Court judge has become a one-man redistricting committee working on behalf of the Alaska Democratic Party.

Judge Thomas Matthews, who has consistently ruled in favor of Democrats during litigation over Alaska’s new political boundaries, ruled against the Alaska Redistricting Board’s most recent attempt to create a Senate seat in Anchorage that would accommodate all of the wants and desires of constituents, Democrats, Republicans, and the court itself.

Maps for House and Senate districts are redrawn every 10 years to adjust for population shifts. The current mapmaking process, which is a political exercise, started last August but has been in litigation since December. Most court challenges were tossed by the Alaska Supreme Court. Only in contention now is the Eagle River “Senate pairings,” which decides which voters are paired with Eagle River to create a Senate district that has the appropriate number of residents.

After a prior map was tossed by Matthews because it had north Muldoon in the Senate seat that equally represented Eagle River and Muldoon, the redistricting board went back to the drawing board, took public testimony, and drew a new map.

The new map created a district a Hillside district, which is socioeconomically similar, stretching from Eagle River to Girdwood. Democrats and Girdwood residents challenged the map in court.

In his decision released Tuesday, Matthews relied again heavily on the public testimony that was given, rather than the existing process of a redistricting board, which has met and debated maps since August.

Democrats in Anchorage organized over 600 pieces of testimony, some of them being the same people testifying every single day to oppose the map, just as they had opposed the previous map. Only one map will be acceptable to the Democrats, and that is the one that gives them a Senate seat advantage.

The Alaska Redistricting Board will need to make a decision: Will the board appeal to the Alaska Supreme Court or use Map 2 for the current election, as Judge Matthews has demanded? Map 2 is the Democrat-approved map and Matthews has ruled that the election under way must favor the Democrats in Anchorage.

Notes from the trail: Four congressional candidates show up at Juneau GOP forum, Alan Gross announces road trip

Criss-cross: Alan Gross, campaigning for Congress and struggling to connect with his base in the Democratic Party, will be traveling through blue country in Southeast Alaska, including a stop-off at his second home in Juneau and then his third home in Petersburg for the Little Norway Festival, which celebrates all-things-Norwegian. He’ll travel to Kodiak, and finish off at his now-hometown of Anchorage on Sunday, May 29. He won’t be in Petersburg for the parade, but on Tuesday he’ll stop by the Sons of Norway Hall for a Norwegian cooking and baking lesson. Lots of traveling, but how much interacting?

Port of Call: In Juneau on Monday were four Republican candidates for Congress: Nick Begich, John Coghill, Tara Sweeney and Josh Revak, all at a forum sponsored by the Capital City Republican Women. The event was held at the Baranof Hotel. Arriving by cruise ship to watch the forum were more than a dozen Republican Alaskans who were on a cruise from Seattle to Glacier Bay, just for fun.

Notes from the forum: Everyone said it was a great forum. The four candidates who attended (Palin took a rain check) were in good humor and all of them kept it civil. 72 people came, popcorn was served, and people bought drinks a the bar in the lobby. The forum was moderated by Ben Brown.

One question was asked: Should there be a minimum or maximum age to serve in Congress, and everyone said yes but John Coghill, who said no (but in a funny way.)

Coghill was the kindly candidate. Tara Sweeney came across as a policy wonk, with good answers on Putin and China. The best thing Revak said all night was when Ben Brown asked, if there should be a minimum and maximum age for Congress: “Yeah, there should be a minimum age, and a psych test, and a drug test.” It got some laughs. Josh Revak asked Nick Begich if he could say anything nice about him. Nick said something about how Josh had served our country. It worked.

Spotted in the audience: Ken Alper, pro-income tax guru for former Gov. Bill Walker and legislative aide to Rep. Adam Wool, apparently there to do opposition research for some other candidate, such as … Democrat Adam Wool, who is running for Congress, sort of.

Little Norway: Nick Begich is riding in the Little Norway Festival parade on Friday, and we’re told he will be in a car with the mayor of Petersburg. Someone please send pics. Schedule of events for the Little Norway Festival is at this link.

Winning the MRAK award for best use of a campaign sign — Tara Sweeney.

Battle for Bethel: Following the congressional debate hosted by Bethel Native Corporation for congressional candidates Tara Sweeney, Mary Peltola, Emil Notti, and Sarah Palin (no show) last week, Sweeney shared some of the bowhead whale maktak from her hometown of Utqiaġvik with attendees.

Making Believers of them: Nick Begich was in Voznesenka, an Old Believer community beyond the end of the paved portion of East End Road, near Homer. He had a gathering with several members of the community. Next, he leaves Juneau for Valdez, for a meet-and-greet at Mike’s Palace on Wednesday, May 18.

Chris Constant on abortion: “We must act now! Overturning Roe v. Wade is just the first step in the Republican plan to ban abortion across the entire country. Next will be LGBTQ+ rights. To act now, sign this petition urging the U.S. Senate to pass the Women’s Health Protection Act. https://bit.ly/3lgpFoo.”

Tara Sweeney, right, does not vote yes or no on the Pro Act last week.

We missed this: During the congressional forum in Anchorage, when asked whether they supported the PRO Act, Tara Sweeney did not raise a Yes paddle or a No paddle during that lightning round. Al Gross made up for her by raising his paddle really, really high — as if to add emphasis.

Who are Sarah Palin’s writers? A couple of smart guy scribes from Dartmouth College — Joshua Riddle and David Rufful — that’s who. They own AnalyzingAmerica.org, which is a content farm. They also run Sarah Palin’s Facebook page through their other company, VIP Ad Solutions LLC. They do content for folks like Diamond and Silk, Allen West, Sarah Palin, Stacey Dash, and Chicks on the Right. 

Car show: Kelly Tshibaka, running for U.S. Senate, is the keynote speaker at car, truck, and bike show on Thursday, June 9, 3 pm at the All American Training Center, 35930 Kenai Spur Highway. More details in upcoming editions of “Notes.”

Endorsements: Rico Worl, who owns The Trickster Company in Juneau, has endorsed former Gov. Bill Walker for governor.

The next congressional candidate forum is on May 25, 6-8 pm in Anchorage. We’re not sure why Republican John Coghill is not on the invited list but Must Read Alaska will be there. See you there!

Notes from the trail: Mat-Su GOP women are with Nick, March On women support Constant, Peltola

Notes from the trail: Dunleavy fundraiser, and observations from the forum in Anchorage

Notes from the campaign trail: Abortion’s love language in the media, Democrats queuing up someone to take on Murkowski

Read: Notes from the campaign trail: Palin a no-show in Bethel

Art Chance: Dirty deeds, done expensively, hiding labor agreements in the operating budget

By ART CHANCE

As I was researching my column on the AFL-CIO’s war on Alaskans’ Permanent Fund dividend, I discovered something nobody has been talking about: the fix is in for the AFL-CIO to get about the equivalent money as the PFD and energy stipend for their own members, and has it safely ensconced in the operating budget.

While nobody was looking or saying anything, the Dunleavy Administration has been bargaining with State employee unions and has reached agreements with at least some of them. The agreements appear to be on a pattern of a three-year agreement with general wage increases of 3.5% – 2% – CPI capped to 5%. 

If you believe the CPI will be less than 5% three years from now, let’s get together and talk about my bridge. That is a 10% general wage increase over the next three years, in addition to the merit or longevity step increases of about 3% per year.

The average wage for a general government employee, one of the units to which this agreement would apply, is about $75,000/year, so that is a $7,500 general wage increase over three years, plus step increases. If the employee is in merit steps, less than five years seniority in the job classification, s/he will get a 3-3.5% increase each year. After five years the employee moves into longevity steps, which are 3% increases at intervals of every two or three years. Nice work if you can get it, but rest assured they all think they’re overworked and underpaid.

The unions don’t like it, but they can’t just buy a governor and get sweetheart deals automatically. The “monetary terms” of an agreement must be reported to and approved by the Legislature, and the Legislature hasn’t always approved. Gov. Bill Sheffield negotiated a deal with most of the unions for the 1984-1986 term that had a 3.6% increase in 1986. The price of oil went in the toilet in 1985 and the Legislature refused to fund that third-year increase; a decade and a half long war ensued.

Prior to the oil price crash, the State’s labor relations policy had generally been to “ask the unions what they want,” and nobody really understood much about the rights and duties of the parties. Gov. Jay Hammond got a little frisky with the supervisors and they went on strike, but it was mostly a charade. Then the marine unions struck and getting them back to work was akin to “The Ransom of Red Chief.” Nobody wanted to play rough with unions after that but in the mid-80s the State had to, and first it had to learn how.

State bargaining is controlled by the Public Employment Relations Act (AS 23.40.070-260). Section 215 of PERA set out the Legislature’s authority over monetary terms and the process by which the Administration was to report the monetary terms. I don’t recall the precise terms of the commissioner of Administration’s report in 1984, but in the critical year, 1986, the Sheffield Administration asked for a supplemental appropriation to support the wage increases called for by the agreements. The Legislature refused to pass the supplemental, and the Supreme Court held that the refusal constituted the disapproval action authorized by Section 215.

We kept an uneasy peace during the Steve Cowper Administration, basically one was scared and the other was glad of it. During that uneasy peace, we who came to State labor relations during the Cowper Administration got very busy trying to figure out how to work that PERA thing.

During the Hickel Administration, one of the things we concentrated on was figuring our what Section 215 required. I wrote a briefing memo late in the Hickel Administration that set out our best understanding of the rights and duties of the parties. That memo served as a “how-to” manual during Hickel and became a “how to work around it” manual in the Tony Knowles Administration.

The work around culminated when the Knowles Administration “worked with” the Legislature to revise Section 215 in such a way as to render it incomprehensible. During my tenure as Director of Labor Relations during the Murkowski Administration I negotiated 28 discrete labor agreements including full three-year agreements for the last three  years of the Administration. I did it the old-fashioned way with a detailed report of all the monetary terms to each body of the Legislature and we put a separate line in the budget for the cost of the terms of each agreement. I don’t remember if the Legislature ever took an approval action on the report but they did approve the appropriations, which had the same legal effect.

After the Frank Murkowski Administration, I don’t think any action was taken on monetary terms reports, and costs of labor agreements were just included as increments in budget requests. I doubt this comports with the Legislature’s intent in enacting Section 215, but the Alaska Supreme Court has concluded that approval of the budget is sufficient. 

I don’t think the Gods in Black Robes really considered the mischief that could be done by just hiding labor agreement costs deep in the operating budget.

So, now that you’ve had a crash course in the PERA that you didn’t sign up for, the heart of the matter is this: The AFL-CIO can make a kill shot on the PFD for people who lost work and lost jobs and businesses during the scamdemic, because with either the acquiescence or complicity of the Dunleavy Administration, they have baked a payment of even more money into the operating budget that is to go to the people who never missed a day’s pay during the scamdemic.

Let’s see which legislators vote for what. If they did not vote for the full PFD and the energy stipend but vote for the operating budget, you know they bought into the fix and they don’t represent the people but rather the special interests.

Art Chance is a retired Director of Labor Relations for the State of Alaska, formerly of Juneau and now living in Anchorage. He is the author of the book, “Red on Blue, Establishing a Republican Governance,” available at Amazon. 

Art Chance: From ‘flatten the curve’ to flatten the country, thanks to experts