Monday, October 13, 2025
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Newtok school power plant destroyed by fire

On Thursday night, the Newtok Ayaprun School power plant caught fire after the generator ran out of fuel. The power plant was destroyed; however, no other structures are reported damaged, according to the State Emergency Operations Center, in a Friday report.

The school is not connected to the village power source and the community is working with the Lower Kuskokwim School District to provide a temporary generator to keep heat and water on in the school.

The Newtok washeteria is also not working and residents have been using Ayaprun School as their water source. The village had not made any immediate requests for assistance, and the plan was to further assess damages, the SEOC reported. The agency is coordinating with local, state, tribal and other partners in support of the community.

The village, located about 95 miles north of Bethel, has about 200 residents. Newtok Ayaprun School has a fluctuating enrollment as students relocate to Mertarvik, where there is a new school built at the townsite where the entire community is planning to move, due to coastal erosion. In the 22-23 school year, there are approximately 40 students with three certified teachers, three Yugtun speaking teachers, and additional support staff at Newtok Ayuprun.

Ted Spraker: National Park Service rule on hunting in park preserves is a big lie

By TED SPRAKER

“A lie gets halfway around the world before the truth has a chance to get its pants on.” This famous saying, attributed to many, is a fitting description of the tall tale by the National Park Service and its new proposed rule to eliminate traditional harvest methods by Alaskans.

The definition of a lie is “to make an untrue statement with intent to deceive.”  Make no mistake, this is about federal government bureaucrats and their anti-hunting, anti-Alaska agenda making assertions through an agency rulemaking process to deceive the public.  

The State of Alaska has been embattled with Department of Interior agencies for decades. The State is defending traditional harvest methods implemented by the Alaska Board of Game, which go through a very public process and scientific analysis. These traditional harvest methods were protected by “saving clauses” in the Statehood Compact Act, ANILCA, 2017 Congressional Review Act, and recently the Supreme Court case Sturgeon v. Frost

Below is a list of National Park Service-proposed regulations and their distortion of the truth. 

The new proposed rule defines the term “sport hunter” as a fair-chase hunter. Most Alaskans fall under a general/sport hunting designation and hunt for food security and sustenance. The new rule would reinstate prohibitions that were in place under the Obama-era 2015 rule on “methods of harvest that are not compatible with generally accepted notions of ‘sport’ hunting.”  This is an ignorant statement by the National Park Service. “Generally accepted,” as most of us are aware, is not about Alaskans or our way of life.

The National Park Service proposal cites “public safety” concerns as the reason to eliminate all bear baiting on park preserves. The Park Service will be hard-pressed to talk about one incident where a bear bait station was a threat to the general population. Most dangerous or fatal bear encounters have been either with spot and stalk hunters or hikers enjoying the outdoors. Bears don’t habituate to food; they habituate to a site. If they only habituated to food, bears would be lined up at Safeway heading for the doughnut section. If baiting is such a distasteful harvest method, the Park Service should have included fishing using bait and duck hunting from a blind. This effort is simply another attempt to prohibit hunting.

Elimination of denning with artificial light as an unethical practice. Another big lie. Several Native elders from Huslia came to the Board of Game in 2012 requesting the board allow the use of artificial light to take a black bear in a den. Keep in mind, it has never been illegal to kill a brown or black bear in a den, if the season was open. The elders spoke of a traditional method of using artificial light when harvesting a bear, however, it was rarely practiced. This harvest method was a safety exercise used to avoid a brown bear in a den or a sow black bear with cubs. Additionally, the flashlight was used to assure an accurate shot placement. The assertion from the Park Service that the use of artificial light in bear dens is widely used by sport hunters is a false narrative and is an assault to Alaska Native traditions. In addition, the practice is only allowed in portions of four of the 26 game management units in the state where it is customary and traditional.

Prohibition of predator control. The false narrative (lie) by the National Park Service, asserts that hunters or trappers will harvest enough predators to benefit prey populations. This has never occurred in Alaska. The only time a sufficient number of predators (about 80%) have been removed from an area that benefited a prey population was under an intensive management program authorized by the Board of Game, implemented by the Alaska Department of Fish and Game, and has never occurred on federal public lands. The Board of Game does not pass general hunting regulations of predators to benefit prey species. Regulations are always justified to increase harvest opportunity. The predator control assertion by the National Park Service has no merit and is simply anti-hunting rhetoric. 

Elimination of trapping by non-rural residents is another violation of the Statehood Compact Act, ANILCA, and is anti-hunting in general. The proposed rule would prohibit any “methods of harvest that target predators for the purpose of increasing populations of prey species for human harvest. Hunting predators would be prohibited even if they do not in fact reduce predator populations or increase the number of prey species.”  ANILCA Section 1313 directs the administration: “taking of fish and wildlife for sport purposes, subsistence uses, and trapping shall be allowed in a national preserve under applicable State and Federal law and regulation.” 

Elimination of harvesting caribou from a boat. The rural/Native traditional practice of harvesting swimming caribou from a boat was made legal in 1982 in the northwest part of Alaska by the Board of Game. The National Park Service justified a subsistence harvest as a cultural practice but must eliminate “sport or recreational” hunting because it invokes Western concepts of fairness that do not apply to subsistence practices. In other words, if you grew up in rural Alaska and traditionally used the practice of harvesting swimming caribou, then moved to a non-rural designated community, you are now automatically deemed a “sport” hunter with no ties to your traditional practices. By the same token, a teacher from Florida with no ties to Alaska can move to a rural designated community and become a subsistence hunter. 

Consultation with the Tribes and ANCSA Corporations. This one was a big whopper told by the National Park Service. In consultation with the tribes and corporations, the Park Service championed a false narrative that most “sport hunters” (i.e., Alaskans who are not federally qualified under subsistence) would be in direct competition for the resource. Non-local hunters experienced millions of acres of public lands closed by a group of unelected bureaucrats. In April of last year, the Federal Subsistence Board closed nearly 40 million acres of public lands to non-local moose and caribou hunters. It is a lie to say non-local hunters are in direct competition for the resources in the park preserves. Outmigration from rural communities to hubs and cities is expected to grow as climate change and economic prospects jeopardize the foundation and social makeup of numerous rural Alaska communities. These circumstances eliminate federally qualified status for many former rural residents.  

In a 2017 scientific publication by the National Park Service’s own biologist: “We did not detect an effect of sport hunting activity on caribou resource selection, supporting our null hypothesis. This indicates that sport hunting does not inhibit the ability of caribou to migrate through Noatak. Local hunters have harvested caribou at key river crossing locations for 10,000 years in northwest Alaska. That these locations continue to be used by caribou and local hunters to this day may support our findings. Further, studies elsewhere have also found environmental factors have a greater impact on animal space use than hunting. Our finding of a lack of effect of sport hunting activity on the likelihood of caribou migrating through Noatak does stand in apparent contrast to concerns voiced by local hunters regarding the negative effects of sport hunters and commercial air transporters.”

The National Park Service reaching out to consult with the tribes and corporations on this false narrative of competition between Alaskans, contradicted by their own biologist, is not only deceitful, but disgraceful. 

ANILCA clearly recognizes Congress’ principal intent to maintain sound wildlife populations, to preserve untouched ecosystems, to safeguard resources for subsistence, and to preserve opportunities related to sport hunting.  Wildlife populations managed under state regulations have remained healthy and viable on preserves for over 30 years after the passage of ANILCA. The proposed rule has outcomes that upset Congress’ intended balance by unnecessarily pitting rural and non-rural hunters, and park values against each other.   

Alaskans should speak out against the National Park Service’s dishonest justification for these new proposed rules, its anti-hunting agenda, and the agency’s attack on the people of Alaska. 

I encourage all Alaskans to submit one simple comment under the rule making portal: “The NPS proposed rule on hunting in the park preserves to eliminate “sport” hunting and predator control is a big lie!” Send your comment to the Federal eRulemaking Portal: http//www.regulations.gov. The Regulation Identifier Number is 1024-AE70 .

Ted Spraker of Soldotna was a ADF&G career wildlife biologist, six term member of the Alaska Board of Game, and president of the Kenai chapter of Safari Club International. Photo credit: ADF&G.

Institute for Justice: Parent group brings swift response to NEA lawsuit over public funding of correspondence schools

A group of Alaska families announced Thursday they have brought the Institute for Justice to defend them against the National Education Association’s lawsuit that seeks to end public funding of the state’s correspondence school program.

The NEA has sued the state over state statute over private online schools. The lawsuit would impact over 20,000 students in the correspondence program, as almost all students in the correspondence program use the private option. Raven, Family Partnership, and others would be swept up and defunded, if NEA has its way. The NEA lawsuit impacts over 20 percent of Alaska students, including students that use online classes.

It’s not just Holy Rosary Academy — it is everybody in private schools, home schools and correspondent programs. The irony is that two years ago, during the Covid pandemic when all public schools around the state closed, the state sought help from a Florida-based online school that was able to scale up to absorb students during the final spring quarter of 2020. The state paid for the enrollment of students in the Florida Virtual School to keep children from falling behind.

The NEA lawsuit seeks to end the ability to use correspondence school allotments for private educational services like the Florida Virtual School or the dozens of programs in Alaska.

See some of the private and correspondence schools impacted by the NEA lawsuit here.

“Alaska’s correspondence study program has produced massive educational benefits for Alaska’s children,” said Institute for Justice Attorney David Hodges. “We’re prepared to defend the rights of all Alaska families to get the educational services that best fit their unique needs.” 

As a sparsely populated state, Alaska faces unique challenges in ensuring that all children can receive an education. To address this concern, the state created “correspondence programs,” in which a student’s public school used the post office or float planes to deliver lessons to students across the state and then pick up and grade assignments. In 1997, this law was broadened to allow parents more ability to design their children’s curriculum and receive reimbursement for certain educational expenses. Then, in 2014, the law was broadened even further to allow correspondence schools to reimburse parents if they chose to send their students to nonpublic schools.  

“The Alaska correspondence school program helped me find the school that works best for my son,” said Andrea Moceri, one of the parents teaming up with Institute for Justice. “I am defending this program so that every Alaska family has access to the best education possible for their children.”     

Institute for Justice is the leader in defending school choice programs throughout the country. In 2020, Institute for Justice won a case before the United States Supreme Court which held that a state does not need to subsidize private education, but that once it chooses to do so it cannot discriminate against a school solely because it is religious.

Two years later, Institute for Justice won another landmark case before the nation’s highest court, which established that Maine’s exclusion of religious schools from its tuitioning program violated the Constitution.

Earlier this year, Institute for Justice intervened in a New Hampshire case to defend the popular Education Freedom Account Program, which allows families to use public funds on various educational expenses.     

Dunleavy hopes to inject carbon storage into new revenue discussions with Legislature

Alaska Gov. Mike Dunleavy introduced legislation that is his idea for how the state can make money off of the carbon trading market. Senate Bill (SB) 48SB 49House Bill (HB) 49, and HB 50, the Dunleavy Carbon Management and Monetization Bill Package, creates statutory and regulatory framework needed so the State can take advantage of this growing sector. The package consists of two bills that would create a carbon offset program; and a carbon capture, utilization, and storage program.

Carbon Offset Program

SB 48 and HB 49 establish a statewide carbon offset program through forest sequestration within the Department of Natural Resources. Many of the forested lands in Alaska are not even commercially viable because of their size or location, but through a carbon offset program, they have the potential to generate additional revenue for the State of Alaska through biologic carbon storage projects that can mitigate a portion of the carbon dioxide emitted into the atmosphere.

Current statutes do not allow for carbon offset projects. The carbon offset program bill seeks to grant DNR the ability to establish a carbon offset program and enable carbon offset projects on state lands. The carbon offset program would allow private entities to lease state land to undertake carbon offset programs to meet their company goals of becoming net-zero for carbon emissions.

Carbon Capture, Utilization and Storage

SB 49 and HB 50 are part of the State’s efforts to get revenue from vast underground storage it has for carbon dioxide that is a byproduct of oil and gas project. The carbon dioxide can be injected into underground caverns and geologic formation and can be used to force out more oil, or just store the carbon dioxide.

Alaska’s older oil and gas basins, particularly in Cook Inlet, have the right geology to sequester carbon underground. Cook Inlet has been identified as one of the top spots on earth with the ability to sequester carbon underground — with at least 50 gigatons of capacity, the governor’s office said.

This bill specifically creates new authorities for State agencies to license, lease, and administer the State’s pore space for geological storage; administer pipeline infrastructure for transportation of captured carbon to geological storage facilities and administer injection wells and carbon storage facilities; and protect correlative rights of all subsurface owners.

Alaska Native corporations are already making money on carbon trading. “They’ve realized about $350 million on 350,000 acres of land. So that’s a small example, and there’s projects such as this ongoing in the Lower 48 with private landowners as well,” Dunleavy said earlier this month.

“Carbon management will complement—and in some cases enhance—Alaska’s existing industries like forestry, oil and gas, mining, tourism, and outdoor recreation,” said DNR Commissioner John Boyle. “These bills do not lock up State land, rather, they unleash new opportunities. Carbon offset projects will not prevent mineral development, timber harvests, new oil and gas exploration, or infrastructure development. Land within the carbon offset program area will still be available for hunting, fishing, camping and recreational activities for Alaskans and visitors.”Conventional resource development companies operating in Alaska stand to benefit in multiple ways from a strong State carbon management regulatory framework. These companies can use carbon credits to offset their carbon emissions, creating new opportunities.” 

“In Alaska, we are blessed with the resources of today, but we’re also blessed with the resources of tomorrow,” Dunleavy said. “With support from the Legislature for our carbon management bill package, we’ll change the conversation about new revenue. We’ve been told by some that we can generate revenue in the billions over 20 years just from our forest lands. This represents the means to fund services, lower the cost of living and improve our quality of life, to create wealth and billions of dollars in economic activity without taxing Alaskans or eliminating the PFD.” 

Environmentalists are not on board. Many of them see it as a way of delaying the conversion to renewable energy, and they don’t want to monetize nature.

But for the State of Alaska, getting Alaska’s natural gas to a market like Japan may depend on being able to show the Japan government, which is very sensitive to lowering the nation’s carbon footprint, that Alaska can sell space to store the natural gas byproducts like carbon dioxide, making Alaska a more attractive supplier. Such a framework for carbon storage may be the key to being able to build the Alaska gasline, supporters say, if Alaska can demonstrate that it can also provide the means to mitigate the carbon from natural gas.

Listicle: Race is on for Anchorage Assembly, School Board

The filing deadline for Anchorage Assembly, School Board, and service area board seats has passed. Candidates have until Monday at 5 pm to drop out or their names will be on the ballots that will go in the mail to Anchorage voters on or about March 14.

Of note, current Assembly Chair Suzanne LaFrance did not file for reelection. Other incumbents leaving the Assembly are Pete Petersen, Austin Quinn-Davidson, Jamie Allard (now House representative), and Forrest Dunbar (now state senator). The only incumbents who filed were Chris Constant and Felix Rivera.

Here are the candidates who filed by the deadline with the Anchorage Municipal Clerk:

Anchorage Assembly Seats

District 1, Seat B – Downtown

Danger, Nick​​ – TBD

Trueblood, John​ – conservative

Constant, Christopher – incumbent

District 2 – Seat C – Chugiak, Eagle River, JBER

(Seat vacated when Rep. Jamie Allard sworn in as legislator)

Anderson, Cody – conservative

Myers, Scott​ – conservative

Branson, Roger – liberal

Arlington, Jim – liberal

District 3 – Seat E – West Anchorage

(Seat being vacated by Austin Quinn-Davidson)

Darden, Dustin Thomas House 

Brawley, Anna – liberal

Flynn, Brian​ – conservative

Eibeck, David – conservative

District 4 – Seat G – Midtown Anchorage

Di Grappa, Jenny – liberal

Rivera, Felix​ – incumbent, liberal

Szanto, Travis​ – conservative

District 5 – Seat H – East Anchorage (2-Year Term)

(Seat vacated by Sen. Forrest Dunbar)

Bronga, Karen​ – liberal

Sloan, Leigh​  – conservative

District 5 – S​eat I – East Anchorage

(Seat being vacated by Pete Petersen, term-limited)

Martinez, George​​ – liberal

Moore, Spencer – conservative

District 6 – Seat K – South Anchorage, Girdwood, Turnagain Arm​

(Seat being vacated by Suzanne LaFrance)

Ries, Rachel – conservative

Insalaco, Mikel – liberal

Colbry, Darin – unknown

Johnson, Zachary​ – liberal

Anchorage School Board Seats

School Board – Seat C​​

​​Donley, Dave – conservative

Boll, Irene – liberal

School Board – Seat D​​

Cox, Mark Anthony​ – conservative

Holleman, Andy – liberal

Service Area Board of Supervisors​​

Bear Valley LRSA – Seat A

Birch Tree/Elmore LRSA – Seat A

​​​​​Bosco, Ed​ 

Birch Tree/Elmore LRSA – Seat D​
Birch Tree/Elmore LRSA – Seat E

​​Hansen, Howard 

Chugiak Fire Service Area – Seat A​
Girdwood Valley Service Area – Seat D

​​Edgington, Mike 

Okenek, Kellie 

Girdwood Valley Service Area – Seat E

Sullivan, Briana

Lavender, Brooke 

Glen Alps Service Area – Seat A

​​Schuster, Andrea 

Glen Alps Service Area – Seat B

Kuijper, Greg 

Homestead LRSA – Seat B
Lakehill LRSA – Seat C
Mt. Park Estates LRSA – Seat B
Mt. Park/Robin Hill RRSA – Seat C
Mt. Park/Robin Hill RRSA – Seat D

​​​​Emerton, Eric​​

​Paradise Valley South LRSA – Seat B
Rabbit Creek View/Heights LRSA – Seat B​
Raven Woods/Bubbling Brook LRSA – Seat B 
Rockhill LRSA – Seat B
Section 6/Campbell Airstrip Road LRSA – Seat A

Groeneweg, Robert

Sequoia Estates LRSA – Seat A
Sequoia Estates LRSA – Seat B
Skyranch Estates LRSA – Seat B

​Lyons, John 

South Goldenview RRSA – Seat A

Vendl, Lawrence

SRW Homeowner’s LRSA – Seat C

Kilpatrick, Kelly

Talus West LRSA – Seat A
Totem LRSA – Seat B
Upper Grover LRSA – Seat B

​Cottrell, Denise 

Upper O’Malley LRSA – Seat A
Valli Vue Estates LRSA – Seat B

Warren, Kirk

Valli Vue Estates LRSA – Seat E

Butler, Russell 

Villages Scenic Parkway LRSA – Seat A

Ronna McDaniel wins fourth term as GOP chair

Ronna McDaniel has been reelected the chair of the Republican National Committee. At the winter meeting of the party leadership in Dana Point, California, an election was held to determine whether she would continue as chair, which she has been since 2017.

McDaniel is a political strategist who was chair of the Michigan Republican Party from 2015 to 2017 before being elected chair of the Republican National Committee.

Of the 167 votes cast, McDaniel received 111 votes, Harmeet Dhillon received 51, Mike Lindell got 4, and Lee Zeldin received one vote.

After the vote was final, McDaniel told reporters that this would be her last term.

Jaime Harrison, Chair of the Democratic National Committee, issued his congratulatory sideswipe on Twitter, saying, “Congratulations to @GOPChairwoman and Democratic Party campaigns/candidates across the country!!! #Chair4Life #GOPClownShowContinues “

It was one of the party’s more watched races for chair in many years, with some grassroots members of the party calling for new leadership after the party could not win the Senate away from Democrats in 2022 and after barely having a Republican majority in the House of Representatives, in spite of controversies that surround many Democrat candidates.

McDaniel was last elected in 2021. McDaniel visited Alaska in 2022 to speak at the Republican Party’s meeting in Fairbanks. She joined the Must Read Alaska Show during her visit.

Report to Legislature shows fentanyl seized in Alaska in 2022 was enough to kill Alaskans 18 times over

The Alaska Department of Public Safety’s Statewide Drug Enforcement Unit released its annual drug report highlighting trends in illegal narcotics trafficking in Alaska.

Highlights from 2022 Annual Drug Report:

  • In 2022, 26.85 kilograms of fentanyl, which is approximately 13.425 million potentially fatal doses.
  • In 2022, SDEU made 102 unique drug and alcohol arrests across Alaska. 
  • From 2021 to 2022, there was a 68 percent increase in methamphetamine seizures and a 77 percent increase in cocaine seizures.
  • International drug trafficking organizations continue to gravitate towards Alaska’s lucrative drug market looking to exploit Alaska’s remote areas, high demand, and limited law enforcement resources in remote areas.

The annual report presented to the Alaska Legislature details reported street prices for illicit drugs, the number of illicit drugs and alcohol seized by the drug investigators, average sentences given to offenders of Alaska’s controlled substances criminal statutes, as well as an overview of the illegal narcotics and illicit alcohol problem in Alaska.    

“This latest annual report reflects the commitment and tenacity of the dozens of Alaska State Trooper Drug Investigators, as well as our local, state, and federal law enforcement partners to disrupt the ongoing trafficking of illicit and dangerous drugs in Alaska and prevent overdose deaths. To those trafficking dangerous drugs in Alaska, know that sooner or later law enforcement will catch up to you and hold you accountable for your reckless disregard for Alaskan lives,” said Colonel Maurice Hughes, director of the Alaska State Troopers.

The 2022 Annual Drug Report is available online at this link.

The Statewide Drug Enforcement Unit is made up of four regional task forces: Southcentral Areawide Narcotics Team, Fairbanks Area-wide Narcotics Team, Southeast Alaska Cities Against Drugs (SEACAD), and Western Alaska Alcohol and Narcotics Team. Each regional task force is comprised of Alaska State Troopers, local police officers, and federal law enforcement agents. Additionally, Alaska has four High Intensity Drug Trafficking Area initiatives.

If you have information about drug trafficking occurring in your community, please consider reporting it to your local police department or the Alaska State Troopers, DPS said in its press accompanying the report. Tips can also be submitted anonymously though the AKTips smartphone app or online at https://dps.alaska.gov/tips

Must Read Alaska Show wins gold medal for podcasts

Association of Marketing and Communication Professionals awarded the Must Read Alaska Show a gold medal in its 2023 AVA competition in the category of audio production/radio podcasts.

The episode of the show that won the award was the John Quick interview of Pastor Ben McBride.

Link to this show at https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/the-must-read-alaska-podcast/id1531215896?i=1000590225175

AMCP was founded in 1994 and is one of the top evaluators of creative work in the marketing and communication industry. AVA stands for Audio Visual Arts.

The Must Read Alaska Show was launched in September of 2020, and has broadcast some 279 episodes with over 204,000 downloads I 18 months. The show has at times ranked as high as #38 in its category on iTunes.

“It has been an awesome experience interviewing guests — from the president of the island nation of Palau to the governor of Alaska,” said Quick, who took over as the primary host of the show last February. “The interview with Ben McBride was special to me because he is a friend of mine who is trying to make a difference in some of the toughest cities all over the United States.”

On Friday, Quick interviewed Anchorage Mayor Dave Bronson. Earlier this week, he was joined by Rep. Sarah Vance of Homer.

If MRAK readers know of someone who would make a great show guest, contact John at [email protected].

Rep. Peltola skips out on vote to protect Strategic Petroleum Reserve

In Juneau, when a state lawmaker doesn’t want to take a vote, she’ll wander down the hill to buy a cup of coffee at Heritage Coffee Company or The Rookery. A trusted aide will call her when the vote is over.

In Washington, D.C. today, Rep. Mary Peltola did the equivalent of a coffee run: She just didn’t vote on the bill that would de-politicize the use of the Strategic Petroleum Reserve, a bill that is intended to ensure national security.

On Thursday and early Friday, Peltola did vote yea or nay on dozens of amendments to H.R. 21, the Strategic Production Response Act. But for the final passage, she was a no-show. All Democrats present voted against the bill; Peltola was one of eight representatives who did not vote.

H.R. 21 would prohibit the president and the Department of Energy from tapping the Strategic Petroleum Reserve without having a plan in place to increase oil and gas leasing on federal lands — unless there is a dire emergency and need for immediate release of oil for American security.

The measure was prompted by the Biden Administration’s quick drawdown of the nation’s critical oil reserves at the same time President Joe Biden has declared a war on domestic oil production. Biden, over the past 18 months, has released the largest amount of crude oil from the emergency reserves of any president in history. And he did it leading up to the 2022 elections, which made his actions look political.

It’s unknown why Peltola chose to not vote. She issued no statement. It may be that she is not supporting oil development, but instead is supporting her husband Gene Peltola’s new carbon trading company.

Rep. Suzanne Bonamici, an Oregon Democrat and one of the eight who did not vote, said she didn’t because “I do not support opening up more federal lands and waters for drilling of fossil fuels, as my Republican colleagues are promoting.”

Rep. Sheila Jackson Lee, a Texas Democrat, also withheld her vote without explanation, but Democrat Emmanuel Cleaver of Missouri wrote, “H.R. 21 is just another #BigOilGiveaway, paid for by American families. I’m voting NO!” In fact, he did not vote.

All Democrats who did vote were no votes, and the bill passed, 221-205.

In the Senate, Republican Sens. Jim Risch of Idaho and John Barrasso of Wyoming, who is the ranking member of the Senate Committee on Energy and Natural Resources, introduced the Strategic Production Response Act, which has a difficult path in the Democrat-controlled Senate.

“President Biden depleted America’s Strategic Petroleum Reserve to attempt to fix his self-made crisis,” Risch said. “The Strategic Production Response Act will ensure the SPR is used correctly, prevent any president from misusing the reserve, and prioritize our domestic energy supply.”

“America is stronger and safer when we are energy independent,” Barrasso said. “The Biden administration agenda is to choke off energy development on federal land. Our legislation will prevent President Biden from raiding the SPR for political purposes without boosting American oil production. It’s time to work together to lower prices for Wyoming families, unleash American energy, and strengthen our national security.” 

Cosponsors of the Senate’s version of the SPR Act are Republican Senators Mike Lee (Utah), Lisa Murkowski (Alaska), John Hoeven (N.D.), James Lankford (Okla.), Bill Cassidy (La.), Cindy Hyde-Smith (Miss.), Roger Marshall (Kansas), and Kevin Cramer (N.D.).

Read the text of the Senate’s SPR Act here.