Newsflash: In spite of its small population, Alaska produces a disproportionate number of elite winter athletes.
According to The Action Network, which tracks U.S. Winter Olympians by their place of birth, Alaska has produced 24 total Winter Olympians garnering 5 winter Olympic medals—placing Alaska#4 in the U.S. for Winter Olympians per capita.
Statistics compiled by The Action Network consider only place of birth—not declared residency—for their data so many notable Olympians such as Tommy Moe and Kikkan Randall were not included. Action Network’s statistics focus exclusively on International Winter Olympics and do not include Paralympics / Special Olympics or Indigenous Games equivalents that would likely boost Alaska’s numbers higher.
According to Kathy Morris, a researcher for The Action Network, 24 total “Alaska born” winter Olympians have won five medals (0 gold, 2 silver, 3 bronze)—translating to 32.58 Olympians per million residents. Vermont tracks #1 with 64.96 Olympians per million. Morris cites Alaska’s long winters and love of outdoors as contributing factors. “With its snow-covered landscape and deep connection to winter sports, Alaska is basically an Olympic training ground disguised as a state,” she stated.
Notable Alaskan-born Olympians include:
Hilary Kirsten Lindh – Silver Medalist in Alpine Skiing; competed inOlympics in 1988, 1992, and 1994
Gabrielle Rose “Rosey” Fletcher –Bronze Medal in Snowboarding; competed inOlympics in 1998, 2002; and 2006
Jarret John “JJ” Thomas – Bronze Medal in Halfpipe; competed in 2002 Olympics.
Kerry Pauline Weiland – Silver Medal in Ice Hockey; competed in 2010 Olympics.
Pamela Kristine “Pam” Dreyer— competed inOlympics in 1988, 1992, and 1994
According to an official statement released by Morris,Action Network is a sports media site that publishes original content about sporting events and the athletes who compete in them. You can see the full ranking here.
JUNEAU, Alaska — On February 21, 2026, the Alaska House State Affairs Committee delved into House Joint Resolution 23 (HJR 23), a proposed constitutional amendment aimed at reshaping how the governor initiates the state’s annual budget process. Sponsored by Representative Jubilee Underwood, the measure seeks to mandate that the governor submit a balanced operating budget without relying on draws from the Constitutional Budget Reserve (CBR) as anticipated revenue, elevating existing statutory requirements to constitutional status.
The discussion highlighted ongoing fiscal challenges in Alaska, where volatile oil revenues have long strained state finances. Underwood introduced the resolution by emphasizing its focus on procedural clarity rather than dictating spending levels. “At its core, HJR 23 is about institutional design and long-term stability,” she asserted, arguing that it would provide voters with a structured framework to ensure fiscal discipline from the outset.
Staff member Buddy Witt elaborated on the proposal’s mechanics. He noted that current statutes already require a balanced budget submission, but HJR 23 would constitutionally prohibit including CBR funds in revenue projections for the initial budget. “What HJR 23 does is it basically says, yes, the governor must submit a balance sheet,” Witt explained. “And those expenditures in that budget may not exceed the anticipated revenue. But the big thing that it does, it says that anticipated revenue cannot include the CBR.”
This constraint addresses a historical reliance on the CBR, established in 1990 by voter approval of Article IX, Section 17 of the Alaska Constitution. The fund, which collects revenues from resolved mineral disputes post-July 1990, serves as a rainy-day account for state operations during deficits. With a current balance of approximately $2.9 billion, the CBR has been tapped repeatedly, including recent controversies over a $50 million investment in private equity, which critics argue undermines its liquidity for emergencies. Since its inception, the fund has received about $5.6 billion in deposits and earned $1.9 billion in revenues, but draws totaling $5.1 billion have highlighted Alaska’s structural deficits amid fluctuating oil prices.
Committee members probed potential loopholes and implications. Representative St. Clair questioned revenue projection sources, with Witt clarifying that the executive branch retains discretion. Representative Vance raised concerns about governors sidestepping the rule via supplemental budgets, which Witt acknowledged could complicate the amendment’s legal classification. Representative McCabe inquired about timelines, prompting Underwood to express hope for a November 2026 ballot appearance. “That would be the hope. Yes. If it gets through on time, this would be on 2026 ballot for our next go around,” Underwood stated.
Vice Chair Story asked if the governor’s required 10-year fiscal plan must also balance, with Witt confirming the amendment targets only the initial submission. He committed to researching other states’ practices, where 45 states constitutionally or statutorily require governors to submit balanced budgets, often with stricter provisions than Alaska’s current setup. For instance, most states prohibit deficit carryovers, a flexibility Alaska maintains under statute. Chair Carrick sought historical precedents of deficit budgets paired with revenue measures, leading to an action item for Underwood’s office to investigate past administrations.
Representative Himschoot drew parallels to local governance, citing her assembly experience with mandatory balanced budgets. Underwood echoed this from her school board tenure: “At the end of the day, though, it still had to be balanced.”
Public testimony revealed mixed sentiments. Larissa Fonov from Wasilla strongly supported the measure for fiscal stability. “I believe a constitutional requirement to start the annual budget process with a budget that balances without draining our savings will ensure a more stable fiscal future,” she stated, urging swift passage. “And ask you to pass it out of your committee as quickly as possible.”
In opposition, Ed Martin Jr. from Kenai argued the resolution misplaces focus amid a structural deficit. “We’re becoming dependent on additional money out of the CBR,” he asserted. “But the plain and simple fact is what you really should be focusing on is what I just provided to you and what happened with our past revenue commissioner and the $50 million. That has been taken out of the CBR. That’s the focus you should be making right now. Where is the money going and where is it coming from? I gave you a solution that will help Alaska into the future,” Martin said.
Ryan Sheldon from Talkeetna endorsed HJR 23 as practical. “I won’t belabor my point, but as a businessman, at least, seems like a pretty common-sense thing to operate within the margins of what your expected income is going to be for a fiscal year as opposed to planning on, you know, using any other maybe, savings or any ad accounts would be it,” he testified.
Alaska’s budget process, governed by statute rather than strict constitutional mandates, requires the governor to submit a balanced proposal by December 15 for the fiscal year starting July 1. Unlike 44 states where legislatures must pass balanced budgets, Alaska allows deficits to be addressed via reserves like the CBR. Recent budgets have drawn heavily on savings, with Governor Mike Dunleavy’s FY2027 plan projecting $1.5 billion from reserves amid calls for new revenue measures like a seasonal sales tax.
If advanced, HJR 23 could mark a significant step toward curbing CBR dependency, aligning Alaska more closely with national norms for fiscal restraint. As debates continue, the resolution underscores broader tensions in managing the state’s oil-dependent economy.
In the frigid air of Lake Placid, New York, during the 1980 Winter Olympics, a ragtag group of American college players etched their names into sports lore with the “Miracle on Ice.” Coached by Herb Brooks, the U.S. team, with an average age of just 21.7 years, faced the seemingly invincible Soviet Union on February 22—amateurs against professionals who had dominated international hockey for decades. The Soviets led 3-2 entering the third period, but Mark Johnson tied it on a power play, and captain Mike Eruzione fired the go-ahead goal midway through. Goalie Jim Craig made crucial saves as the clock ticked down, securing a stunning 4-3 victory. “Do you believe in miracles? Yes!” exclaimed broadcaster Al Michaels as the final horn sounded. Two days later, the U.S. clinched gold with a 4-2 comeback over Finland, rallying from a 2-1 deficit in the third.
Fast-forward 46 years to the exact date, February 22, 2026, at Milano Cortina’s Santagiulia Arena. Team USA, now stocked with NHL stars and boasting an average age of 28, captured their first men’s hockey gold since 1980 by edging Canada 2-1 in overtime. The Americans entered undefeated, navigating a grueling path: a tense overtime win over Sweden in the quarterfinals thanks to Jack Hughes’ goal, followed by a dominant 6-2 semifinal rout of Slovakia. Their preliminary round included victories that showcased depth, setting up the dream final against archrival Canada.
Gold medal Olympian Jeremy Swayman, the 27-year-old from Anchorage, Alaska, backed up starter Connor Hellebuyck. Swayman honed his skills at South Anchorage High School and the University of Maine, earning the 2020 Hobey Baker finalist nod and Mike Richter Award. Drafted by the Boston Bruins in 2017, he claimed the NHL’s William Jennings Trophy in 2022-23 and starred at the 2025 World Championship with a gold medal and stellar stats. Though Hellebuyck stole the show in the final with 40 saves, Swayman’s presence added hometown pride for Alaskans.
The gold-medal clash was a defensive masterpiece. Matt Boldy opened scoring at 6:00 of the first, flipping the puck past defenders for 1-0. Canada equalized late in the second when Cale Makar snapped a shot far corner. The third period was scoreless, with both netminders—Hellebuyck stopping 19 shots in the frame alone—thwarting chances. Overtime lasted just 1:41: Zach Werenski stripped Nathan MacKinnon, feeding Jack Hughes, who wristed it between Binnington’s legs for the winner. The team honored late player Johnny Gaudreau, skating his jersey in celebration.
As captain Dylan Larkin reflected post-game, “Sharing in this unbelievable experience of being an Olympian, representing your country—but to share it with your family, because you can’t do it yourself.” This victory, bookending the Miracle’s anniversary, reignites American hockey passion and a North American rivalry.
The USA Cycling Track Team Pursuit team of Olivia Cummins, Olympian Kristen Faulkner (Homer, AK), Bethany Ingram, and Emma Louise Jimenez Palos won Gold on Thursday, February 19, 2026 at the Pan Am Games in Santiago, Chile. The USA team beat Canada in the qualifying round of the 4,000 meter race and Mexico in the finals to bring home the Gold medal. This was the first competition for these riders to race together as Team USA.
On Saturday, February 21, 2026, Kristen Faulkner won Gold in the final round of the Cycling Track Individual Pursuit against fellow Team USA rider and 2025 Pan Am Gold medalist Emily Ehrlich. Faulkner caught Ehrlich in the 4000 meter head-to-head race about three quarters of the way through the race for the automatic win. This was Faulkner’s first international competition in the Individual Pursuit and secures her an automatic berth representing the U.S. in the World Cycling Championships in 2026.
In the wake of the January 23, 2026, overturning of the drilling rig Doyon 26 on Alaska’s North Slope, response teams have made substantial headway in cleanup and deconstruction efforts, as detailed in recent updates and official reports. The incident, which occurred on a gravel road approximately 6.5 miles northwest of Nuiqsut, involved the massive rig—nicknamed “The Beast” for its nearly 10 million-pound weight—tipping over during transport for ConocoPhillips operations. This led to a spill of about 4,000 gallons of diesel and 600 gallons of hydraulic oil onto the tundra, accompanied by a brief fire that was swiftly contained by emergency responders. Fortunately, all personnel were accounted for, with no serious injuries; eight individuals received treatment at nearby clinics and were released. Nearby infrastructure, including pipelines roughly 202 feet away and the community’s natural gas supply, sustained no damage, and the seasonal fuel haul proceeded without interruption.
The Alaska Department of Environmental Conservation’s (DEC) Situation Report 3 (SitRep 3), issued on February 4, 2026, provides a comprehensive snapshot of the early response. Under a Unified Command led by Doyon Drilling, Inc. and including the EPA, DEC, North Slope Borough, and Iñupiat Community of the Arctic Slope, efforts focused on source control, with no ongoing leaks observed. Initial actions included delineating the spill area using visual, infrared, and aerial methods, deploying sandbags to curb migration, and constructing a snow fence to contain contaminated snow. By then, crews had recovered 111 gallons of product through water flushing and vacuum trucks. The site, within critical habitat for polar bears, caribou, Arctic foxes, muskox, and ptarmigan, showed no wildlife impacts, though an Arctic fox and collared muskox were spotted. Air monitoring was established, and weather challenges—like below zero temperatures and blowing snow—delayed some activities. The report outlined a three-phase plan: Phase 1 for containment and mitigation, Phase 2 for rig inspection and removal, and Phase 3 for final remediation. Resources at risk were noted, but no threats to waterways, like the nearby Nechelik Channel tributary, or the community were identified.
By February 19, 2026, Phase 2 had advanced significantly, with over 2,475 gallons—more than half the estimated spill—recovered. Approximately 30% of the rig had been deconstructed, starting with the derrick, and parts were loaded for transport via a newly built ice road and pad to minimize tundra damage. Site evaluations continue in real-time, with deconstructed components slated for cleaning and recycling. No immediate risks to air quality, water sources, wildlife, or infrastructure persist, and a third-party investigation into the cause is ongoing.
ConocoPhillips has adapted swiftly, shifting operations to the Doyon 142 rig, which shares a similar modular design, to limit delays in exploration and development. This pivot highlights ERD’s role in sustainable growth. “This project opens a new era we call ‘growth without gravel’ where we can use extended reach technology to access 60 percent more acreage from a single pad, dramatically reducing our footprint,” said Erec Isaacson, president of ConocoPhillips Alaska.
Stakeholders emphasize collaborative efforts to ensure full recovery, with ongoing monitoring and public updates via the Unified Command. As Alaska’s oil industry navigates environmental and operational hurdles, this incident serves as a reminder of the Arctic’s challenges, yet also of the sector’s resilience and commitment to safety.
If you thought Alaska’s destiny was in the hands of Alaskans, think again. The 2024 IRS filings paint a picture that is both stark and troubling: the state’s political and economic landscape is increasingly being steered, not by our local industries, communities, or elected leaders, but by an intricate web of out-of-state progressive donor networks. Networks that aren’t content with writing checks, they are buying influence, shaping narratives, and redirecting our state’s future from resource-driven growth to grant-dependent activism.
We’ve been warning about this for years, but now the numbers are out in black and white.
The “Alaska Influence Pipeline” report, along with IRS Form 990 filings from 2024, reveals that millions of dollars from national progressive funds, primarily connected to Arabella Advisors (which rebranded as Sunflower Services in late 2025) flow through nonprofit intermediaries to finance a highly coordinated anti-development campaign in Alaska.
And make no mistake, this is not just about “climate awareness” or “social equity.” This is about reshaping Alaska’s economic priorities in ways that serve donors in D.C., New York, and Silicon Valley, not the people who actually live here in our state!
The Mechanics of Influence: How Out-of-State Money Moves In
The system is vertically integrated, sophisticated, and, frankly, scary in its efficiency.
Here’s how it works:
National Funders — Arabella Advisors (Sunflower Services), New Venture Fund (NVF), Tides Foundation, Sixteen Thirty Fund, NEO Philanthropy, Hopewell Fund, and Western Futures Fund, collect and pool donations from major philanthropic players like George Soros, Hansjörg Wyss, and foundations such as Ford and Hewlett. InfluenceWatch reports Arabella alone raised $6.5 billion from 2005–2021.
Pass-through Grants —These national funders then funnel millions into Alaska-based advocacy groups via annual grants, explicitly earmarked for anti-development campaigns. 2024 numbers alone are staggering: NVF gave over $625,000, Tides $523,000, Sixteen Thirty $728,000. Layer on support from Hopewell and NEO Philanthropy, and you see a funding structure designed to endure.
Local Recipients — Groups like, United Tribes of Bristol Bay ($325,000 from NVF), Alaska PIRG ($208,000 from Tides), The Alaska Current ($100,000 from NVF), and 907 Initiative (funded by multiple sources) receive these grants and direct them toward litigation, voter mobilization, and media campaigns. Workforce training for Alaskan oil, mining, or construction? Not a dime.
Indirect Control —Through these grants, national donors influence elections, policy debates, and public opinion. Voter mobilization efforts like Get Out the Native Vote ($150,000 from Tides) target Indigenous communities with messaging that aligns with anti-fossil fuel agendas, leaving real Alaskan voices marginalized.
It’s an elaborate puppet show, with Alaska caught in the middle. And the strings are long, reaching far beyond Juneau.
Who’s Really Pulling the Levers?
The leadership and boards of these organizations read like a who’s who of progressive philanthropy.
Arabella Advisors / Sunflower Services: Founded by Eric Kessler. Current CEO Himesh Bhise oversees operations post-2025. Former CEO Sampriti Ganguli. Board Chair Gail Steans. Senior leaders include Bruce Boyd and Allan Williams.
New Venture Fund: President Lee Bodner (formerly Arabella MD). Board includes Thomas Gibian (Chair/Secretary), Akilah Massey, Katherine Miller (Treasurer/Vice-Chair), Chuck Redmond, and Adam Eichberg.
Tides Foundation: CEO Janiece Evans-Page. Officers include Diane Peters (Chief Legal), Karen Caldwell (CFO), Sajit Joseph (Chief Digital). Board Chair Brickson Diamond.
Sixteen Thirty Fund: President Amy Kurtz. Board includes Dara Freed (Treasurer), Douglas Hattaway (Secretary), Eric Kessler (Director), Jeff Cherry, and Latoia Jones.
Hopewell Fund: President Anna Brower. Board Chair Lee Bodner. Directors include Andrew Schulz and Marissa Padilla.
NEO Philanthropy: President Michele Lord (retiring Dec 2026). COO Erin Ballard. CFO Su Hyun Lim. Board Co-Chairs Kerrien Suarez and Kristen Ruff.
Western Futures Fund: President Michael Hennesy, Secretary Christopher Hirsch, Treasurer Jeremy Krones.
The overlap is telling. Many of these players rotate through boards or maintain advisory roles across multiple organizations. The result? A near-monopoly on progressive funding influence, perfectly orchestrated to maintain a constant anti-development narrative.
Alaska’s Local Recipients: The Frontline
These national networks don’t just fund abstract policies—they fund people and groups directly shaping our state’s economy. Here’s the roster of key 2024 recipients:
United Tribes of Bristol Bay: $325,000 from NVF for anti-mining campaigns.
Alaska Wildlife Alliance: $100,000 from NVF, blocking resource extraction.
Spruce Root / Sitka Conservation Society / Alaska Sustainability Initiative: $50–100K from NVF; anti-development advocacy.
Alaskans for Posterity: $200,000 from NVF, $200,000 from Sixteen Thirty; political messaging.
AEDC Advocacy Fund: $190,000 from NVF; legislative influence.
907 Initiative: Multiple funders, including WFF; campaigns targeting Sen. Dan Sullivan.
Alaska PIRG: $208,000 from Tides; regulatory opposition.
Media Outlets: The Alaska Current ($100,000 from NVF) amplifies anti-development narratives.
Voter Mobilization: Get Out the Native Vote ($150,000 from Tides) and Alaska Progressive Donor Table ($302,500 from Sixteen Thirty).
Other Policy Groups: Better Jobs for Alaska, The Alaska Center, Alaska Jobs Coalition, ACLU of Alaska Foundation, all receiving layered funding to maintain continuous campaigns.
And don’t overlook tribal utilities like Puvurnaq Power Company ($301,757 from NVF) and Atmautluak Tribal Utilities ($100,000 from NVF), framed under “climate-transition” projects, subsidized by grants rather than market-driven development.
The Timeline That Matters
It’s not just who is funding whom, it’s when. 2024 marks a ramp-up in preparation for the 2026 Senate races:
Early 2024: NVF disperses $625,000, including $325K to United Tribes of Bristol Bay.
Mid-2024: Tides grants $523,000. Includes $150K to Get Out the Native Vote and $208K to Alaska PIRG.
Late 2024: Sixteen Thirty Fund disperses $728,000. WFF revenue surges to $8.7M, funding 907 Initiative’s attacks on Sen. Dan Sullivan.
Ongoing 2024: NEO and Hopewell layer grants to groups like 907 Initiative and ACLU of Alaska to sustain campaigns.
Alaska has been under the Arabella network’s radar since at least 2020, including ranked-choice voting campaigns funded via Sixteen Thirty. 2024 demonstrates escalation: this is no longer occasional influence; it’s a full-on takeover of the local political narrative.
Who Feels the Impact?
The report and public filings suggest influence on three fronts. Politicians, Communities, and the Economy.
Politicians: Sen. Dan Sullivan is the primary target. 907 Initiative, funded by Tides/Arabella/WFF, launched campaigns like “Doormat Dan” and “Yes Man Dan” highlighting his pro-fossil fuel stance and votes on health care, attempting to paint him as out of touch with Alaska. Progressive ads have hit him on ACA subsidies and Medicaid cuts. Other lawmakers face pressure from Alaska Center and Progress Alaska on renewable energy and tax policies.
Communities: Indigenous leaders in Bristol Bay are courted via grants, which the report argues suppress local voices in favor of donor-driven agendas. Groups like SalmonState are allegedly used to weaponize issues like salmon protection against development.
Economy: Funding is carefully structured to prioritize litigation, delays, and narrative shaping over job creation or infrastructure development. The “chilling effect” is real: permitting challenges, populist pressure, and lawsuits deter companies, shift economic priorities away from local industries, and leave Alaska increasingly reliant on grant money instead of investment.
The Ironic Twist
These networks loudly decry “outside corporate influence” in Alaska politics, yet every dollar sustaining their anti-development campaigns comes from national, often anonymous donors. Millions of dollars from billionaires and foundations in New York, California, and abroad dictate which projects live or die in Alaska. This is ideological outsourcing at its finest, and the 2024 filings prove it in cold, hard numbers.
I’ll finish my Rants with “Its Alaska’s Choices,” what’s at Stake
Let’s be honest. Alaska is at a crossroads. Every grant, every lawsuit, every voter mobilization effort has consequences. The 2024 IRS filings reveal a system where local autonomy is steadily ceded to donors with philosophical agendas. Workforce development in oil, gas, mining, and construction? Ignored. Infrastructure projects? Delayed. Our economy? Shifted from local initiative to grant dependence.
If you care about Alaska’s future, its jobs, its communities, its self-determination, you need to understand who is really calling the shots. National progressive donor networks have been quietly reshaping our debate for years, and 2024 marks a decisive escalation.
The question now isn’t whether Alaska can resist this influence, it’s whether we WILL sit back and let it happen in silence. It’s time to wake up. We’ve been telling you this was coming. Now, the numbers prove it.
U.S. Senator Dan Sullivan (R-Alaska), in his annual address today to a joint session of the Alaska Legislature in Juneau, laid out a vision for the “Alaska Comeback,” highlighting the state’s resilience and its historic opportunities to grow after several years of federal policies that targeted Alaska’s economy and jobs. Sen. Sullivan detailed progress being made toward long-sought goals, including an energy renaissance on the North Slope, advancing the Alaska LNG project, and strengthening Alaska’s central role in national defense through a historic military and Coast Guard build-up. He also emphasized major wins for Alaskans delivered by the Working Families Tax Cuts Act, outlined efforts to confront the fentanyl crisis and improve public safety, highlighted continued work to support Alaska’s fishermen and coastal communities, and underscored a historic federal investment to transform Alaska’s health care system to better reflect the realities of delivering care in the nation’s most rural, high-cost state.
Key themes from the address:
Alaska Comeback Theme Alaska has overcome challenges like statehood, the 1964 earthquake, and the Trans-Alaska Pipeline through unity. Now recovering from 70 Biden-era executive orders stifling the economy, a new era of progress begins with energy renaissance, gas line development, military buildup, and tailored health care.
Making it Happen: Alaska EO and the WFTCA The Trump administration’s Day One executive order unleashes Alaska’s resources, ending federal restrictions. The Working Families Tax Cuts Act (WFTCA), dubbed the “Alaska Opportunity Act,” delivers major wins, including mandatory leases and revenue splits. Sullivan’s team conducted over 60 town halls to explain and implement it.
Resource Development The WFTCA stabilizes investment by mandating leases in NPR-A, ANWR, and Cook Inlet, aiming for nearly 1 million barrels/day by 2034 via projects like Pikka and Willow. It shifts federal revenue to 70-30 state-favoring split by 2034 and boosts timber and minerals.
AK LNG Sullivan promotes the Alaska LNG project internationally and with federal leaders, highlighted in the executive order and supported by DOE financing. Recent progress includes Air Force data centers on bases to boost gas demand. He urges bold collaboration for affordable energy, jobs, and revenue.
Taxes and Child Care Comeback The WFTCA allows first-year business write-offs, prevents $4T tax hikes, saves families $7,500-$11,000 annually, deducts $12,000 for seniors, and eliminates taxes on tips/overtime. It enhances child tax credits, dependent care, and business incentives for child care facilities.
Military Build-up
Alaska Military Comeback Reversing drawdowns, Alaska sees billions in investments: expanded 11th Airborne Division, F-35/F-22 squadrons, tankers, missile defense radars, Ted Stevens Center, new runway, Nome port, and Adak Navy base reopening. Marines plan expansion.
Coast Guard Comeback Historic $25B investment funds 16 icebreakers, 22 cutters, 40 helicopters, and infrastructure in multiple communities, including $300M for Juneau. Potential for four more Alaska-homeported icebreakers spurs shipbuilding jobs in Kodiak, Seward, Ketchikan.
Safer Communities Crime rates drop, but fentanyl overdoses killed 400 Alaskans last year. WFTCA’s $100B border security reduces supply; Sullivan’s “One Pill Can Kill” campaign addresses demand through education.
Fisheries Legislation like Save Our Seas cleans oceans; bans on Russian/Chinese seafood combat unfair practices. Salmon Task Force and Bycatch Reduction Act tackle declines via research and tech.
Health Care Obamacare failed Alaska; reforms include PBM curbs and premium credits. WFTCA’s Rural Health Transformation Program delivers $1.4B over five years, doubling the fund and prioritizing rural needs.
Two Visions D.C. Democrats targeted Alaska provisions in WFTCA; Republicans fought to preserve wins. Alaskans should recognize allies.
Echoing TAPS builders, Sullivan calls for unity to build gas lines, military, health care, and jobs for future generations, fulfilling Alaska’s promise of opportunity.
In less than a month, ballots for Anchorage’s Municipal election will be mailed to homes. Once ballots start to arrive, people will begin filling them out. Traditional polling places will not be open and are not an option for voting on April 7th, “Election Day.” Hence, we have approximately 26 days to make sure our friends and neighbors are aware of our opportunity to flip the Anchorage Assembly from radical Leftist to a conservative majority.
Since recommending who to vote for in each district three weeks ago, I’ve heard a mix of optimism, skepticism, and outright pessimism that conservatives in Anchorage will be able to pull this off.
Voter apathy is real, and the behavior of our Municipal officials has only encouraged its metastasis. Not many trust local Anchorage elections anymore, beclouded as they are with mail-in voting, ballot curing, and computer tabulation of votes. The ability of election observers to effectively oversee vote counting has been severely limited by the Municipal Clerk and the Assembly’s Marxist Nine since they rewrote Title 28 of Municipal Code in 2021. This occurred – coincidentally, I’m sure – shortly after Anchorage elected a conservative mayor.
Add to these coincidences the operations of dark money groups such as 907 Initiative and Ship Creek Group. These benevolent political mercenaries canvass Anchorage with their seemingly neutral “report cards.” I am sure it is coincidental that their “report cards” all laud liberal causes and bash conservatives. In 2025 the voter turnout in Anchorage’s municipal election was an abysmal 25.38% of registered voters.
I can’t blame anybody for being skeptical of our chances of flipping six seats on the Assembly this year. The Left and its union allies are consistently outperforming us by working together without infighting and apparently convincing their constituents to vote in large enough numbers to maintain their iron grip on our local government.
Do we give up? Mope our way through the next 40 days, resigned to imminent failure?
Admitting defeat is not an option in my book. But I do admit that we cannot succeed in reclaiming Anchorage if we trust solely in our own efforts. We need God’s help.
Entrusting political causes to Almighty God and asking His help in ordering human affairs is, and should be, the norm in the United Sates of America. From the first Continental Congress to the 119th Congress convened in January 2025, our representatives have opened their meetings with a prayer (not a land acknowledgement!). No less than us, they needed God’s help, protection, and guidance as they sought to order the civic life of a new nation.
Our nation is rooted in love and gratitude to God, from Whom we derive our inherent dignity and rights under the Natural Law. As President Trump noted in his February 18thAsh Wednesday Presidential Message: “the practices of prayer, fasting, and almsgiving have been foundational to our strength from the earliest days of our national story. From the Colonists who turned to prayer and fasting in the heart of the Revolutionary War to the unmatched compassion and generosity of America’s churches, hospitals, and charitable institutions, these righteous acts have always stood at the center of our identity, our heritage, and our way of life.”
If this battle for Anchorage seems hopeless because there’s a mountain of manmade obstacles, let’s turn it over to God who made both mountains and men. Abraham Lincoln once said, “I’ve been driven to my knees many times in my life by the overwhelming conviction that I had nowhere else to go.” In addition to political action, pray in the privacy of your home, pray with your families, pray with your friends. Pray with your fellow parishioners when you gather at church, pray in the public square, pray before you begin any endeavor with the political action group to which you belong. If you’re running for public office, pray every day with your campaign team.
Ask God to forgive our sins and shower His mercy upon us as we seek to re-order our civic life in Anchorage. We’ll be in good company.
Theresa Bird is a wife and homeschooling mother of nine. She earned her BA in Philosophy at Thomas More College of Liberal Arts in Merrimack, NH. She lives in Anchorage.
Lisa Murkowski continues to oppose the Safeguard American Voter Eligibility (SAVE) Act, despite overwhelming support from the American people and her RINO partner in crime, Senator Collins (R-MA), flipping in support of it. We know Senator Murkowski is being dishonest when she argues that she is boldly standing up for the US Constitution by opposing this bill, leaving us to wonder what her real motivation might be. It could be that she hates President Trump so much that, since he is supporting the SAVE Act, she is willing to be on the wrong side of an 80/20 issue to hurt him politically.
Maybe she secretly hopes that by opposing the SAVE Act, she is enabling the Democrats to take control of the House in November so that they can fulfill their promise to impeach the president. If this is what she desires, it could happen. Historically, the political party that opposes the president typically picks up seats in midterm elections. The current House majority is only 5 seats (218/213), and the president’s party typically loses 28 House seats. If this year follows that trend, the House will flip to Democratic control. You might think this unlikely, but in the 2018 midterm election, the first time he was in office, Democrats took 41 seats and control of the House away from the Republicans. It could happen again.
Perhaps this is what the Machiavellian Murkowski is counting on. Last month, Congressman Shri Thanedar, a Democrat from Michigan, introduced articles of impeachment against President Trump. With the current Republican majority in the House, that impeachment attempt will go nowhere. However, if history holds, and after the November election, the Democrats hold a 235/198 majority in the House, you can certainly expect another impeachment attempt that the House will approve, and the Senate will have to consider.
I do not believe that this impeachment would successfully remove President Trump from office, but that isn’t the point of it. If the House votes to impeach him again, it would be a successful strategy in attacking the President’s agenda, which may be what Murkowski is counting on. If the House votes to impeach the president, forcing the Senate to conduct an impeachment trial, it will effectively halt any further implementation of the president’s programs.
One example of how this would work is the number of open US Attorney positions. There are 93 US Attorneys in this country, who are appointed by the president and require confirmation by the Senate. As of today, 51 of those positions are filled with interim or acting US Attorneys awaiting confirmation. They can only serve for a limited time without Senate approval. Multiple interim US Attorneys have failed to get a Senate confirmation hearing and have had to resign. Halting approval for US Attorneys is an effective tool the Senate can use to halt any prosecution of crimes committed under previous administrations.
If the House should impeach the president, the Senate would stop approval for any new US Attorneys. They would use a faulty excuse, like it would be inappropriate to proceed with the president’s appointments, knowing that President Trump might be removed from office. They will say this knowing full well that there is no way there will be enough votes in the Senate to remove President Trump. They have already tried to do this twice, with no success, and this will simply be a tactic used to impede the president.
Lisa Murkowski is a smart politician and knows that a tactic like this will tie up the president in impeachment hearings for the next two years, effectively stopping his presidency in its tracks. However, it all depends on Democrats winning control of the House, something that might not happen if the SAVE Act passes. That may be why she does not support it.
I have no idea why Murkowski hates the president to such an extent. Maybe it is because she benefits from voters who can’t prove their citizenship to win elections in Alaska. Perhaps it was because President Trump supported Kelly Tshibaka in the last election against her, and now she wants to pay him back. Maybe Lisa is just a liberal who hates strong conservatives because they oppose her worldview. Whatever her reasons, if Murkowski is successful in stopping the SAVE Act from passage, it will not only flip the House to Democratic control but will effectively end Donald Trump’s presidency. That may be all the motivation that a staunch leftist like Murkowski needs to do what she is doing.
It is hard to believe, but the fate of the nation rests on the opposition of one feckless liberal idiot from Fairbanks. God help us all.
Greg Sarber is a lifelong Alaskan. He is a petroleum engineer who spent his career working on Alaska’s North Slope. Now retired, he lives with his family in Homer, Alaska.
