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Who is Devilsmile and why is he calling for violence against Republicans?

The man who has called for lynch-mobbing of Republican legislators on Twitter appears to be none other than the president of the Anchorage Municipal Employees Association Local 16, a subbranch of AFSCME, a public employee union.

Must Read Alaska has linked his Twitter profile back to a reprographics employee of the Municipality of Anchorage, who also leads the local union.

In a press release regarding the budget vetoes, Brandon Fifer was more collected in his approach:

“Workers win when we stand together. Even though these cuts won’t directly affect AMEA members yet, it impacts our labor brothers and sisters, so we will be standing up to defend Alaskan public services,” said Brandon Phifer, AMEA president and a graphics technician for the City of Anchorage. “This isn’t just for ourselves, it’s for the community at large. Since these vetoes will negatively impact the entire state of Alaska, it is our duty to continue this fight.”

But his Twitter handle shows an entirely different approach — the call for mob rule, and the inflicting of bodily harm.

Ferry workers ponder strike

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The Inland Boatman’s Union hasn’t actually taken a strike vote since earlier this year, although it’s been negotiating a contract with the state since way back in the Walker Administration.

The ferry workers’ union could, however, take that vote at any time, now that it has decided it can’t get any more concessions from the State of Alaska. That’s the leak, anyway. The union has begun to negotiate via the media.

Once a strike vote takes place, ferries get tied up, cargo and passengers get stranded, food spoils, building materials can’t make it on time, and Alaskans will realize how much they are held hostage by state employees who run the ferries.

We pulled a list of typical wages for job classifications on the ferry system. These are enviable jobs, and the list doesn’t include the signing bonuses or the generous benefits. Workers often work two weeks on, with two weeks off, and make money whether or not they are on a four-hour shift.

Note, the wage-and-hour schedules are exceedingly complicated. This chart is only a surface-skimming example:

Don Young launches veterans’ history project

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Alaska is home to a higher percentage of veterans than any other state, and they each have a story to tell.

This month, Alaska Congressman Don Young launched a project between his office and the Library of Congress to preserve those stories.

The Veterans History Project was created through an Act of Congress to record oral histories of American veterans with the first-hand accounts of those who have served, along with collections of photographs, letters, and diaries. 

“Alaska is the proud home to over 70,000 U.S. Military veterans who served our country during World War II, Korea, Vietnam, Iraq, Afghanistan and various other conflicts throughout the world. U.S. Military veterans are our friends, family members, and neighbors,” Young said. “They teach our children, attend our worship services, and are involved in community activities across our great state. One of the best ways we can honor their service to our nation is by listening to their voices and developing an appreciation and understanding from the stories they have to tell.”

Young is a veteran of the U.S. Army and recently traveled to Normandy to honor the 75th anniversary of the Battle of Normandy during World War II.

[Read: Don Young pays his respect at Normandy]

The Veterans History Project is open to all military veterans or Gold Star Family members age 18 and older. The main ways to participate include:

1) A veteran or Gold Star family member may participate in a 30 minute video interview with a member of Congressman Don Young’s staff.

2) A veteran may also submit original, unpublished memoirs of their service.

3) A veteran may donate original photographs, letters, or two-dimensional works of art.

Young’s congressional office in Alaska is scheduling interviews with interested Alaskans in their Anchorage and Fairbanks offices throughout the remainder of 2019. If you, or a veteran you know is interested in preserving your stories in the Library of Congress, contact his office at (907) 271-5978 or via email at [email protected].

A printable pamphlet about the Veterans History Project, is here.

Listicle: Lawsuits piling up against Dunleavy Administration

Does it seem like everyone is suing the Dunleavy Administration? A growing number of legislative and budgetary lawsuits have been filed in recent weeks and months, most of them against the Dunleavy Administration, but one lawsuit is actually on behalf of the governor’s actions. It’s hard to keep track, so we made a list:

  1. Venue of Special Session II-Juneau: Al Vezey, through his attorney Bill Satterberg, has sued the presiding officers of the House and Senate for not convening the second Special Session in Wasilla, as ordered by the governor. Gov. Michael Dunleavy called the session for July 8 in Wasilla, but Sen. President Cathy Giessel and House Speaker Bryce Edgmon refused the call and gaveled in in Juneau. The governor on July 17 relented and called the Special Session to Juneau. The legal question is whether Dunleavy has the right to name the venue for a special session that he calls. The Attorney General says the governor has that right, by Alaska Statute. Giessel and Edgmon say they have the right to change it if they want.
  2. Venue of Special Session II-Wasilla: Anchorage attorneys Kevin McCoy and Mary Geddes have sued the governor for calling the special session in Wasilla. They say the session should have been called to Juneau.
  3. Education funding: The Legislative majorities are suing the Dunleavy Administration because he withheld $20 million in what he says are illegally appropriated funds. The legal question is: Does the Legislature have the power to appropriate years into the future if it hasn’t actually set the money aside? In other words, appropriate money it doesn’t have and bind future legislatures and governors. The Attorney General says no and that the Constitution spells out annual funding processes.
  4. Abortion and the courts: The ACLU is suing the governor for cutting the administrative overhead of the Alaska Supreme Court. In Dunleavy’s explanation for the cuts, he said if the courts insisted that the State pay for elective abortions, then the money will need to come from the court’s own budget, because the Legislature and the governor are against public funding of elective abortions. The ACLU says this is a breach of the separate branches of government and was retaliatory.
  5. Medicaid reimbursement cuts: The Alaska State Hospital and Nursing Home Association sued Dunleavy Administration over cuts made to Medicaid reimbursements. The cuts were made via emergency regulations. The lawsuit was filed by former Attorney General Jahna Lindemuth and Scott Kendall, who was chief of Staff to Gov. Bill Walker. They filed it on behalf of ASHNA.
  6. Education funding: The Coalition for Education Equity is suing the Dunleavy Administration for being slow to release funds for the 2019 fiscal year. These funds were eventually released by the Administration, but the lawsuit remains open.
  7. All the cuts: Attorney Jahna Lindemuth has told reporters that she is considering suing the Dunleavy Administration over a wide range of the budget cuts. Lindemuth is on record saying the cuts are unconstitutional, citing Article 7 of the Alaska Constitution, establishing the University of Alaska and specifying that the Legislature shall provide for the promotion as well as the protection of public health. Lindemuth may have an ethical problem suing her former client, the State of Alaska.
  8. Privatization of Alaska Psychiatric Institute: The Alaska State Employees Association is suing the Dunleavy Administration for privatizing API. The union says that privatizing the institution violates the Alaska Constitution, Alaska Statutes, and the group’s collective bargaining agreement.
  9. Wrongful termination: The ACLU in January filed lawsuits on behalf of former state attorney Libby Bakalar, Anthony Blanford, and John Bellville. All three were released by the Dunleavy Administration. They say they were fired for refusing to pledge political support for the governor’s agenda. Belleville and Blanford were psychiatrists at Alaska Psychiatric Institute. Bakalar worked in the Department of Law.

Camp Berkowitz video highlights ‘nothing to report’ mayor

“Reformed Snowflake,” a videographer with a YouTube channel, has been at it again.

With some current footage of the 37-tent squatters’ encampment on the Delaney Park Strip in Anchorage, and with audio from 2018 Anchorage Assembly meetings, “Camp Berkowitz” becomes something that Mayor Ethan Berkowitz might like to report on during the next Assembly meeting. Or not.

The video borrows from another “Reformed Snowflake” video from February, 2018, when months of Assembly footage had been compiled that showed Berkowitz never having anything to report to the Assembly, until Assembly President Elvi Gray-Jackson (now a state senator) simply gave up calling on him. Here’s that video:

Must Read Alaska has learned that the protest campers have been given 72 hours to clear out of the popular recreational area, where they’ve set up a tent city without obtaining city permits.

The campers have been canvassing the neighborhood with a flyer inviting the people in homes surrounding the Park Strip to come and break bread with them on Thursday evening:

The flyer being left on homes in downtown Anchorage.

The mayor has been quoted in the media saying he agrees with the protesters in concept about their numerous complaints. Among them are the budget cuts by the governor, which they wish to see restored.

In photos taken tonight at the occupation, the majority of the squatters were strong young men of working age:

Strong, young men of working age make up a majority of the occupiers.

Mayor Berkowitz ran on a “safe, secure, and strong Anchorage” platform, but Alaska’s biggest city has descended into lawlessness under his administration.

[Read: Camp Berkowitz grows downtown]

Back to Juneau: Dunleavy changes venue

In a major olive branch to the House and Senate Majorities, Gov. Michael Dunleavy changed the location of the second Special Session from Wasilla to Juneau to break the gridlock that has taken hold of the Legislature, after the presiding officers refused to honor Dunleavy’s original location for the Special Session.

Dunleavy had called for the Special Session to meet in Wasilla starting on July 8 for the purpose of funding the 2019 Permanent Fund dividend.

But only conservative Republicans went to Wasilla. The rest of the Republicans and Democrats went to Juneau, where they have been unable to conduct business.

Dunleavy has also has expanded topics for the Special Session to include several items on the capital budget, including those that require federal matching funds.

Lawmakers have been at odds over who has the authority to name the location of the Special Session. Since the governor called the session, Alaska law gives him the authority to say where it will be held. Lawmakers could have met in Wasilla for one day and then adjourned themselves to Juneau, but Sen. Cathy Giessel and House Speaker Bryce Edgmon refused to meet in Wasilla. Edgmon cited security concerns, which was a prescient notion after anarchists took over a legislative meeting held by the Republican minority in Wasilla last week.

“In my daily discussions with legislators – those both in Wasilla and in Juneau – many have acknowledged that real progress needs to be made on the capital budget and that work cannot be completed until the legislature is meeting in one location,” Dunleavy said. “With sensitivity to the time that remains to capture federal funds, the Legislature will be able to quickly consider the capital budget, the PFD, and conclude this work for the people of Alaska before the end of July.”

Speaker Bryce Edgmon expressed his satisfaction at the governor’s concession:

“Alaskans deserve an end to the political turmoil that is disrupting daily life for so many people across our state and causing uncertainty in our economy and communities,” Edgmon said. “The only way we will get through this is if we set aside our disagreements and come together. This is a significant and encouraging step in that direction.”

Key to university moving forward: Decentralize

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By FORREST NABORS

I am taking the liberty to inform you about the difficult situation with University of Alaska Anchorage. Nobody has prompted me to contact you. 

As leaders of our community who have an interest in the success of UAA, you ought to be aware of the following perspective.

Since the price of oil crashed in 2014, many of us on the UAA Faculty Senate pushed for reform of the UA system. In our view, the system was overly-centralized and inefficient.

These problems, which were recognized by outside reviewers of our system, were disguised in the past by plentiful funds made available by oil revenues.

The UA system is more reliant on state aid than almost every other public system of higher education in the US, and we did not believe that this was sustainable. We called for bold plans to reform.

Instead, senior leadership of UA chose to try to centralize the system further, and to continue to rely on lobbying for state aid. We objected to this course, and at bottom, this objection was the cause of our votes of no-confidence in senior leadership of UA that were delivered by faculty senates of both UAA and UAF in January, 2017. After those votes, nothing changed.

The crisis of higher education in Alaska right now was foreseeable and foreseen. At the beginning of this year, other members of the faculty and I formed a committee appointed by the UAA Faculty Senate to study reform of UA.

It is the largest and most active university committee on which I have ever served, which demonstrates how deeply devoted many faculty here are to our institution. Our report was adopted by the senate this May and called for the decentralization of UA, which you may see at FacultySenateReform.com.

The structure of UA governance and administration was established in the state constitution when the University of Alaska was one campus with less than 1,000 students. But the university has grown into a university system with tens of thousands of students and its institutions are spread out across a landmass equal in size to Mexico.

Yet we have one governing board that, however well-intentioned and individually skilled, cannot know all of its parts well enough to know its charge and provide effective governance. Our statewide administration is beyond bloated and makes heavy-handed decisions that interfere with university leadership. For example, UAA is fortunate to have an outstanding chancellor and she has the full confidence of faculty. But our statewide administration wastes her talent by their heavy hand.

Overall, the system cannot perform well due to this structure regardless of the capabilities of those who serve in the system offices and on the Board of Regents.

Here is some proof: Despite our oil boom and the rise of the stock market since the 1970s, the UA endowment is a mere $200 million. In comparison, the endowment of the University of Texas system is $26 billion. We were both oil-rich states. Our $200 million endowment is less than one quarter of UA’s annual budget in 2018-2019, and is less than one fifth the size of bill for deferred maintenance, which tops $1 billion. We can do better.

Our committee believes that by giving each of the three universities independent responsibility and authority, they will be more sensitive to market pressures, will make better decisions, bend down their cost curves and wean themselves off state aid.

Independent boards of trustees for each university, rather than one statewide board, are in a better position to know their institutions intimately and provide better governance in consequence. They can be more effective at helping institutions raise their own endowments, develop strong relations with their own alumni and forge significant partnerships with the private sector. We believe that the quality of education and research will improve under these changed conditions.

Unfortunately, our efforts were too late, when on June 28th, the governor confirmed his cuts to the UA budget. Since then, we have been working feverishly and hoping for a compromise between the governor’s forces and his opponents, by which the cuts would be moderated in exchange for a commitment to reform. Moderated cuts, we hoped, would give reform a chance to work. The parties did not come together and our clock has run out.

My understanding is that although it will be difficult, UAA can handle a 41 percent cut to our state aid without financial exigency, and Board policy allows financial exigency to be localized. We also understand that the only way the president can pick apart UAA or close our university is by putting us under a system-wide financial exigency. The response of my committee is also available on FacultySenateReform.com.

The centralized structure of our system is what made us vulnerable to the governor’s cuts and created our present financial crisis. If UAA can come through this intact, I hope that you will support us in reforming our system and freeing UAA. I believe that we have many pieces that can become the basis of a great public university, but we cannot work towards this end unless we are more independent of centralized control. 

Some of you have worked with me in a business or civic capacity and from my personal experience I know that if UAA leadership were free to work with you in building a new, independent university, we could achieve wonders. I hope that in the future we will not be talking about UAA’s survival but rather how we can build an outstanding, new board of trustees, dedicated to UAA. 

I hope that you will share this with other business and civic leaders who care about UAA. Your support is greatly appreciated.

Forrest Nabors chairs the Committee on Governance and Funding Reform, is a University of Alaska Anchorage Faculty Senate Associate Professor, and is chair of the Department of Political Science at UAA

Galvin v. Young, Round 2

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Alyse Galvin said she woke up yesterday morning, ate breakfast, and filed for her second run against Congressman Don Young.

In 2018, she lost to Young, 53.3 to 46.7 percent. She ran as a no-party candidate in the Democrats’ primary election, and under the Democrat label for the General Election, as she plans to do again.

This can only mean Forrest Dunbar, a member of the Anchorage Assembly, is not planning to run this cycle, as some had predicted.

Every two years someone takes on Don Young. Few have returned for seconds. Peggy Begich did, John Devens did, and came the closest.

Will Galvin be the one to unseat him this time? She is the highest Democratic vote-getter in the state, but her candidacy announcement video describes her as an aberration in her highly dysfunctional family, an odd credential.

[Read: Alyse Galvin can’t shake off urge to run again.]

Alaska life hack: Measles in Kenai

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A teenager who had traveled to Arizona was diagnosed with measles in Soldotna/Kenai this week. The teen, who had not had vaccinations, tested positive for the virus, and may have been infectious while in public locations in Soldotna between July 8-14:

Public health officials believe there is potential for wider community exposure for those who have not been immunized.

WHAT TO DO

Most people in Alaska have been vaccinated, so the risk to the general public is low, according to the State Department of Health and Social Services. However, anyone who was in a location of potential exposure to measles around the times listed should:

  • Find out if you have been vaccinated for measles or have evidence of immunity to measles previously.
  • Call a healthcare provider promptly if you develop an illness with fever or illness with an unexplained rash. To avoid possibly spreading measles to other patients, do not go to a clinic or hospital without calling first to tell them you want to be evaluated for measles.

Measles symptoms could appear starting from seven days after the first exposure to twenty-one days after the last exposure. Rash is most likely to appear ten to twelve days after an exposure. For more information about measles and measles vaccination visit the State’s information page here.

Measles is a highly infectious viral respiratory disease that spreads via the airborne route and through direct contact with respiratory secretions — coughing, sneezing, etc. Measles typically starts with a fever, runny nose, cough, red eyes, and sore throat, and is followed by a rash that most frequently starts on the face and descends to involve the trunk and limbs. About 30 percent of people who get measles will develop one or more complications including pneumonia, ear infections, or diarrhea. More serious complications, including death, can occur. Complications are more common in adults and young children.

Incubation Period:  Symptoms typically start to appear 8–12 days (range: 7–21 days) after exposure, with rash onset typically occurring at 14 days

Infectious Period:  4 days before rash onset through 4 days after rash onset.

According to the CDC, the first written accounts of the disease were made by a Persian doctor in the 9th Century.

In the decade before 1963, when a vaccine became available, nearly all children got measles by the time they were teenagers. About 3 to 4 million people in the United States were infected each year, and 400 to 500 people died from the disease annually, 48,000 were hospitalized, and 1,000 suffered encephalitis (swelling of the brain) as a result of the virus.