Sen. Lisa Murkowski recently declared on national television: “The GOP is more of a MAGA party, and I don’t fit well.”
Let’s be honest — that wasn’t news. It was a long-overdue confession.
Sen. Murkowski hasn’t represented the Republican Party’s values in over a decade. In 2010, she lost her primary and returned to the US Senate only by way of a write-in campaign supported largely by Democrats and independents. Since then, she’s voted to convict President Donald Trump, opposed constitutionalist judicial nominees, and regularly sides with the very left-wing interests she claims to “balance.”
Now she openly admits she doesn’t align with the party at all.
So the real question is this: Why does the senator still call herself a Republican when it’s politically convenient, yet reject Republican values when it matters most? And why does the Alaska GOP continue to treat her like she’s one of us, as if she’s fighting for conservative principles, when time and again, she’s shown she’s not?
Murkowski often claims she is “voting her conscience” or “representing her constituents.” But the facts don’t back that up. Alaskans voted for President Donald J. Trump three times: In 2016, 2020, and again in 2024. He won our state by clear margins each time. The majority of Alaskans support conservative, pro-America policies, not the DC brand of bipartisan gamesmanship Murkowski defends.
So when she claims to speak on behalf of Alaskan voters, she is clearly wrong. Her record aligns more with the priorities of Senate Democrats than with the Republican majority of her own state.
Across Alaska, numerous Republican House Districts have passed formal censure resolutions against Senator Lisa Murkowski, including Districts 3, 6, 8, 9, 11, 12, 13, 26, 29, and 31. District 6 on the Kenai Peninsula even invoked the Alaska GOP’s Article VII rule, calling for Murkowski’s permanent disqualification from endorsements or official support.
But despite this widespread and growing demand from the grassroots, party leadership has refused to place the matter on the agenda of a State Central Committee meeting, and the State Central Committee has failed to assert its authority to force the issue or bring it forward for a vote.
Worse still, some Republican leaders actively pressure or punish conservatives who challenge Murkowski’s influence, discouraging opposition and rewarding loyalty to the status quo. That’s not leadership — that’s cowardice.
It should not be controversial to say that a Republican senator should support Making America Great Again. MAGA is not a cult or a slogan. It’s a mission: Secure our borders. Protect our rights. Strengthen families. End government bloat. Defend our Constitution. Rebuild what was lost.
If Murkowski rejects that, then let her. But don’t let her keep the “R” next to her name while she votes like a Democrat and mocks the very people she claims to represent.
This isn’t about revenge. It’s about accountability. The Alaska Republican Party must stop enabling betrayal and start standing for something.
If Murkowski wants to caucus with Democrats, fine. But let her do it as one of them, not as a fraud hiding behind the Republican name.
We need bold conservatives. We need principled leadership. And we need to stop cowering behind political convenience.
Alaskans deserve a senator who reflects their values, not one who defies them. If Murkowski chooses to walk away from the Republican Party in principle, then Alaska voters should replace her in practice. We have the strength, the talent, and the grassroots momentum to elect a bold, unapologetic conservative who will fight for our state, defend our Constitution, and support the America First agenda.
Alaska doesn’t need a Democrat with an “R” by her name — we need a Republican who governs like one.
Alaska Republicans: demand a vote to censure Lisa Murkowski. Demand the GOP act like the conservative party it claims to be. And if party leadership won’t do it — replace them.
Enough is enough.
Zack Gottshall is former Vice Chair of the Alaska Republican Party.
Voters in the City of Ketchikan will once again face several ballot propositions when they go to the polls on Oct. 7. The Ketchikan City Council on Thursday approved seven resolutions placing the measures on the municipal election ballot, marking the second consecutive year voters will be asked to weigh in on a full slate of charter amendments and funding proposals.
Last year, all seven propositions on the municipal ballot passed. This year, the most financially impactful measure involves a proposed $15 million bonding or loan package to fund a federally mandated wastewater disinfection facility and to repair aging emergency wastewater lines. If approved, the bond would lead to higher wastewater rates for residents. The EPA has been pushing coastal Alaska communities to upgrade wastewater treatment systems to meet revised environmental regulations.
Here are what the some of the other ballot measures entail:
Resolution No. 25-2970 authorizes the city to issue wastewater revenue obligations not to exceed $15 million to cover the full project cost.
Resolution No. 25-2975: Would amend Section 2-13 of the charter so that ordinances go into effect immediately after final passage and publication, or on a specified date, instead of being delayed.
Resolution No. 25-2976: Would amend Section 3-1 to allow the city manager to reside anywhere on Revillagigedo Island, expanding eligibility to the entire road-connected area rather than within city limits.
Resolution No. 25-2977: Proposes major changes to Section 5-17, eliminating voter approval and referendum requirements for various city property transactions, long-term contracts, and utility sales.
Resolution No. 25-2978: Would amend Section 5-18 to update the city’s competitive bidding requirements for public improvements, allowing contracts below a certain amount to be made by soliciting at least three written quotations.
Resolution No. 25-2979: Seeks to amend Section 5-19 to allow the city to purchase goods or services from city employees, councilmembers, or the mayor, provided that three written quotes are obtained.
Resolution No. 25-2980: Would change Section 5-21 to remove the strict four-month reporting deadline for the city’s independent annual audit, instead allowing the deadline to be set by council resolution.
In addition, two seats on the Ketchikan city council are up for election. They are currently held by Councilwoman Lallette Kistler and Councilwoman Abby Bradberry. The first day to file for office is Aug. 1.
FBI Deputy Director Dan Bongino published an unusual and highly personal statement on social media late Friday, pledging a sweeping internal effort to root out public corruption and vowing that the Bureau would conduct its investigations “by the book and in accordance with the law.”
In a lengthy post to his X account, Bongino said recent developments uncovered by ongoing investigations had “shocked [him] down to [his] core,” and that the truth would be pursued with “an honest and dignified effort.”
“We cannot run a Republic like this. I’ll never be the same after learning what I’ve learned,” he wrote from his official government account.
Though the statement did not identify specific subjects of investigation, the cryptic language sparked widespread speculation on about what the FBI’s second-in-command was referring to. He wrote the note in response to a news article in Just the News that said a 2016 intelligence report, conducted by the Democrat administration of Barack Obama, said Kremlin preferred GOP over Dems, while the truth is quite different.
“The Obama-era ICA claimed the Kremlin has a history of preferring Republicans over Democrats, but decades of Moscow history contradicts the narrative that was pushed — and believed as gospel by the legacy media and public,” Just the News reported in this article.
Bongino, a former US Secret Service agent and conservative media personality, was appointed deputy director of the FBI in March by FBI Director Kash Patel, another high-profile Trump administration figure. The two were brought on after President Donald Trump’s re-election, reflecting a dramatic shift in leadership at the nation’s top law enforcement agency.
Since taking office, Bongino has distanced himself from his previous career in media, where he was known for sharp criticism of the FBI, the Department of Justice, and what he described as a “deep state” culture of political bias.
But his statement on Friday marked the first time he has spoken publicly in such stark, emotional terms about internal FBI discoveries since joining the agency’s leadership.
“We are going to get the answers WE ALL DESERVE,” he wrote. “Not ‘my truth,’ or ‘your truth,’ but THE TRUTH.”
Bongino’s post comes amid continued scrutiny of the FBI’s role in politically sensitive investigations, including its past surveillance of the Trump campaign, raiding of his home at Mar-a-Lago, its mishandling of the Hunter Biden laptop case, and more recently, its review of materials tied to the Jeffrey Epstein investigation. Director Patel and Bongino have previously signaled a desire to restore trust in the Bureau by rooting out what they see as internal partisanship and abuse of power.
In an interview earlier this year, Bongino said he would work to “rebuild the FBI from the inside out,” promising transparency and accountability without political favor.
A Chinese government icebreaker was intercepted by the US Coast Guard on Friday after being detected deep within the US Extended Continental Shelf in the Arctic.
The vessel, a Chinese-flagged polar research ship operated by the Polar Research Institute of China, was discovered approximately 130 nautical miles inside the US Extended Continental Shelf boundary, about 290 nautical miles north of Utqiagvik, also known as Barrow. Research by Chinese may include testing the US military security of the area or engaging in other spy activities.
In response, a US Coast Guard C-130J Hercules aircraft from Air Station Kodiak was deployed to investigate under Operation Frontier Sentinel, the Arctic District’s strategic initiative designed to “meet presence with presence” amid rising foreign interest in the region.
“The U.S. Coast Guard, alongside partners and other agencies, vigilantly monitors and responds to foreign government vessel activity in and near U.S. waters to secure territorial integrity and defend sovereign interests against malign state activity,” said Rear Adm. Bob Little, Commander of the Coast Guard Arctic District.
While the Extended Continental Shelf is not considered US territorial waters, the United States holds exclusive rights to manage and conserve the living and non-living resources within the shelf under international law. The incident highlights growing strategic tensions and increased activity by non-Arctic nations, particularly China, in the region.
In recent years, China has steadily expanded its Arctic footprint, describing itself as a “near-Arctic state” despite being geographically distant from the region. It obtained official observer status on the Arctic Council in 2013, giving it access to key discussions about the region’s governance. The Chinese government has invested heavily in polar research, icebreaker fleets, and infrastructure projects as part of its broader “Polar Silk Road” strategy, which aims to establish trade routes and scientific influence in the rapidly changing Arctic.
The presence of the ship in the Extended Continental Shelf reflects this increasing activity, adding to growing geopolitical competition in a region that is becoming more accessible due to technology.
The Coast Guard did not report any violations of international law, but emphasized its continued commitment to safeguarding US maritime interests in the Arctic.
The Alaska Industrial Development and Export Authority has submitted a Department of the Army Individual Permit application for the West Susitna Access Project, a proposed 78.5-mile road aimed at improving connectivity across the Matanuska-Susitna Borough and unlocking access to remote public lands and mineral-rich areas.
The road would begin approximately 1.4 miles west of Alexander Creek and extend to the Whiskey Bravo airstrip and mineral exploration camp. Following the Skwentna River’s northern edge before crossing to its southern side, the route is designed to allow year-round public access to lands that are currently difficult to reach except by air or water.
AIDEA officials describe the West Susitna Access Project as a transformative infrastructure development that would expand public and commercial opportunities, including access for hunting, fishing, and resource exploration. The primary purpose is to provide safe and reliable transportation to remote regions, in line with existing state area plans that identify a need for improved access.
Gov. Mike Dunleavy welcomed the advancement of the project, calling it a strategic move to boost economic development in the region: “AIDEA’s West Susitna Road holds significant value for Alaskans, especially local residents seeking better access to hunting, fishing, recreation, and potential opportunities in mining, processing, and manufacturing.”
Funding for the road is expected to follow a public-private partnership model similar to AIDEA’s Delong Mountain Transportation System, which supports the Red Dog Mine. That approach has previously yielded long-term economic gains through infrastructure that serves both public and private needs.
Support for the project spans political and community lines. Matanuska-Susitna Borough Mayor Edna DeVries called the road “a strategic investment in our region’s future,” emphasizing its potential to provide long-overdue access for families and businesses. “Reliable road access means a stronger local economy and more opportunities for recreation and responsible development,” DeVries said.
State lawmakers have also backed the project as a critical step in unlocking Alaska’s resource potential. “The West Susitna Access is an exciting opportunity not only to unlock some of Alaska’s extraordinary resource potential, but to provide all Alaskans new access to the recreation and outdoor opportunities found in the West Su,” said Rep. Kevin McCabe.
Sen. Mike Shower highlighted the national security and economic benefits of increased access to minerals like copper, gold, and antimony. “Responsible resource development is critical for Alaska, the United States and our allies,” he said, noting the road’s potential role in supporting jobs and technology supply chains.
Public land access advocates have also weighed in. Rod Arno, public policy director for the Alaska Outdoor Council, said the group “remains in strong support of the state creating more overland access to public lands/waters for all Alaskans.” He added that resource roads have historically become gateways to outdoor recreation and that the council will monitor the project’s progress to ensure renewable resource protections remain strong.
Local business owners echoed that enthusiasm. Cindi Hermans, president of Friends of West Susitna and owner of the Skwentna Roadhouse, called the permit application a long-awaited milestone: “It has been a long time coming, and we are eager to see the positive impact it will have on our community and surrounding areas.”
The permit application marks a key regulatory step in the project’s development and begins a review process that includes federal agency input and opportunities for public comment. If approved, the project will still be subject to environmental reviews and funding agreements. Actual ground breaking could be years away.
The project reflects Alaska’s constitutional mandate to develop state lands for maximum public benefit, balancing access, economic development, and conservation.
Furie Operating Alaska LLC, the only Alaska-owned natural gas producer in the state, has renamed its offshore drilling platform in Cook Inlet as it begins a new phase of exploration. And there’s a story behind the name.
The platform, formerly known as “Julius,” is now called the Allegra Leigh Platform, named after the first granddaughter of company owners John and Candace Hendrix.
The platform is located in the Kitchen Lights Unit, a nearly 83,400-acre lease area between Tyonek and Nikiski. Furie has mobilized the Spartan 151 jack-up rig to the site and is actively drilling new wells as part of its plan to increase in-state natural gas production.
The drilling program is part of Furie’s ongoing efforts to secure new sources of natural gas for Southcentral Alaska, which faces increasing pressure on supply due to maturing fields and rising demand.
As utilities and policymakers have started to be concerned about long-term energy reliability in the Railbelt region, Furie’s investment in local production is a notable achievement.
The Kitchen Lights Unit has long been seen as a key area for potential new development, and the company’s current campaign represents one of the most active efforts underway in Cook Inlet.
Furie was acquired by the Homer-based Hendrix family in 2020 after the previous operator declared bankruptcy. Since then, the company has reestablished operations and focused on reinvigorating gas exploration and production from existing Cook Inlet infrastructure.
The naming of the platform adds a personal touch to the project, with a focus on future generations of Alaskans.
Law enforcement in Juneau received a tip last year about a group of locals who were allegedly operating a methamphetamine distribution ring.
Now, the Juneau Police Department has announced that an eight-month-long investigation has resulted in multiple arrests and the seizure of hundreds of thousands of dollars’ worth of methamphetamine.
“Beginning in October 2024, Task Force Officers with the Alaska State Troopers’ Statewide Drug Enforcement Unit (SDEU) and the Southeast Alaska Cities Against Drugs (SEACAD), assigned to the United States Postal Inspection Service (USPIS), uncovered a Drug Trafficking Organization operating out of Juneau, Alaska,” a press release states.
The investigation culminated in the arrest of three Juneau residents and the seizure of 1.32 kilograms of methamphetamine, with a street value of approximately $130,000.
According to investigators, this operation was linked to an out-of-state network that had been supplying the drugs to Alaska distributors. Task force officers successfully located and arrested 67-year-old Kinarla Miles, a California resident, in connection with this investigation.
As Must Read Alaska previously reported, three other Juneau residents were arrested and charged along with Miles. These included 51-year-old Juneau resident Jerome Larue, 38-year-old Juneau resident Travis Lind, and 60-year-old Juneau resident Edie Seslar.
Lareu and Sesla face a mandatory minimum of 10 years and up to life in prison for drug trafficking. Lind faces up to 20 years in prison for money laundering conspiracy.
Despite being the most resource-rich state in the nation, Alaska faces looming failures, one not born of scarcity, but of inaction, regulatory stagnation, risk-averse utility policy, and dare I say, stupidity. The state’s immense reserves of hydropower, coal, and nuclear potential are being left untapped while our energy infrastructure frays under pressure and global competition intensifies.
If Alaska continues down its current path, it will follow the fate of states like California, New York, Connecticut, Massachusetts, and Rhode Island, jurisdictions that have hamstrung themselves with ideological energy mandates and now suffer from high costs, import dependency, and grid instability.
Though Alaska remains largely energy self-reliant for now, the window for preserving this advantage is rapidly closing. Our major electric utilities, Chugach Electric Association, Matanuska-Susitna Electric Association, and Golden Valley Electric Association, have oriented their long-term planning around intermittent renewables and storage technologies while abandoning or avoiding traditional, reliable baseload options like hydroelectric, coal-fired, and nuclear power.
These decisions are not the result of technological limitations or natural constraints; they stem from a lack of policy direction, an overreliance on federal stopgaps, and a growing fear of political and environmental manufactured controversy.
State law broadly supports the development of “renewable and nonrenewable energy resources” and encourages private investment in energy infrastructure. Yet these words ring hollow without mandates, incentives, or strategy. In practice, our utilities are pursuing renewables-only portfolios while eschewing any serious commitment to dispatchable energy.
Chugach aims for 80% renewable generation by 2040 but has no active coal or nuclear initiatives. MEA’s clean energy strategy omits baseload entirely. Even GVEA, once the stronghold of Interior Alaska’s coal-fired capacity, has adopted a strategic plan that rejects new coal, hydro, or nuclear development. The result? A policy of managed decline in the face of abundant opportunity.
Meanwhile, Alaska’s economic future depends on energy, not just any energy, but stable, low-cost, industrial-grade electricity. Modern economies are built on energy density and availability. Without it, Alaska cannot attract or sustain the industries it needs to survive. Key opportunities, such as rare earth element refining, critical mineral processing, and high-tech manufacturing, all require significant, uninterrupted power, something wind and solar alone cannot provide. Alaska is sitting atop some of the largest reserves of graphite, cobalt, and REEs in the US, but without affordable electricity, these materials will continue to be exported raw or left in the ground, while China tightens its grip on global supply chains.
At the same time, sectors like data infrastructure, AI computing, and blockchain validation are expanding rapidly, but only in places with cheap and reliable power. Alaska’s cold climate, vast land, and strategic location offer enormous advantages, but without grid modernization and investment in scalable baseload power, these industries will bypass us entirely. We will watch as other states like Texas, Idaho, and Wyoming attract the very economic engines that could have transformed Alaska.
Despite being much smaller, Alaska has natural resource wealth per capita and geographic reach (especially Arctic proximity) that rivals major global powers, making strategic energy development in Alaska nationally and geopolitically significant.
And while we naively hesitate, China acts. It is currently building over 200 new coal-fired power plants and scaling up next-generation nuclear capacity at a rate unmatched by any nation. This isn’t a step backward. It’s a strategic leap forward. China understands that cheap, sovereign energy is the foundation of economic security and geopolitical leverage. If Alaska, indeed, if America, refuses to follow suit with our own domestic energy development, we will lose far more than industrial growth; we will lose our ability to self-govern.
Let me be clear: this is no longer a matter of policy preference or partisan ideology. This is a question of survival. Without decisive action, Alaska will become an economically hollow jurisdiction, rich in resources, but unable to power its own future. To stop this, Alaska must immediately:
Expand hydroelectric infrastructure in Southcentral and Southeast Alaska to provide long-term, clean, dispatchable power;
Modernize and deploy clean coal-fired generation in the Interior, utilizing Alaska’s massive reserves alongside modern emissions controls;
Invest in and deploy small modular nuclear reactors (SMRs) to power off-grid communities, military installations, and future industrial zones;
Integrate and upgrade regional electrical grids, maximizing resilience, redundancy, and cross-utility efficiency.
These aren’t dreams. They’re imperatives. Alaska’s destiny has always been its low-cost energy for its independence.
Alaska’s energy future is on the brink. While political promises fixate on technologies years away, the state urgently needs real, dispatchable power now. Proven solutions, modern coal, hydropower, and nuclear readiness, must be deployed immediately to secure energy independence and economic survival. At the top of that list: modern coal-fired power, hydroelectric infrastructure, and preparation for nuclear deployment.
Coal is Competitive Again If We Let It Be
Contrary to the outdated narrative that coal is an obsolete, dirty relic of the past, recent developments demonstrate that modern coal-fired generation, when implemented with Best Available Control Technology (BACT), can be both cost-effective and environmentally viable. A proposed coal plant across Cook Inlet, currently in its front-end engineering (FEL2) phase, is modeled after a recently completed facility in Gillette, Wyoming, which delivers power at approximately 4.5 cents per kilowatt-hour. That figure is competitive with hydropower and well below the cost of imported diesel or liquefied natural gas in rural and off-grid regions of Alaska.
This type of project, developed privately and structured as an Independent Power Producer (IPP), would sell into the Railbelt utilities, delivering firm baseload energy without saddling the state with public debt. And while initial plans included carbon capture, even without it, BACT-equipped coal presents a compelling emissions profile, potentially superior to natural gas when lifecycle emissions, particularly methane leakage, are factored in. Alaska, home to enormous coal reserves, would be remiss to ignore the opportunity to leverage this resource with modern technology and commercial partnerships.
Hydropower Is the Only Proven Long-Term Option
While coal can offer short- to medium-term energy stability, hydropower remains the most reliable long-term source of renewable baseload energy available in Alaska today. Projects like Susitna-Watana have been studied for decades, demonstrating the potential to generate low-cost, steady electricity for Southcentral Alaska and beyond. Hydropower is not speculative. It is mature, dispatchable, and scalable. It doesn’t require a new technological breakthrough or demonstration project. It requires only political will.
Watana could be transformative. Beyond supplying clean energy, it would serve as the economic anchor for industrial development, regional grid resilience, and long-term price stability. It would make Alaska competitive in attracting industries like mineral processing, advanced manufacturing, and data infrastructure, industries that require constant, high-density power.
Alaska Governor Bill Walker suspended development of the Susitna-Watana hydroelectric project in 2016, citing a so-called state budget crisis. This justification many now view as a political maneuver rather than a fiscal necessity. The only barriers to building Watana are bureaucratic inertia and political hesitation. The project is engineered, litigated, and ready. In a state that talks constantly about economic development, failing to act on Watana is nothing short of self-sabotage.
SMRs Are a Future Worth Preparing For—But Not Relying On
Small Modular Nuclear Reactors (SMRs) represent a promising future for distributed high-output, carbon-free energy in remote and off-grid environments. But that future isn’t here yet. Despite the Department of the Air Force (DAF) piloting nuclear energy technology at Eielson Air Force Base having issued a Notice of Intent to Award (NOITA) to Oklo, Inc. for the construction and operation of an advanced nuclear microreactor there, SMRs remain several years away from commercial deployment.
Optimistically, operational SMRs may begin appearing within 5–7 years, especially in strategic applications like military installations, critical minerals operations, or remote Alaskan villages. But until then, they are a technological bet, not a present solution. Any serious energy strategy must acknowledge that we cannot plug policy gaps with hypothetical reactors. We must build what is viable now and prepare for what’s coming, not the other way around.
Build Now, Plan Smart, and Lead Boldly
Alaska’s energy conversation needs a reset. No amount of slogans or subsidies will stabilize our grid in January. No solar panel can guarantee 24/7 industrial uptime. And no unbuilt SMR will attract the capital or confidence needed to anchor our energy-intensive future.
What will? Building clean coal infrastructure where feasible. Constructing hydropower now. And developing the policy and permitting environment to welcome SMRs when they’re ready.
Alaska doesn’t need another energy plan that sits on a shelf. It needs a power surge, the kind that keeps communities warm, industry humming, and sovereignty intact.
A 33-year-old wildlife biologist for the Alaska Department of Fish and Game was killed Friday morning when the small aircraft he was flying crashed at the Dillingham airport.
Alaska State Troopers say they were notified shortly before 9:15 am of an aircraft down on the runway. Responders arriving on scene found a Piper J3C-65 Cub that had crashed, with the lone occupant, John Landsiedel of Dillingham, declared deceased at the scene. The propeller was dug into the runway.
Landsiedel did not own the aircraft but was the only one on board. He had received his pilot’s license in November 2024. His body is being sent to the State Medical Examiner’s Office for autopsy.
The National Transportation Safety Board has launched an investigation into the crash to determine the cause. No other injuries were reported.
