With a new year comes a new legislative session, and the calendar is beginning to fill with meetings in advance of the Jan. 21 convening of the second regular session of the 31st Legislature in Juneau:
Monday, Jan. 6, 1 pm: Anchorage Caucus meets in the Anchorage Legislative Information Offices large conference room. The topic is homelessness and a program led by the Municipality of Anchorage, with invited testimony from members of various Anchorage Community Councils.
Thursday, Jan. 9, 9 am: VPSO Working Group (House and Senate) meets in the Anchorage LIO Foraker Room. They will review a draft report. Invited participants are: Aleutian Pribiloff Islands Association, Alaska Village Council Presidents, Bristol Bay Native Association, Tlingit & Haida, Chugachmiut, Copper River Native Association, Kodiak Area Native Association, Kawerak, Northwest Arctic Borough, Tanana Chiefs Conference, and Dept. of Public Safety. Will be teleconferenced.
Thursday, Jan. 9, 3 pm: House Health and Social Services Committee will hear updates on reform from Senate Bill 74 (2016) and other Medicaid cost containments. Participants are Department of Health and Social Services, Alaska Behavioral Health Association, Alaska Primary Care Association, Alaska State Hospital and Nursing Home Association. The meeting takes place in the Anchorage LIO large conference room and will be teleconferenced.
Tuesday, Jan. 21, 3:30 pm: In the Capitol Butrovich Room 205, Senate State Affairs was the first “regular session” meeting scheduled for Day One of the session. The topic was the future of the Citizens Advisory Commission on Federal Areas, but as of now that meeting appears to have been cancelled. No word on if it is being rescheduled.
Friday, Jan. 24, 3:30 pm: A special Senate Committee on the Railbelt Electric System will meet to conduct a hearing on SB 123. The hearings will continue Monday, Jan. 27 at 3:30 pm, Wednesday, Jan. 29 at 3:30 pm, and Friday, Jan. 31, at 3:30 pm. All meetings will be in the Butrovich Room 205, and will be teleconferenced. Details here.
On Jan. 2, Alaska State Troopers were trying to stop a 2008 red Mazda for swerving near mile 56 of the Glenn Highway.
The vehicle drifted into the opposite lane of traffic, but eventually Troopers, the State Crime Suppression Unit, and the Palmer Police Department were able to get the vehicle stopped after it pulled into a church parking lot.
The driver, George Frese, age 42 of Fairbanks, ignored repeated commands by Troopers, resisted arrest and made verbal threats of physical harm to Troopers, according to the report.
The Mazda was reported stolen out of Fairbanks on Dec. 29, 2019. Frese, according to the report, showed signs of impairment but refused a field sobriety test. He will be charged with Eluding 1, Theft 2, Vehicle Theft 1, Resisting Arrest, DUI, and Refusal.
Frese is one of the four men who spent time in prison for the murder of a Fairbanks teenager in 1997. Those who wanted them out of prison, including the Innocence Project, labeled them the Fairbanks Four to build sympathy for their case.
Gov. Bill Walker promised to release them from prison and did so upon taking office, striking a deal with the four that they would not sue the State of Alaska.
Jahna Lindemuth was the attorney for the four. She then became Gov. Walker’s Attorney General, and now is an attorney trying to get Gov. Mike Dunleavy recalled from office.
Even Mark Begich got involved, calling for a federal investigation.
ANALYSIS: OLSON’S SOFT BIGOTRY OF LOW EXPECTATIONS
Sen. Donny Olson, who represents a wide swath of the rural Arctic, has asked Gov. Mike Dunleavy to use his “in” with the Trump Administration to plead for an extension on the REAL ID program for Alaska.
According to Olson, his rural constituents of District T just don’t have enough time before the October deadline, when all adults in America will need to have a TSA-approved form of ID in order to access the secure areas of major airports. They already need these IDs to get onto military bases or other secure federal facilities.
Even though they regularly travel to Anchorage for medical care, Costco runs, and AFN conventions, Olson doesn’t think his constituents can prioritize getting a federally approved ID such as a driver’s license or passport.
REAL ID, in Olson’s view, has been suddenly sprung on Alaskans, and he believes it’s up to the governor to force the issue with the federal government to give everyone a couple of more years to comply.
A review of Olson’s own legislative website and records shows his concern is quite sudden. While he asks the governor to wave a magic wand at the federal deadline, Olson did made no such request under the previous governor, Bill Walker, elected by Alaska Democrats like him.
In fact, Olson has done nothing to help his constituents get compliant with REAL ID. This negligence on his part is in spite of the fact that Alaska had an extension for three years to allow the state to get the equipment into place that would create the Real ID for Alaskans.
First, the extension was granted by the U.S. Department of Homeland Security until Jan. 22, 2018. Then, the extension was extended until October of 2020.
Olson’s own website shows he hasn’t put a press release out on any topic at all since August.
While he sits on the Finance Committee, he didn’t bother to ask for funds to help his constituents get their ID in order.
In fact, he did nothing — no notifications to villages, no educational links, no money, no town hall meetings on the topic.
To give credit where it’s due, he did sit at a table this summer in Nome to ask his constituents to sign the recall petition against the governor.
REAL ID was enacted by Congress in 2005. Fifteen years later, Alaska is one of the last states to be REAL ID compliant, after the Alaska Legislature passed a bill in 2008, barring state agencies from spending money to comply with the federal mandate.
The sponsor of that “resist? REAL ID bill? Sen. Bill Wielechowski, an Anchorage Democrat.
Olson, 15 years after REAL ID was enacted, would rather put the entire nation at risk with yet another extension of the deadline for “special-needs Alaska” simply because, in his mind, his own constituents are not smart enough to get it done.
His approach is an insult the people of his district. These are Alaskans who work in the oil patch, in mines, who fly airplanes, apply for fishing permits, and serve on whaling commissions. These are Alaskans who file for their Permanent Fund dividends, get their cars licensed, and deal with federal officials on a regular basis. They have tribal administrators and Native Corporations at their disposal. Many of them are residents of the richest borough in the state — the North Slope Borough. He treats them as though they are children.
In Olson’s world, a federal mandate is one more opportunity to strike back at a governor who he doesn’t like and wants to recall. He went after the governor for the headline value, and the mainstream media complied.
Olson needs to show leadership and, instead of asking someone else to help his constituents get up to speed on REAL ID, he needs to rise to the occasion and be the leader of his region.
If he doesn’t, then his voters should consider their options. After all, Olson has been in office 19 years; maybe it’s time for someone else to serve –someone who will take things like national security seriously.
Superior Court Judge Phillip Pallenberg has seen Larry Reiger one too many times for one too many assault cases. The 60-year-old Juneau resident with a rap sheet of rampant crime and a long list of victims got 16 years in prison with no probation as his penalty for a lengthy and terrifying attack on a woman in January of 2019.
The sentencing on Jan. 2 came after a July trial, in which a Juneau jury convicted Reiger of Assault in the Second Degree, two counts of Assault in the Third Degree, and three counts of Assault in the Fourth Degree.
Evidence at trial showed Reiger repeatedly strangled the victim, including once to the point of unconsciousness, placed the victim in fear for her life, punched her in the face, kicked her, threatened to kill her, and dragged her by the hair as she was trying to flee, according to the Department of Law.
At the sentencing hearing, the victim spoke of how terrified she was during the assault and that she believed she would die before she could escape, feeling surprised to have woken up after Reiger strangled her to unconsciousness.
She emphasized that what happened to her “should not happen to anyone else, ever again.” People who know Reiger describe him as having a violent side to his personality, one that he can hide. They said he tends to attack the weak, while avoiding those who will stand up to him.
In her sentencing memorandum to the court, Juneau District Attorney Angie Kemp detailed Reiger’s lengthy criminal history of 42 prior convictions dating back to 1983, half of which were for assault or assaultive behavior. Describing Reiger as “a clear risk to community safety [who] will almost certainly reoffend once released,” Kemp emphasized the sentencing goal of isolating him in order to protect the public from future harm. Kemp asked the court to impose the maximum term of imprisonment available under the law.
MRAK research shows that to be the case:
Assault | Disorderly Conduct | Reckless Endangermen | Assault (Domestic) | M.i.c.s. – 7 | Cbj42.20.090 A1: Disorderly Conduct | As 11.71.070a2: Controll Substance | Assault 3 | Driving While Intoxicated | Refusal BA | Conceal Merchandise | Ptrp – Petition to Revoke Probation | Assault – 4th Degree | As11.41.230 (A) (3): Assault – 4th Degree | Criminal Mischief | Cbj42.10.010: Assault | Lewdness | Cbj42.20.090 (A) (1): Disorderly Conduct | Mics – 6th Degree | Mics 6th | Assault 3rd | Concealment of Mdse | Sex Assault – 1st DG | Cbj42.10.010 (A) (1): Assault | Resist Officer | Cbj42.10.010 (A) (3): Dv Assault | Assault 4th | Vcor | Cbj20.25.080 (B): Alcohol – Open Container in Public Area | Crim Mischief – Damage Property – Gen | Assault – Purposeful, Reckless Injury | Robbery 2 – Use Force to Prevent Resistnc | Cbj72.10.028: Valid Operators License Required – 1st Offense | Driving While Under The Influence – Under Influence Liquor or Drug | Disorderly Conduct – Challenge to Fight | Cbj42.20.230: Consumption of Marijuana in a Public Place – 1st Offense | Cbj72.02.075: No – Passing Zone
Those charges don’t include some of the ones that were dismissed by prosecutors during plea agreements, such as impersonating an officer during an assault and robbery in Juneau, where the victim was a 16-year-old boy.
Commenting on Reiger’s “truly extraordinary criminal history,” Judge Pallenberg said the individual victims of Reiger’s past assaults would nearly fill the courtroom. He was obviously familiar with many of the cases where Reiger had been in his courtroom but had been cycled back into the community.
Finding Reiger to be a “worst offender,” Judge Pallenberg stated that a fundamental duty of a judge is to protect the public – and he’d seen few people more dangerous than Reiger, who now has three hots and a cot at Lemon Creek Correctional Center in Juneau. He’ll be 75 years old by the time he has a chance to offend again in civil society.
With what promises to be a barn-burner of a legislative session just on the horizon, a news story recently laid out Gov. Mike Dunleavy’s view of taxes: Surprise! He does not like them.
That has big-government advocates in a tizzy. Without taxes, without taking Alaskans’ Permanent Fund dividends, they wail, how will Alaska deal with its looming $1.5 billion budget deficit? The Legislature last year showed it will run from the notion of cutting government to match revenues like a vampire from the rising sun.
Dunleavy, to his credit, says he will not be proposing or supporting higher taxes in the coming legislative session – but adds he is open to the discussion.
He did, if you will recall, earlier push for a constitutional amendment that would require a vote of Alaskans on any new proposed broad-based taxes.
And why not? Alaska does not even require a supermajority vote in the Legislature to pass a new tax. Why not have Alaska voters decide how much, if anything, they are willing to invest in government? It is, after all, their government. Alaskans, not just legislators, should have final say on broad-based taxes such as income and sales levies.
All of that is anathema to our betters, but we think Dunleavy has the right idea. Alaskans should have final say on how much government they want.
If the more-government folks can make a legitimate case for more money and more government, so be it. If not, Alaskans would get the chance to put the question to rest.
Democrats in the Alaska House of Representatives make up 15 of the 40 seats. Add to those the two “stealth Democrats” Dan Ortiz and Bryce Edgmon, and you have 17. They have an outsized influence on public policy in Alaska because of six Republicans who aligned with them in what became a 23-member coalition at this time last year.
The Alaska Democratic Party is unsatisfied with having a majority that includes so many Republicans. They already lost two Republicans from their caucus last session, and they know they could lose more this year, if they push for an income tax or oil taxes, both of which seem likely.
Democrats are seeking to create a “true majority,” according to the Alaska Democratic Party’s year-end fundraising pitch, which was emailed to registered Democrats last week.
“Democrats are getting ready to run for the State House where we seek a true majority, and for the State Senate to strengthen our ranks,” the Democrats’ newsletter stated, hopefully.
They also asserted that Democrats would restore morality to America:
“We are poised to get the country realigned and restore our moral compass,” the ADP fundraising pitch added.
Their targeting committee has been busy identifying which Republicans in the Alaska House they have the best odds of beating in order to create that true majority.
So far, according to MRAK sources, the Democrats have identified the following House seats to flip:
Lance Pruitt, District 27 Anchorage. Their candidate Liz Snyder is rumored to have raised close to $100,000 and Pruitt has not filed for reelection. He seems unlikely to file at this late point; no sitting legislator can raise funds while the Legislature is in session. Liz Snyder, to date, has no opponent and has a path to victory paved with early dollars.
Sarah Vance, District 31 Homer. Vance took out Indie-Dem Paul Seaton (who ran in the Democrat primary unopposed in 2018). Seaton had promoted income taxes and had aligned with Democrats on oil tax hikes. Kelly Cooper, an undeclared candidate who will probably choose to run in the Democrats’ primary and as their nominee in November, has filed against Vance.
Sara Rasmussen, District 22 Anchorage. Rasmussen beat Indie-Dem Jason Grenn in 2018. Grenn ran as an undeclared in 2014 and beat the Republican incumbent, Liz Vazquez, but he caucused with the Democrats, which did not go over well in this Republican-leaning district. Democrats don’t have a viable candidate yet, but it will likely be an Undeclared, rather than an actual Democrat.
Mel Gillis, District 25 Anchorage. Gillis was the Republican appointed to the seat by Gov. Mike Dunleavy after Josh Revak moved to the Senate; the shuffling occurred after the death of Sen. Chris Birch. Calvin Schrage, a registered nonpartisan, has filed to run and will probably be on the Democrats’ primary ballot; Schrage signed the Dunleavy recall petition.
The other seats Democrats could try to flip would be Bart LeBon of District 1, which he won by just one vote in 2018. Democrats wanted that seat to go to Democrat Kathryn Dodge, but she lost after a recount, and then went on to lose a bid for mayor of the City of Fairbanks. Dodge was their best hope for keeping District 1 in 2018 after Scott Kawasaki moved to the Senate; Dodge may be tired of losing and not step up to the plate in 2020. LeBon is currently caucusing with the Democrats, and that may give him immunity from the Democrats’ target list.
On the Republican side, in addition to Lance Pruitt and Steve Thompson not having yet filed for reelection, Ben Carpenter of Nikiski and Dave Talerico of Healy have also missed out on the 2019 fundraising cycle by dragging their feet. Carpenter is likely to file, and announced on the Michael Dukes show on Monday that he intends to file, while Talerico is said to be on the fence. Both are in safe Republican districts.
Rep. John “Agnaqluk” Lincoln of Kotzebue has changed his registration back to Undeclared, and has not filed for reelection to District 40; he has indicated he will not run again. Lincoln had been appointed to the seat after Dean Westlake, who Democrats picked as their way to take out Democrat Ben Nageak in 2016, resigned in disgrace. For his last year in office, Lincoln is still a member of the House Democrat-led majority, but is now not a Democrat.
Ely Cyrus, a registered Republican from Kiana and the former vice mayor of the community, has filed for District 40.
Democrats will probably find a blue candidate for District 40 to replace Lincoln in 2020. They likely won’t target Republicans like Louise Stutes of Kodiak, who is one of their biggest Republican allies in the Democrat-controlled caucus. Others they’ll leave alone are Reps. Jennifer Johnston, Chuck Kopp, Gary Knopp, and Steve Thompson, all who abandoned the Republicans’ once-22-member caucus, and now are part of the Democrats’ caucus. Of those, Knopp is the only one in trouble in his district, as he faces a primary challenge from Republican Ron Gillham.
Republicans who remain in the Republican caucus, now a minority, are 16 strong, two more than at this time last year, when they only had 14 of their elected Republicans working together.
House Republican Minority Caucus
For the 17 Democrats to create a ‘true’ majority, they’ll need to pick off four seats, and ensure that Republican Rep. Gary Knopp of Kenai doesn’t lose in his primary.
If all that comes to pass, the Democrats will not need at least some of the Republicans who crossed over to their caucus. Which ones would lose chairmanships under that scenario is a far-more speculative topic.
The Bernie Sanders presidential campaign says it raised more than $34.5 million in the fourth quarter of 2019, likely more than any other Democrat candidate has raised in any quarter of last year.
Although the Federal Election Commission quarterly report is not due until Jan. 15, Sanders’ campaign released the strong numbers to show its candidate, who suffered a heart attack in October, is the leading contender for the Democrats.
Sanders received 900,000 individual donations in December alone, the campaign said, and has had over five million donors so far in 2019, with a total raised of more than $87 million.
Sanders is popular with Alaska Democrats, who strongly preferred him during the Democratic caucuses in 2016. In fact, Sanders’ second strongest state in 2016, after his home state of Vermont, was Alaska, where he won 80 percent of the caucus vote and 83 percent of state convention delegates.
He carried every borough and census area in the state by a wide margin over Hillary Clinton, the establishment candidate who went on to win the Democratic nomination, but his voters were disenfranchised by the Alaska Democratic Party during the scandal that was uncovered by Wikileaks.
During the fourth quarter of 2019, the most frequent donors to Sanders, an avowed Socialist, listed their job title as “teacher,” a trend that may worry conservatives already concerned about what increasingly radicalized teachers are instructing children in the classrooms of America.
According to the Sanders campaign, the top five most commonly listed employers of his donors are Amazon, Starbucks, Walmart, the U.S. Postal Service, and Target.
Sanders has been a harsh critic of Amazon and Walmart, as well as other corporations that do not pay the $15 an hour minimum wage that he wants as the federal minimum. Amazon does pay $15 an hour, as of last year.
Other campaigns that announced their fundraising amounts for the fourth quarter were Pete Buttigieg and Andrew Yang.
Buttigieg raised $24.7 million, while Yang says he raised $16.5 million.
Buttigieg’s campaign says he received over 700,000 individual donations.
Elizabeth Warren sent a letter to supporters late last week saying that she had raised just over $17 million so far in the fourth quarter. That’s a significant drop from the $24.6 million she raised in the third quarter. Her final number has not been announced for the fourth quarter, but will probably come in close to $19.5 million.
Joe Biden set a note to his supporters earlier this week, pushing for donations in the final two days of the year. In the third quarter he raised $15.7 million, far less than the $21.5 million he raised in the second quarter.
Sen. Amy Klobuchar raised $4.8 million in the third quarter and has not yet announced her fundraising totals for the fourth quarter.
Former New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg entered the race on Nov. 24, 2019, and has already spent at least $155.3 million on political ads as he tries to muscle his way onto the field. He has not announced his fourth quarter fundraising, but it’s likely to be insignificant, since he is self-funding his campaign.
The Democrats’ next debate is Jan. 14 at Drake University in Des Moines, Iowa. Hosted by CNN and the DeMoines Register, this seventh debate will be limited to those who secured 225,000 unique donors and earned 5 percent or more in four DNC-sanctioned national polls, or 7 percent in two DNC-sanctioned “early state” polls.
Those qualifying for the debate so far are Biden, Sanders, Warren, Klobuchar, and Buttigieg.
On Thursday, Julian Castro dropped out of the race. The former Housing and Urban Development Secretary made his announcement in a video published by the New York Times, saying, “With only a month until the Iowa caucuses and given the circumstances of this campaign season, I’ve determined that it simply isn’t our time.”
As for the president, the Donald Trump campaign raised $46 million in the fourth quarter. Although that is more than any individual Democrat candidate, the large Democrat field as a whole will have raised more than $80 million in the fourth quarter.
Jerod Alexander had a rough last decade, and the next one isn’t shaping up to be any better.
He had been on the lam for months, after absconding from a halfway house in Anchorage.
Then came New Year’s Eve, and some type of altercation between a small group of men in a Russian Jack neighborhood. Someone pulled a gun, shots were fired, and a man ended up shot in the arm, knee, and hip.
It started at 1:25 am Tuesday morning when police were called to the scene near 8400 5th Avenue in the Russian Jack neighborhood, where responders tried to sort the stories out, talk to witnesses, and get the gunshot victim to the hospital, where he was in surgery on Tuesday afternoon.
There were .45-caliber shell casings on the ground, bullet holes in the house, and blood on the porch.
One of the suspects, Alexander, was already known to police as someone who had a warrant for his arrest since July. He fled the scene, but police arrested 27-year-old Cody Heanu, who was remanded at the Anchorage Jail on multiple charges including Assault I, Firing a Weapon at a Dwelling, and Misconduct Involving Weapons II. It’s Heanu’s first brush with the law.
Alexander wasn’t coming in so easy. All the while, the snow began falling and piling up in drifts, the temperatures quickly dropped, and the hours were ticking by. By the time police got to Alexander in the Fairview neighborhood on Wednesday morning, the snow was blowing, and the temperatures were in the teens, as a blizzard moved through, the same one that closed Seward Highway near Girdwood.
And all this, plus regular bursts of fireworks across the hood.
By 6 am on New Year’s Day, police were cordoning off an area around an apartment building on East 4th Street and calling in the SWAT. Neighbors were warned there may be tear gas in use. The police said they might use a drone. Police asked the public to not post on social media any pictures of the situation, so as to protect the officers.
After a standoff, Alexander was taken into custody. His arrest, just a few blocks from the Anchorage Jail, brought to an end his six-months of living on the run. He was remanded on multiple charges, including Assault I, Misconduct Involving Weapons, Trespassing, and Resisting.
Alexander’s rap sheet started with underage drinking in 2008 and a list of other misdemeanor charges. In 2012, the Drug Enforcement Agency seized property of his worth $16,679, as a result of it being involved in drug trafficking.
A felony arrest warrant had been issued for Alexander after he walked away from the Cordova Center, a halfway house, in July. He had been sent there after being charged with Resisting Arrest and Escape.
That is how 2019 ended and how 2020 began with violent crime in Anchorage.
REFLECTIONS ON A WONDROUS JOURNEYFROM RURAL GEORGIA
By ART CHANCE
On Jan. 1, 2020, I enter my ninth decade on this rock. Depending on how you count it, it could be called the last year of my eighth — remember all the controversy about when the new millennium started? Anyway, I have the “three score and ten” I was promised.
A decade ago I was a front page contributor on the Red State conservative political blog, one of the most heavily viewed conservative blogs.
Art Chance
I wrote this around my 60 birthday and it stayed on the front page of Red State for a good while. I’m resurrecting it because another decade has passed and the world has changed. We endured Comrade Obama. We entered Donald Trump’s world. We survived George Soros’ attempt to continue the coup d’etat that installed Comrade Obama.
I can’t see what will happen next; but the Left has taken our children. If you’re under about 40, you see AOC as the future. That’s a future I’m happy to miss, but I regret that my children and grandchildren will have to deal with it. I’ll secretly tell them where I “lost” my guns. A decade ago, I was fairly optimistic; these days, not so much.
Three Score Years Ago, My Parents Brought Forth – Me
Sept. 3, 1949: 10 years after Germany invaded Poland, a little less than four years after the war ended, the same year the hydrogen bomb was invented. The H-bomb and I had a good run together. I came into the world dirt poor but I didn’t know it for a long time. In rural Georgia in those days heritage and social status meant a lot more than material wealth.
Those with ostentatious wealth got it after the war from the cotton lands they bought from widows and from the timber boom of the 1890s; being able to rattle off what company and regiment in General Lee’s Army your grandfather or great-grandfather served in meant a whole lot more for your social status. That all changed when the Yankees came again.
Rural Georgia of the 1950s was differentiated from rural Georgia of the 1850s by gasoline and electricity, and nobody had much of either. I saw some pretty good arguments between my mother and father over whether it was necessary for the single 30-watt light bulb in the living room to be on. The only really ugly fight I ever remember them having was over the fact that my father simply could not comprehend how she could have managed to spend $12 for her weekly trip to the grocery store.
Generally, if we didn’t grow it or kill it, we didn’t have it; the grocery store was for stuff like sugar, coffee, tea, flour, and meal, though we often had our own meal ground. Doc and Betty, the mule and the horse, did the heavy work until we finally got a tractor in 1954 – a Farmall Cub. My grandfather did most of the farming and my dad helped, but also worked for wages at Rosenberg’s department store in town. Old Martin, who lived across the branch in Price’s Quarter, did most of the handyman work and after my grandfather was probably my greatest youthful influence.
Blacks did not come in through the front door or eat with whites except in the fields in those days, so in an irony not lost on me even in my youth, Old Martin always came in through the back door and ate dinner – the meal in the middle of the day – in the fairly fancy dining room, while we ate at the kitchen table. Like the medieval world described in Manchester’s “A World Lit Only By Fire,” thus it was and thus it shall ever be; Southern farming life was eternal and unchanging – or so they thought.
In some ways it was an idyllic world; nothing changed, everyone knew everyone, people lived all right as we understood all right to be. If you didn’t know any better, it was good. We were cultured and well-educated; I knew which fork to use. My great grandfather was a teacher. My grandfather and father had some college. My grandmother was also a teacher. She could speak, read, and write Latin and read Greek. She told me that if I couldn’t do that, I’d always be a barbarian; she was right. She could rattle off long passages of Caesar’s Gallic Wars in Latin or whole Acts of Shakespeare’s plays. The skill that has served me best professionally is my ability to memorize and I attribute it to her constantly demanding it of me and to the Sunday School ritual of always having to recite a Bible verse at the beginning. “Jesus Wept” was my best friend.
That said, they and thus I were abysmally ignorant of the world. I don’t mean we didn’t know what was going on. My earliest memory of anything political – one of my earliest memories of anything – was sitting with my grandfather and father listening to the Republican convention on the old tube-type radio in 1952. I don’t remember anything about it except the doing of it; just my grandfather, my father, and me sitting in the kitchen in the dark – no need to waste electricity – and the reason it is memorable is they included me.
By the time I started grade school, leaders in the South were doing everything they could to get Southerners off the north end of southbound mules. In my little town, we started to get “plants.” Plants that don’t grow out of the ground were pretty much a foreign concept in the rural South, as was being anywhere other than school, church or court at a particular time. Getting a Geogia farm boy to actually show up at eight o’clock every day and do what somebody not related to him told him to do was a major cultural transition. And that’s when we began to see it. The Yankee plant managers demanded their modern houses. They drove new cars and their wives had station wagons.
In about 1958 we got a TV, and everything it changed. Nobody I knew lived like Beaver and Wally or David and Mary Stone. Fast forward through it all; Kennedy’s assassination, the civil rights movement, the riots, the long, hot summers, the Klan, the Freedom Riders, having a dream, Martin Luther King Jr.’s assassination, the war in Vietnam.
The world I started grade school in in 1955 had ceased to exist by the time I heard “Pomp and Circumstance” in 1967. By the time the principal thrust that piece of paper in my drunken hand, I didn’t believe a single word coming from parent, pulpit, lectern, or stump. When I got to college, I was a Marxist professor’s dream; I’d believe anything that was contrary to what I’d been brought up to believe. So, by the early 1970s I was a long-haired, dope-smoking, FM radio-listening liberal Democrat. Then I got mugged.
Atlanta in the early ’70s taught me all I needed to know about liberal policies. I sold out and packed Wife 1.0, kid, and dog into a Toyota LandCruiser and struck out for Alaska. I had no airspeed or altitude, but I did have ideas. I’ve sold suits, cleaned floors, drove trucks, and most anything else I could find to make money. What I liked most about Alaska was that nobody asked what your daddy did and if they asked where you went to school, they didn’t follow up with a question about what fraternity you belonged to. Hell, I was barely willing to admit to belonging to the human race; belong to a fraternity?
Anyway, I’ve led a charmed life, lived the American dream. I have a God-given right to be working for the minimum wage in the lawnmower factory in Swainsboro, Georgia; that’s what any of my teachers and civic leaders would have told me I could look forward to – and they were proud of their accomplishment of making that possible. There was always farming.
In those 60 years that also parallel the Pax Americana, I’ve never been hurt badly except by my own doing, I’ve never been sick since childhood, I’ve never really wanted for anything that I actually needed. As someone said, “I’ve been rich and I’ve been poor; rich is better.”
But in this Country, even poor as most of us understand it ain’t bad. I know the worst off I’ve ever been is scrounging the sofa cushions for cigarette money. And now, I’ve even given up the cigarettes after 40 years of Winstons and Marlboros; probably too late, but at least I did it.
So, to sum this up; generations of my forebears dug up the dirt to make my life possible. My life has been beyond the wildest imaginings of my forebears. Their efforts and sacrifices made a life of money, power, and relative luxury possible for me. And to bring this back to a political theme, ain’t nobody taking that away from me unless they’re prepared to pry it from my cold, dead fingers.
I don’t know how this plays out; maybe the stupid children win, maybe not. I tried to leave a better world to my kids; don’t know if I succeeded. When this decade ends, not many of us will be around. None of my male ancestors made it into their Eighties. I’ve had far better medical care than they did, but I also smoked cigarettes for 40 years and drank a lot of Scotch whiskey. We’ll see if there is another decade to write about.
Art Chance is a retired Director of Labor Relations for the State of Alaska, formerly of Juneau and now living in Anchorage. He is the author of the book, “Red on Blue, Establishing a Republican Governance,” available at Amazon.