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Who is signing the checks over at Recall Dunleavy?

By THE ANCHORAGE DAILY PLANET

The news was not unexpected and the headline in the ADN no surprise: “One year in, the recall campaign against Gov. Mike Dunleavy has slowed.”

It seems the poorly conceived effort to recall Dunleavy, which got underway before the ink on his oath of office was dry, is losing steam because of coronavirus restrictions and other pressures.

It is no real surprise, we suppose. There are myriad reasons to oppose a recall – or simply losing interest in it – based on sins mostly imagined, but the one that does it for us? The campaign’s continued secrecy about its financial backers.

Alaskans are being asked to unseat a governor — reverse a legitimate democratic election — without being told who actually is asking, or who is paying for the effort.

Somebody is forking out wads of dough for signature-gathering, research and public relations firms, surveys, lawyers and who knows what else? Recall Dunleavy has had months of court fights all the way to the Alaska Supreme Court. Whose names are on all those checks?

Alaskans may never know. State law allows Recall Dunleavy to collect and spend truckloads of cash from anybody, except foreign interests, without revealing where it came from or went — at least until the recall question wins a spot on the ballot.

Only then, and only if any signature-gathering money is rolled over into a recall election campaign, would backers be forced to report every penny collected and spent since the effort’s beginning. If none of the signature-gathering money ends up in the election campaign, Alaskans might never know who paid the bills.

When it comes to removing a duly elected official from office, that simply is not good enough. You have to ask: Would Alaskans ever have signed the petitions if they knew who was underwriting the effort?

We do not have a clue, but perhaps Recall Dunleavy does not think so.

Read more at the Anchorage Daily Planet.

Surprise: Ninth Circuit supports NPR-A drilling plan

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A surprise ruling from the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals on Thursday gave its approval to the management plan for oil and gas drilling in the National Petroleum Reserve-Alaska, where ConocoPhillips is currently drilling and where it has plans for more wells.

The Bureau of Land Management’s environmental impact statement and management plan for the oil reserve had drawn a lawsuit from environmental groups. But a lower court ruling had upheld the BLM plans.

The Alaska Wilderness League, Defenders of Wildlife, Sierra Club, Northern Alaska Environmental Center, and Wilderness Society sought an injunction from the Ninth Circuit, saying BLM failed to analyze the environmental effects of a 2017 lease of 900 tracts that cover 10.3 million acres of reserve land.

ConocoPhillips’ oil find in the reserve is estimated to contain 130,000 barrels per day. The current flow in the Trans Alaska Pipeline System is under 500,000 barrels per day.

The Ninth Circuit, which usually sides with environmental groups, affirmed District Court Judge Sharon Gleason’s ruling that a 2012 environmental impact statement was adequate for the later oil and gas leases, and that the management plan isn’t something the government could just pull back once oil was found and the BLM had committed to the lease.

“We disagree with plaintiffs’ suggestion that a programmatic EIS prepared for a broad-scale land use plan categorically cannot provide the site-specific analysis required for irretrievable commitments of resources,” Judge Milan D. Smith wrote for the three-judge panel.

Seattle political consultants get CARES cash to work on Alaska Democrat campaigns

Blue Wave Political Partners, a large liberal Seattle company that has contracts with Joe Biden and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, is also being paid by two Alaska candidates for federal office — Al Gross and Alyse Galvin.

Blue Wave hasn’t slowed down its billings one bit during the COVID-19 economic downturn, because it’s an election year, and they’re making bank on the federal campaigns.

Yet the company is also taking economic relief money from the U.S. Treasury, money that they’re using in one way or another to work against the reelection of Alaska Congressman Don Young and Sen. Dan Sullivan.

The political consultancy took hundreds of thousands of dollars through the federal Paycheck Protection Program — money intended to help small businesses, but which is helping Democrat consultancies like theirs around the country. The Florida Democratic Party, for example, received between $350,000 and $1 million from the Paycheck Protection Program.

Galvin of Anchorage is the Democrats’ endorsed candidate to unseat Congressman Don Young, and Gross, of Petersburg, is the Democrats’ choice to take on Sen. Dan Sullivan.

Galvin has given Blue Wave Political Partners $20,000 since last year, and Gross dished over $23,000 to the group. Both are raising substantial funds through the Democrat online fundraising machine called ActBlue, which helps them raise dollars from all over the country.

Blue Wave is doing federal compliance work for their campaigns, and some fundraising, it appears from FEC records.

The two Alaskan candidates are not Blue Wave’s largest clients, but neither are they the smallest. Galvin and Gross are midsize targets for Blue Wave, whose marquee candidate in this cycle has been Bernie Sanders. The Sanders campaign paid the company over $368,000 before Sanders folded.

Blue Wave also worked for Seattle Mayor Jenny Durkan, the Democrat who has been presiding over the Summer of Love in the CHAZ/CHOP district of Seattle, where murder and riots reigned for weeks.

Blue Wave describes itself as representing “Democratic campaigns and other organizations at the federal, state, and local level.” The company does campaign compliance work for groups such as Planned Parenthood and the Bernie Sanders’ group “Our Revolution.”

FEC records show that Blue Wave’s campaign income went from $1.4 million the last cycle to $2.6 million in 2020.

The company’s chief fundraiser, Kevin Geiger, is the Northwest fundraiser for Joe Biden for President.

For their Washington clients alone, they’ve booked over $150,000 in receipts local races since the beginning of the year, with no sign of any slowdown due to COVID-19, as shown in this public document:

Kenai Assembly overrides veto of vote-by-mail

NOW, NORM BLAKELY PLANS TO TAKE IT TO THE VOTERS

Norm Blakely, an Assembly member in the Kenai Peninsula Borough, wants voters on the peninsula to decide whether the borough should move to a mail-in election.

It’s not right that just six people on the Assembly have decided to take local elections in a new direction, he says.

Blakely’s petition for a referendum on mail-in voting comes after the Kenai Peninsula Borough Assembly voted 6-3 Tuesday to override Mayor Charlie Pierce’s veto of the vote-by-mail ordinance. He needs 1,362 signatures to get it onto the October ballot.

The Assembly had passed by the vote-by-mail ordinance on June 3 and again on reconsideration on June 16.

Pierce’s veto, had it stood, would have axed the creation of a hybrid in-person and by-mail election for the borough. The hybrid system means every registered voter in the borough will receive a mail-in ballot, starting in 2021.

The ordinance also changed rules pertaining to runoff elections, giving the borough election office more time between a regular election and a runoff election to get ballots in the mail.

In Mayor Pierce’s veto note, he said that the public deserves the opportunity to vote on such a wholesale change to the election system. He said that the security of ballots and the opportunity for fraud would also increase if ballots were mailed out to people who had not requested them.

Only Norm Blakely, Kenn Carpenter and Jesse Bjorkman voted to uphold the veto. But the other six Assembly members were enough to override it.

Voter fraud took place recently with absentee ballots in District 15 Anchorage, when numerous ballots were submitted by voters who were dead or not living in the district during the legislative race in 2018. Rep. Gabrielle LeDoux won that election but is now facing felony and misdemeanor charges for her role in the voting scam.

Mayor Pierce said that having just six people in the borough change the entire election system erodes trust.

“I vetoed this, as I think it was the right thing to do. People should be allowed to vote on their fate of going to vote by mail or not. The Assembly overrode my veto last night. Assemblyman Norm Blakely is leading the effort to gather 1300 signatures to get this back on the ballot so that the people of this Borough, not just six assembly folks, can decide the fate of Borough-wide Vote By Mail,” Pierce said.

Anchorage mask mandate on Day 10, cases remain steady

The mask mandate by Anchorage Mayor Ethan Berkowitz has been in effect since 8 am June 29. By now, the community should be seeing a trend.

Yet in the past 10 days, the number of COVID-19 cases in the municipality have steadily continued, climbing in fact, with an average of 16 cases a day.

The incubation period for COVID-19, is on average 5-6 days, according to the Centers for Disease Control. It can be up until 14 days.

By now, if Anchorage residents are being vigilant about wearing masks in public, and if the masks actually work against infection, there should be a noticeable drop in cases in the Anchorage municipality.

Anecdotally, Anchorage residents appear to be following the mask mandate in stores, work stations, and other public places. They don’t always wear their masks properly, or handle them like the toxic items they may be, but they appear to making an effort.

MRAK looked at the current health literature and found little credible published data on whether the masks mandates are effective.

In Washington state, where the mask mandate went into effect on June 26, the number of cases remains on the increase, at least in Seattle, where 535 cases were diagnosed on July 7:

In an academic study conducted over a number of U.S. jurisdictions where masks were mandated, the daily case rate declines by 0.9, 1.1, 1.4, 1.7, and 2.0 percentage-points within days 1–5, 6–10, 11–15, and 16–20, and 21+ days after signing of the mandates. The declines were labeled statistically significant, and contrasted with the pre-mandate growth in COVID-19 cases.

The study was published in the journal Health Affairs.

That study contradicts the experience of Seattle, and also Anchorage, with its mask mandate and relatively consistent cases. Anchorage is halfway through the experiment; the Berkowitz mask mandate ends on July 31 in Anchorage, unless extended by the mayor.

Anchorage has 344 active cases of COVID-19, and 245 people in Anchorage have recovered from the illness. Nearly 20 percent of the current active cases were diagnosed since July 4. That’s 11 percent of all the Anchorage cases diagnosed (598 as of this writing) being detected in the past five days.

It’s probably too early to tell if the Berkowitz mask mandate is working for the general, non-hospital population, which is not trained medically on how to use masks. But at this point, there’s no evidence that it is working.

Lynn Gattis wins support from Alaska Family Action

In a race where conservative credentials are everything, former Rep. Lynn Gattis has won the endorsement of the Alaska Family Action group, the political arm of conservative Alaska Family Council.

Gattis had already won the endorsement of the Alaska Republican Party and the district GOP leadership, but then Republican Chris Kurka brought in endorsements from Pat Martin and Joe Miller.

Gattis is the former representative for District 7, which has been represented by Colleen Sullivan-Leonard for the past four years.

Sullivan-Leonard has also endorsed Gattis, who is a close ally of Gov. Mike Dunleavy. She and Dunleavy have worked on pro-life issues together and served on the Mat-Su School Board together.

Who got what federal aid? Oil tax guy Robin Brena and partner Gov. Bill Walker

OR ‘BRENNA,’ AS HE SPELLED IT ON HIS APPLICATION

Millionaire Robin Brena and his partner-millionaire former Gov. Bill Walker received hundreds of thousands of dollars in COVID-19 relief money through the federal Paycheck Protection Program, money intended to help small businesses during the economic crisis spawned by the pandemic.

So did a 1,600+ other businesses in Alaska, such as the Anchorage Daily News, which applied for and won between $1 million and $2 million, according to records released this week.

But Brena, who is leading the Ballot Measure 1, is possibly the only person on the long list of Alaska recipients who is using federal funds to underwrite his campaign against the oil industry in Alaska.

Brena is the author and financier behind Ballot Measure 1, which seeks to jack up taxes on oil production in Alaska’s legacy fields. Ballot Measure One has put a chill once again in the oil patch, which is now fighting to retain the Senate Bill 21 tax regime, which was passed by voters in 2013.

And he has paid for the ballot initiative with mostly his own money — money that has now been recovered from the federal government.

Curiously, all of the businesses’ names that Must Read Alaska reviewed on the attached list appear correctly given, but Brena, Bell and Walker’s firm was misspelled “Brenna, Bell and Walker.”

Sloppy work or detection avoidance?

The entire list of recipients is at this link:

LeDoux encouraging voters to switch parties to pick her in Republican primary

Rep. Gabrielle LeDoux is no rookie candidate. She knows how elections work in Alaska, and she knows how to win her Anchorage House district, centered in Muldoon. She will win by hook or by crook, as the saying goes.

The campaign warhorse also knows her race for District 15 is going to be her biggest test yet this time around, what with a felony indictment hanging over her head, and with the entire Republican Party having turned against her due to her switch-hitting political alliances and allegations of corruption.

Also, there’s a fresh new candidate in Republican David Nelson. He has the Republicans’ endorsement and she doesn’t.

That’s why LeDoux, who has represented the East Anchorage district since 2012, has an advertisement on social media this week asking the 1,788 Democrats in the district to help her over the finish line, by switching parties in order to vote for her in the Republican Primary on Aug. 18. Only Republicans and nonaligned voters can vote the Republican ballot.

LeDoux is putting Democrat voters in a bind because they can’t vote both the Republican ballot and the Democrat-other ballot in the primary — and there will be other Democrats they might want to vote for, such as those running for U.S. House and Senate.

Also, there are three Democrats running for the District 15 House seat against LeDoux and one of them will be on the ballot in November: Lyn Franks, Patrick McCormick, or Rick Phillips. LeDoux is asking Democrats to not vote for their own party candidates, but to choose her instead.

David Nelson, the Republican who is running against her in the primary, said voters are not looking to LeDoux for voting advice anymore. Not after the episode involving dead voters and faked absentee ballots.

“Why would any honest person take voter registration advice from a politician who is facing multiple felony and misdemeanor charges of voter misconduct and unlawful interference with voting?” Nelson said.

“In 2018, Rep. LeDoux was caught trying to push people who didn’t live in District 15 to unlawfully register and vote here. This ad shows that this year, she’s trying to salvage her career by packing the Republican Primary with Democrats. I’m meeting voters from just about every political party, as well as undeclared and non –partisan voters, who are fed up with all of her schemes. I’m honored to have their support.”

The District 15 voter is largely Republican but the voting base isn’t known to turn up during primaries, as many are in the military, don’t know local candidates well, and only vote during a presidential general election.

As for Nelson, he is one of them, as an active member of the Alaska Army National Guard. If elected, he’ll be one of the youngest legislators to ever serve in the Alaska House.

THE BATTLEFIELD: DISTRICT 15 VOTER PROFILE

  • 2,568 Republican
  • 1,788 Democrat
  • 5,985 Undeclared
  • 1,469 Nonpartisan
  • 276 Alaska Independence Party
  • 230 Libertarian
  • 51 Veterans Party
  • 29 Green Party
  • 11 Constitution Party

It all started with Dr. Spock

By ART CHANCE

I find myself becoming mired in the “slough of despond.”   

 If you’re under about 60, you don’t know what I’m talking about because your government school teachers were functional illiterates.   

It’s a line from a book published in 1678, John Bunyan’s “Pilgrim’s Progress.”  Once upon a time, we would read books about our history and culture.

I’ll confess to having run away from the current state of affairs by delving into wonkish discussions of due process and other legalisms or retreating into my great love of history and telling stories of brave men in desperate battle.  Suzanne Downing, on the other hand, has actually confronted the current state of affairs with her pieces on corporate cowardice and our cultural weariness. Those are very good and very brave pieces.

So, let’s talk about the state of American culture and political life today; fasten your seatbelt.

We lost our ability to raise children in the 1950s and 1960s as we listened to Dr. Benjamin Spock, the world’s most famous pediatrician.  

We lost our ability to educate children in the 1970s when we decided, “It’s not wrong, it’s just different.”  President George W. Bush was wrong when he talked of the “soft bigotry of low expectations.”  The reality was the hard bigotry of no expectations.

In my last years with the State, I could hire a recently graduated lawyer for $60 – $80K/yr.  They were cultural and historical illiterates, but they could write a decent IRAC (Issue, Rule, Analysis, Conclusion) memo for you, though it was dry as dirt. They had never read a book and their idea of culture was sports, movies, beer, and sex, but they were better “educated” than I was.

What I couldn’t hire was entry level employees. The front desk clerk and the paraprofessional was just an impossibility. I tried to be a good citizen and do the job-shadowing and that sort of stuff. The kids were clueless; they had no idea of the world of work. They’d never been directed, supervised, criticized, or evaluated in their lives, either at home or at school.

When I worked for the State, I thought it was a Juneau thing because Juneau had a youth culture right out of “A Clockwork Orange,” by novelist Anthony Burgess.

But then after I moved back to Anchorage, I decided it was unseemly to be sitting in front of the TV or computer at 10 in the morning with a glass of wine in my hand, so I decided to go back to work.

I learned how to walk in a retail store back when I was a toddler, and Cabela’s was opening a new store five minutes from my house. I didn’t need the money, but the employee discount was nice. This was a job I could do in my sleep. 

Some 450 of us were in the opening crew; a couple of years later 20 or so of us were left. 

Cabela’s was where I learned that it wasn’t just a Juneau thing; Anchorage kids were just as dumb as Juneau kids. They had no idea what work was; they’d never been graded, evaluated, or supervised in their lives.

One that comes to mind was a smart, hard-working, Christian, who was a UAA junior or senior.  Among the young ones, she was a good one.

I don’t remember the conversation really, but somehow she and I came to be talking about the U.S. Civil War as we folded those damnable Cabela’s sweatshirts in the hour or so before closing time. Now, I was in my late 60s at the time and to her, a 20-something, I was some prehistoric creature.

Ultimately, she asked me what I did in the Civil War.  

The Civil War ended 85 years before I was born.  They’re that damned dumb.  What have we done?