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Leigh Sloan: Bleeding heart or solution-based compassion? Vote for Stephanie Taylor for East Anchorage

Suzanne Downing
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Leigh Sloan: Bleeding heart or solution-based compassion? Vote for Stephanie Taylor for East Anchorage

By LEIGH SLOAN

There is a common refrain on the left that is based on the idea of empathy.

Some on the right like to poke fun at leftists by calling them “bleeding hearts” or “snowflakes.” But there is something about empathy that makes us human. Empathy is one of the great appeals of the messaging from the left. Most people want to think of themselves as loving, compassionate, and full of empathy. 

Homelessness is a key issue where this dynamic plays out. You see the man on the street and your heart goes out to him. You feel better about yourself if you give him some cash you have on hand, whether or not such an act would really lead to a great outcome for that individual. 

Research has shown that empathy is good in reasonable doses, but unbridled human empathy causes us to lose our grip on rational thought.

In one study, people were presented fictional stories with real faces attached. The most empathetic members of the study group placed themselves in their shoes and, consequently, were willing to do almost anything within their power to alleviate the pain of the person with which they identified.

Participants were moved so much by the story that they voted to move the fictionally unwell patient up in line to get medical treatment, regardless of others who may have been even more needy or deserving and waiting in line for that same treatment. The study also showed that those who showed high empathy were also more likely to hurt others if it meant helping the one for whom they felt empathy. 

TV shows play to our sense of empathy as we watch the stories of unknown performers getting catapulted into stardom. We care enthusiastically for their success because we’ve invested ten minutes watching their story. When we put ourselves in the place of others, that emotion can get us to do amazing and seemingly selfless things, whether rational or not.

Identity politics plays upon our thirst for empathy. If we can identify a people group: a minority, misunderstood, or underprivileged group as deserving of empathy, we can get people bend over backwards to do whatever we suggest that they do for that people group. This can be used for good purposes like charity fundraising, but it can also be used to manipulate people into a mindset of toxic tribalism— elevating one particular people group at the expense of all others.

The homeless are an example of one people group that often get lumped together. But in reality, people experiencing homeless are not one single monolith of people with one single story. Each homeless person has a story— a reason for being without a home. In fact, a person can identify as homeless one day and not the next day. Some are peaceful, some are violent. Some are healthy— others have mental illness or participate in substance abuse.

Playing identity politics may be effective at winning elections, but it’s lousy for actually solving complex problems. Identity politics trigger our baser emotion of empathy, which makes us feel good about what we’re doing, but little more. If we’re not careful, it can enable and perpetuate the same problem we are trying to solve.

Instead of merely ramping up our empathy with identity politics, we need to shift our mindsets to compassion. If empathy is a magnifying glass, compassion sees with a wide angle lens. A compassionate stance sees the need of different individuals, but is also able to hold those needs in tension with the needs of others. A compassionate person can look at a person experiencing pain and feel for them, but also remain cognizant of the problems that might have caused that pain. A compassionate person is able to discern whether an individual needs a hand up or some tough love. 

When we look through an “empathy-only” lens, we tend to want to solve an immediate felt need without addressing the underlying issues. A true solution-oriented person will not be satisfied with mere empathy. They will only be satisfied when true progress is made toward enduring solutions—solutions that work not only for one people group, but for all the people in the community.

If you live in east Anchorage and want a strong voice of reason who will see our city’s issues from a lens of thoughtful compassion, join me in voting for Stephanie Taylor for Assembly District 5! A quote from Stephanie’s website says this, “By responding with both compassion and accountability, we can reduce crime and homelessness.” Stephanie Taylor is not just talk— she is the real change we so desperately need for our city. 

Leigh Sloan is campaign director for Stephanie Taylor for Assembly, District 5.

Appropriation bill has money for Alaska

Suzanne Downing
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Appropriation bill has money for Alaska

Alaska Congressman Don Young voted in support of the FY 2022 Appropriations Omnibus on Wednesday night, legislation that funds the federal government until Sept. 30. The bill passed with the support of 29 Republicans who voted in favor of it. The bill now moves to the Senate stripped of the Covid-19 response funds that were holding up passage in the House.

The bill includes $13.6 billion in emergency funding to support Ukraine in the country’s defense against Russia President Vladimir Putin’s invasion. The bill reauthorizes the Violence Against Women Act and implements a new provision based on Congressman Young’s successful tribal justice demonstration program. Congressman Young successfully secured numerous earmarks for Alaska.

Young released the following statement:

“One of Congress’ most fundamental constitutional duties is to appropriate money to keep the government open. Last night, I voted in support of the FY 2022 Omnibus Appropriations Act. Very frankly, this legislation was a long time coming. We are now over five months into Fiscal Year 2022. Because the House Democrat majority lacks strong, decisive leadership, we have been funding our federal obligations through a patchwork of band-aid fixes and continuing resolutions. We cannot continue kicking the can down the road. I have worked hard to break through the partisanship and set us on a path of longer-term stability. I am pleased that the omnibus we passed last night will keep our government open, do right by the brave men and women of our Armed Forces, help our allies in Ukraine, reauthorize VAWA, and support vital projects across the great State of Alaska. Additionally, the omnibus provides the appropriations necessary to support the essential operations of the United States Coast Guard and fully funds the historic investments created by the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law.

“Finally, I am proud to have secured ten earmarks for specific projects in Alaska. These earmarks provide support for initiatives relating to the Mendenhall Wastewater Treatment Plant, the Lowell Creek Flood Diversion project, the Kodiak fire station, Covenant House’s Bridge to Success Program, and more. For too long, my colleagues and I have been unable to directly request funding for specific projects in our districts. Here is the truth: the decade-long ban on ‘earmarks’ served only to shift Congress’ rightful power to appropriate money to the Executive Branch while denying needed funds to local organizations. While earmarks have returned on a limited basis, I will continue to advocate for the full restoration of the Article I powers of Congress. This omnibus funds the government until September 30th, and it is crucially important that Congress steps up to govern on behalf of our constituents. Ahead of the next fiscal year, I will continue working hard to prevent government shutdowns and pass all individual appropriations bills through regular order. We owe it to the American people to provide fiscal certainty and get our nation on sound economic footing,” Young said.

Young’s office offered the highlights of the bill of interest to Alaska:

Community Project Funding Requests (Earmarks) Secured by Congressman Young:

·                     The Tongass Sewer Force Main Rehabilitation Phase II – Jefferson St to Pump Station 4: $1,250,000

·                     Mendenhall Wastewater Treatment Plant Improvements: $800,000

·                     Lowell Creek Tunnel Flood Diversion, Army Corps of Engineers: $3,000,000

·                     Covenant House Bridge to Success Program: $500,000

·                     Village Within a City, North Pacific Rim Housing Authority and Chugach Heritage Foundation: $3,000,000

·                     Kiana Fire Emergency Response and Equipment Building: $3,350,000

·                     City of Kodiak’s Fire Station: $7,000,000

·                     University of Alaska Fairbanks – Kuskokwim Health Sciences Facility Health Facilities Construction and Equipment: $2,000,000

·                     Aleutians East Borough, Cold Bay Clinic Replacement Project: $2,000,000

·                     Salmon and People: Engaging Diverse Communities in Stewardship of Wild Salmon in Cook Inlet: $750,000

Denali Commission:

  • The bill provides $15.1 million for the Denali Commission. When combined with the $75 million secured for the Denali Commission in the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law, the total funding level for FY 2022 is $80.1 million.

Stevens Center:

  • $10 Million for the Ted Stevens Center for Arctic Security Studies.

Alaska Native Provisions Secured by Congressman Young:

  • Alaska Native and Native Hawaiian Education Funding
  • The omnibus includes $38 million for the Alaska Native Education Equity program, which is a $1.5 million increase from FY 2021.
  • The omnibus includes $21.3 million for Alaska Native and Native Hawaiian-Serving Institutions, $2.3 million more than FY 2021.
  • Native Housing Programs
  • $1 billion for Native housing programs, an increase of $177 million from FY 2021, including:
  • $772 million for the Native American Housing Block Grant.
  • $150 million for the competitive Native American Housing Block Grant program.
  • $3 million for the Indian Housing Loan Guarantee program, an increase of $1 million from FY 2021.
  • Tribal Colleges and Universities Provisions
  • Under the Higher Education Act, $44 million for Tribally Controlled Colleges and Universities, $6 million more than FY 2021.
  • Under the National Institute of Food and Agriculture
  • $5.5 million to Tribally Controlled Colleges and Universities, a $1 million increase from FY 2021.
  • $4 million to Alaska Native and Native Hawaiian Serving Institutions.
  • $3.5 million for the Federally Recognized Tribes Extension Program.
  • $21.5 million for the Native American CDFI Assistance (NACA) Program.

National Archives and Records Administration (NARA):

  • The bill includes $476.5 million, an increase of $78.7 million from FY 2021.
  • The bill also includes language for Alaskan Records. NARA is expected to complete the required consultations and report to Congress with 90 days of enactment.
  • The omnibus features language regarding the Sand Point NARA facility. NARA is directed to complete its digitization initiative and to post content currently stored at Sand Point online in an easy-to-find navigable and searchable platform, starting with the records identified as priorities in earlier consultations with Alaska Native Tribes and Tribal Organizations.

Fisheries:

•                    $187.5 million for fisheries data collections, surveys, and assessments, $13.8 million increase from FY 2021.

•                    $65 million for the Pacific Coastal Salmon Recovery Fund.

•                    $63.1 million for salmon management activities, $3.5 million increase from FY 2021.

•                    $142.8 million for marine mammals, sea turtles, and other species, $14.9 million increase from FY 2021.

United States Coast Guard Provisions:

  • $11.5 billion for the Coast Guard, $515.0 million above the FY 2021.
  • $2.0 billion for significant new investments in the Coast Guard’s air and marine fleet, and facilities, including:
  • Fast Response Cutters – $150 million
  • MH-60 helicopters – $200 million
  • Polar Security Cutter – $80 million

National Defense Provisions:

  • The omnibus provides a 2.7% military pay raise.
  • $50,000,000 is included to enhance Arctic Communications.
  • Congressman Young pushed for and secured an additional $3,000,000 invested for suicide prevention with a focus on rural, remote, and isolated locations.
  • Language advancing the creation of an Ambassador‐at‐Large for the Arctic Region or a U.S. Coordinator for the Arctic Region was included in the final bill.
  • Congressman Young advocated for and secured $90 million for the Defense Community Infrastructure Program (DCIP).

Alaska Water Infrastructure:

  • $39 million for grants to address drinking water and wastewater infrastructure needs of rural Alaska Native Villages.
  • $800,000 earmark for the City and Borough of Juneau for Mendenhall Wastewater Treatment Plant improvements.
  • $26.2 million to the Bureau of Land Management for Alaska conveyance.
  • $22 million for Grassroots Rural and Small Community Water Systems Assistance.

Ports and Harbors:

  • Rebuilding American Infrastructure with Sustainability & Equity (RAISE) Grants (formerly TIGER & BUILD Grants) – the bill provides $775 million for the program. The Bipartisan Infrastructure Law included $1.5 billion for the RAISE program for a total of $2.275 billion for FY 2022. 
  • Port Infrastructure Development Program (PIDP) – the bill provides $234 million for port infrastructure project. The Bipartisan Infrastructure Law included $450 million for the PIPD program, for a record total of $684 million for FY 2022.
  • Nationally Significant Freight & Highway Projects (INFRA) Grants – the bill provides $1 billion for large infrastructure projects. The Bipartisan Infrastructure Law included $3.2 billion in advanced appropriations for the program, resulting in a total of $1.64 billion for FY 2022.

Aviation:

  • Essential Air Service – the bill provides $350 million for the program which is a $208 million increase over the FY 2021.
  • Alaskan Aviation Safety – the bill provides $11.2 million for the FAA to assume ownership of Automated Weather Observing Systems (AWOS) within the FAA Alaska region.

Housing:

  • $3.3 billion for Community Development Block Grants.
  • $177 million for the Neighborhood Reinvestment Corporation.
  • $20 million for the Self-help Homeownership Opportunity Program.
  • $3.2 billion for Homeless Assistance Grants.

TSA extends flight mask mandate to April 18

Suzanne Downing
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TSA extends flight mask mandate to April 18

The Transportation Security Administration has extended its mask mandate on buses, trains, planes, in airports and other public transportation areas until April 18.

But that’s not the end of the mandate. The extension is to give the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention time to revise a policy for when the mask rule can be lifted.

The masking requirement on public transportation has been extended twice before, with the first expiration date in May of 2021. The most recent extension was due to end next Friday.

Last week, the Biden Administration said that wearing masks indoors is no longer recommended for most areas and for most people, after the number of Covid-19 cases has dropped after a surge of cases in January.

Alaska wages grew over decade by 11 percent, with government work steady, but private jobs hit by pandemic

Suzanne Downing
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Alaska wages grew over decade by 11 percent, with government work steady, but private jobs hit by pandemic

The Department of Labor’s monthly report shows that wages in Alaska grew by 11 percent since 2010. The majority of boroughs and census areas still have below-average wages.

Nearly all parts of the state saw some wage growth, but rates varied from a 48 percent increase in the Aleutians East Borough to
a slight loss for the Lake and Peninsula Borough.

“If we exclude 2020 from the calculation, the increase through 2019 was just 3 percent. Although it might seem counterintuitive for a year of massive job loss, the pandemic boosted the average wage notably between 2019 and 2020 because of the types of jobs Alaska lost and the way the average annual wage is calculated,” the report says.

This is because the type of jobs lost were in the private sector during the pandemic, while government workers suffered no losses.

“Most jobs lost to COVID-19 were lower-wage, part-time positions in the service industries, pushing up the average wage for the remaining jobs,” the report explains. “For example, the average wage for the leisure and hospitality sector in 2020 was $25,164. These are mainly lower-paying, part-time jobs in entertainment, hotels, bars, and restaurants.”

Anyone could conclude that even though we have full employment today, and tourism is expected to crank up full bore and our commodities like oil, lead, gold and silver are up in price, if we don’t have private sector employers moving here, building new plants, etc. we do not have a relatively strong economy. 

Read the Department of Labor report at this link.

Important business in Alaska Legislature: Removing the need for two marriage witnesses

Suzanne Downing
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20
Important business in Alaska Legislature: Removing the need for two marriage witnesses

A bill that would remove the requirement for marriage witnesses moves to the Alaska House of Representative floor for a vote on Friday. HB 62 would eliminate the current requirement for two witnesses to sign a marriage certificate.

At present, couples must assent to the marriage in the presence of each other, the person solemnizing the marriage, and two additional witnesses. All five present parties must sign the marriage certificates. House Bill 62 would eliminate the requirements of any additional witnesses at the marriage solemnization and the signatures of these witnesses on marriage certificates. The bill is an effort to help support Alaska’s destination wedding industry.

According to the bill sponsor, Rep. Matt Claman, D-Anchorage, Alaska is one of 20 states that require two wedding witnesses. Twenty-four states and the District of Columbia do not require wedding witnesses.

View the laws in all states regarding marriage witness requirements at this link.

Claman argues that witnesses played a more critical role in past centuries when record keeping was less automated. Witnesses could be contacted to verify the wedding had taken place in the event that records were damaged or missing.

“Today, however, the role of a wedding witness is ceremonial. In Alaska, while the person solemnizing the marriage must meet certain criteria, no form of witness verification (proof of identification, language comprehension, address validation, etc.) is required. HB 62 would allow Alaska to compete with states like Hawaii and Florida, which require no wedding witnesses and lead the nation in destination weddings.”

In Alaska, witnesses are required for other legal activities, such as voting an absentee ballot.

Destination weddings are a growing business in Alaska, especially as couples opt for small, intimate ceremonies rather than large ones due to risks associated with Covid-19, Claman said. The requirement of two wedding witnesses makes Alaska a less attractive location for many who travel from farther away or who do not want the financial burden of a larger wedding, he said.

Destination weddings bring in an estimated $1 million in revenue to Alaska in the form of roughly 500 destination weddings a year, Claman said. “This revenue figure doesn’t consider the fact that more than 90% of the out-of-state couples who come to Alaska to get married stay for days and weeks to explore our great state. The resulting benefit to Alaska’s tourism industry is substantial,” he said. Claman filed the bill last year and it has taken one year to get it to the floor for a vote, where it faced several amendments on Wednesday.

If the bill passes on Friday it will be sent to the Senate for consideration.

Navy to conduct bomb exercise outside Alaska Capitol

Suzanne Downing
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7
Navy to conduct bomb exercise outside Alaska Capitol

The U.S. Navy will conduct an explosives training exercise outside the Alaska Capitol on Thursday, March 10, from 1-4 p.m.

Juneau Police Department will have community service officers in the area to help with traffic control as JPD, Alaska State Capitol Security, and Navy Explosive Ordnance Disposal technicians hold a drill involving a mock improvised explosive device in vehicle.

The Capitol’s daily business activities will not be impacted, the Navy said, but the drill will require traffic limits on 4th St. between Main St. and Seward St.

Navy ordnance disposal personnel are in Juneau participating in Exercise Arctic Edge 2022. Their team is conducting Expeditionary Mine Countermeasures operations in the Gastineau Channel.

AE22 is a U.S. Northern Command exercise that takes place every two years, providing training for participants in locations across Alaska.

Anchorage School Board votes for construction monopoly by labor unions

SENIOR CONTRIBUTOR
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Anchorage School Board votes for construction monopoly by labor unions

By DAVID BOYLE

The Anchorage School Board voted to create a construction monopoly controlled by labor unions, limiting competition on construction projects over $1 million to those companies hiring union labor.

The policy, “Community Work Agreement,” is the same thing as a project labor agreement that requires all workers to be hired through union halls; non-union workers must pay union dues and pay into union pension plans; and union rules are applied to the project.

Non-union contractors may not compete competitively on a project that requires a Community Work Agreement. As a result, there are fewer project bidders and project costs go up due to a lack of competition. In addition, this policy change will lead to companies from the Lower 48 gaining contracts that previously would have gone to Alaska non-union contractors.  

This has nothing to do with hiring union workers because they have higher wages. The Davis-Bacon law requires that “prevailing wages” be paid for any publicly funded projects.  Both union and non-union workers benefit from the same wages.

There was significant opposition from the non-union construction industry. One contractor stated there are seven mechanical insulation contractors licensed in Anchorage. Only one is union, so that company will get the contract by default. This is sole-sourcing by definition and would increase project costs substantially.

Stephen Rowe testified that he is a union contractor opposed to this CWA policy. He depends on non-union workers as well. Rowe has worked on 15 Anchorage school projects worth more than $80 million. Rowe said, “I will make more money if you pass this. But that’s not the right thing to do.”

The only construction entity invited to participate in the discussion during an earlier work session was Local 341, the Laborer’s.  Others, such as the Associated Builders and Contractors and the Associated General Contractors, were not invited; only union input was accepted. 

Thomas Roth, chief operations officer, for the Anchorage School District, noted the district has a responsibility for transparency and other construction organizations should have been invited to participate in the discussion. 

The Beacon Hill Institute studied 52 Connecticut school construction projects from 2001-19. It found that community work agreements or project labor agreements increased costs by nearly 20 percent — an increase of $89 per square foot.

 The CWA policy can be expected to increase school construction costs for the current $111 million bond that is on the ballot to be mailed to voters on March 14.

This policy also does not align with the “equity policy” the board recently implemented. More than 75 percent of Alaska’s contractors are non-union and the policy discriminates against these companies and their workers, many of whom are minorities and Anchorage taxpayers. This policy discriminates against women-owned and minority-owned construction companies that are non-union, a violation of the ASD anti-discrimination policy.

Superintendent Deena Bishop stated that the district was strongly opposed to this policy because it will substantially drive up construction costs. She noted that the board has a fiduciary duty to get the best value for the taxpayers’ money.

Board president Margo Bellamy moved to table the policy until more information was available from the construction industry that opposed the bill in their written testimony. She was concerned with discrimination against minority construction companies. Her motion failed with 6 voting “no” and only Bellamy voting “yes”. 

Board member Andy Holleman then paraphrased House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s, “We have to pass the bill so that you can find out what is in it.”  He said, “We are going to have to watch carefully as it goes forward to see if it’s really doing what we want.” He made it clear he wanted to pass the policy that night.

Motions to raise the $1 million threshold failed. The $1 million threshold means practically all construction projects will include a CWA, be non-competitive, and cost taxpayers more. 

The CWA was approved by a vote of six to zero, with member Dora Wilson abstaining due to her job as the Community Outreach Manager for IBEW Local 1547. Even conservative board member Dave Donley, formerly associated with Local 341, voted for the CWA policy.

Here is a link to the written testimonies (14 opposing, 2 supporting).

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RNC sues Nancy Pelosi and House Jan. 6 committee over weaponizing congressional subpoena powers

Suzanne Downing
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13
RNC sues Nancy Pelosi and House Jan. 6 committee over weaponizing congressional subpoena powers

The Republican National Committee filed a lawsuit Wednesday against House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, the House of Representatives January 6th Committee, and its members, seeking to stop the unlawful seizure of confidential party information.

“The RNC has sued to stop the January 6th Committee from unlawfully seizing confidential information about the internal activities of the Republican Party and millions of its supporters which is completely unrelated to the attack on the Capitol. Nancy Pelosi and the Committee have weaponized Congress’ investigatory powers by issuing this staggeringly broad subpoena which tramples on core First Amendment rights of the RNC and millions of Americans. The RNC is challenging this unconstitutional overreach so that one of America’s two major political parties may not use the force of government to unlawfully seize the private and sensitive information of the other,” said Justin Riemer, RNC Chief Counsel.

Pelosi’s committee has subpoenaed Salesforce.com for the RNC’s data without any legitimate basis, the RNC said in its lawsuit.

The RNC uses Salesforce technology to collect and maintain significant amounts of RNC data, including confidential and sensitive information about private individuals with whom the organization has engaged. All of this informs the development and execution of political strategy.

“Digital communication has revolutionized how political parties and other non-profit organizations to operate, allowing organizations to interact virtually with millions of Americans and becoming a central and core component of political activities,” the party said.

“The RNC had nothing to do with the violence that occurred at the Capitol and has repeatedly condemned it. In fact, the RNC was a target of violence and had a bomb placed outside of RNC headquarters, which put our staff in immediate danger and is something the committee has yet to investigate,” the Republican National Committee wrote.

The Jan. 6 Committee’s subpoena is so broad that it could expose the personal and private data of up to 60 million Americans and strategy on things like the party’s Election Day turnout operation and the Georgia Senate runoffs.

“This information has nothing to do with January 6th, and there is simply no reason the committee needs personal and private information on millions of Americans,” the RNC said. “Pelosi and the committee are weaponizing and abusing Congress’ investigatory power.”

Pelosi’s committee is illegitimate, “having rejected two Republicans that McCarthy appointed to the Committee – Reps. Jim Jordan (R-OH) and Jim Banks (R-IN) – an abuse of power for purely political reasons. Pelosi’s committee is unconstitutionally attempting to exercise law enforcement authority, with The New York Times reporting  that the committee ‘is employing techniques more common in criminal cases than in congressional inquiries.'”

In addition, the committee has dramatically exceeded its scope, issuing hundreds of wide-ranging subpoenas and demanded records well beyond the scope of the events of Jan. 6, 2021 in disregard of the checks and balances and the rule of due process.

The Republicans pointed out that in 2020, Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee Chair Rep. Sean Patrick Maloney (D-NY) sent multiple emails falsely claiming that President Trump was “rigging” the election. And yet there was no investigation by Pelosi.

The Democratic Legislative Campaign Committee also sent emails falsely accusing Republican officials of “rigging the voting laws”  and having “rigged the voting laws.” Again, no investigation by Pelosi.

The far-left Progressive Turnout Project sent a fundraising appeal claiming Mitch McConnell had committed “treason” and had worked to “rig”  the impeachment trial. The PAC sent a fundraising appeal suggesting if they didn’t get enough money, then “Trump will get away with cheating to rig the 2020 elections.”

In 2018, the DCCC sent out an email falsely claiming that President Trump had fired Robert Mueller.

“Pelosi is attempting to kneecap the RNC for political gain while trampling on free speech and freedom of political association. If Pelosi and her committee want to look at candidates and committees who lie to their donors to dupe them out of money, they should look at Democrats,” the Republican National Committee said.

To read the full lawsuit, click here.

Michael Tavoliero: Decades later, education reform in Alaska has gotten nowhere

SENIOR CONTRIBUTOR
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11
Michael Tavoliero: Decades later, education reform in Alaska has gotten nowhere

By MICHAEL TAVOLIERO

Part 1: A look back at the Alaska 2000 education task force findings

“Let’s stop blaming each other. The problems in public education are not primarily problems with teachers, parents, administrators. or students. The problems grow out of a system. If we all work together to restructure that system, if we add standards, accountability and competition-kids win!” 

Today, Alaska schools have some of the lowest student performance outcomes and some of the highest costs per student of any state in the nation.

It is easy to condemn the school boards, the school administrations, the unions, the teachers and even the parents and students, but the fact is when your job is to nail down tarpaper on a roof in a windstorm, look forward to frustration, anger, and failure.

It is time to reform the cause of all of this, Alaska Statutes Title 14, Education Code. 

The opening quote of this column is from the Alaska 2000 task force on education, which began in 1991. It was led by former Alaska Education Commissioner Jerry Covey, under the leadership of then Gov. Walter Hickel. 

It was a profound, event since it clearly saw the problem Alaska faced in education. The members of Alaska 2000 were from a multitude of disciplines in Alaska, all sharing a common concern. The Alaska education system was broken and required immediate attention.

With their acronym for the new century, “AK2K,” they approached their mission as a plan for action. Their goal was to address and correct the declining scores on standardized tests, high school dropout rates as high as 25% statewide and as high as 45% for Natives in urban schools, poor student performance relative to other industrialized nations, public alienation and dissatisfaction, and the failure of school reform to turn things around fast enough and far enough.

AK2K was a plan to restructure the Alaska public education system from an apolitical foundation and create a new model for education which would be the “best in the world”.

The members of AK2K earnestly approached the challenge by identifying the issues that the public and stakeholders saw as a collapse in Alaska’s social fabric. They were intrinsically devoted to mapping a system of recommendations which would turn Alaska’s education around in the next century. They worked diligently from October 1991 through July 1992.

On July 15, 1992, AK2K submitted its recommendations to the Alaska State Board of Education. 

These recommendations included improving education standards by adopting a new vision, performance standards, student testing and “a state­-issued warranty that a student has met state standards, guaranteeing that schools will reteach students who are lacking these skills.”

They urged provisions for charter schools, school choice, allowing choice and vocational programs that would have created educational competition in the state for the first time in its history. 

When it came to paying for education, AK2K opened the discussion up to local cost sharing, per capita funding, a school price index to maintain funding equity for rural schools, adoption of financial standards, reporting student contact time in hours instead of days, addressing transportation costs, include rental provisions in the foundation program and levying a school tax. 

AK2K asked for regulation review, withholding funds as a penalty to school districts in violation of regulations and statutes, subjecting all education statutes to a five-year sunset review, establishing a fast track for regulatory change, and allowing regulatory waivers for innovative approaches that improved student achievement.

They proposed capital funding priorities, new schools and classrooms, shared capital costs, two-phased funding for capital construction to include planning and site development and then construction, statewide school construction standards, major maintenance prioritization, preventive maintenance, independent audits, statewide education facility inventory, construction oversight, construction standards and assessing the need for residential high schools with dormitories.

AK2K saw technology becoming an important tool in education by recommending technology training, developing a telecommunications network, and creating a telecommunication reporting system. It also addressed the need for workforce development in the education system to include teacher training standards, additional certification requirements, knowledge of technology, staff evaluation and amending teacher tenure and a teacher certificate endorsement.

AK2K had new program ideas such as student incentive grants, a 13-year education funding cycle to include tuition reimbursement for college credits, increased student contact time, research and development, a school conservation corps focused on at risk students, advisory board establishment and encouraging parental responsibility.

AK2K also saw the challenges the state faced in the 1990s. 

After school infrastructure construction statewide from 1976 through 1991, Alaska faced two problems: 

First, huge school infrastructure operation and maintenance costs were headed into a future (1990’s) of what many believed was to be a difficult and uncomfortable situation of declining oil revenues. History shows undeniably that the ‘90’s were a tough decade on Alaska, especially after the late 1980’s recession, which saw the sharpest revenue declines since the beginning of oil revenue in 1977.  

Second, and the more urgent of the two, was the disparities of outcome in a state needing a ready, willing, and available workforce. This growing fact became increasingly dominant—the school system wasn’t producing trained and educated workers. The central effort for education changes that were very apparent to Commissioner Covey and all on the AK2K team. This was best stated by Commissioner Covey at the time: 

“In the late ‘80s and early ‘90s, school system growth slowed, school funding decreased, and school districts turned their attention to operating their expanded systems. Around that time, state leaders, employers, in-state colleges and universities, and parents began raising concerns about education quality. Those stakeholders felt frustrated by the fact that some high school graduates were well prepared for entry into the workforce or higher education, whereas others with the same fresh diplomas were not. Employers and higher education institutions often found themselves having to teach skills that were expected of high school graduates. They asked, ‘What exactly does a high school diploma signify? And how are we to know what skills graduates possess?’”

These problems were addressed by the AK2K task force. But the Alaska Legislature, the constitutional arbiter of education policy, was nowhere to be found. The needed and necessary changes to improve education institutional behavior were not addressed sufficiently, if at all.  The problems continue into this decade.

Moreover, AK2K realized increased funding for education did not necessarily lead to better education performance. In that task force’s findings, it noted Eric Hanushek of the University of Rochester reviewed studies that examined relationships between money and performance. and he concluded: “Expenditures are unrelated to school performance as schools are currently operated.” John Chubb of the Brookings Institution and Terry Moe of Stanford University concluded similarly, “There is no connection between school funding and school performance.”

At the time of AK2K, education in the 1991 state operating budget commanded $800 million, compared to the 2021 state education operating budget of $1.66 billion. District enrollment totals for all Alaskan public-school districts in 1991-92 totaled 116,766 students. District enrollment totals for all Alaskan public school districts in 2021-2022 were 130,442 students. This translates into roughly an 11.7% district enrollment increase. The 2021 state operating budget more than doubled at a 107.5% increase over 30 years. Interestingly, this 30 year process almost equaled inflation.

What was more startling was this statement from AK2K: “Accountability to standards and competition force us all to improve. They create dynamism. As David Boaz of the Cato Institute said: ‘The people in the public school system aren’t necessarily bad people, they are people who face bad incentives. In fact. they have good incentives not to change anything.'” 

“Look at the different consequences of failure in the public and private sectors. If you fail in the private sector, you may lose your job or business. In the public sector, if students don’t learn or drop out of school-well, what happens? The agency or school gets more money,” AK2K wrote. “Now what kind of incentive structure is that?”

Has Alaska education changed for the better or the worse since Alaska 2000?  Perhaps more importantly, where has all that money gone?

Michael Tavoliero is a realtor in Eagle River, is active in the Alaska Republican Party and chairs Eaglexit. Part II of this series will be posted shortly.

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