Thursday, October 15, 2026
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Opinion: Alaska Needs a Good Doge-ing 

By Michael Tavoliero

Every state has mechanisms for collecting, allocating, and redistributing public money. In Alaska, the State’s Grants Summary Dashboard offers a partial view of that process, showing how funds move from government agencies to nonprofits, quasi-public entities, contractors, and other grant-funded recipients. 

The dashboard reveals more than grants; it reveals a governing structure. Public funds flow through agencies, programs, boards, commissions, legislative priorities, federal pass-throughs, and favored policy channels, creating a public-private funding network dependent on continued government support. 

In population terms, Alaska’s 2025 grant system is equivalent to California operating a $145 billion grant network, Texas operating a $117 billion network, or Florida operating an $87 billion network.  

In Alaska, that dependence has become political. Recurring public funds align nongovernmental organizations with the agencies, officials, and policy structures that sustain them, while their methods may perpetuate the problems they claim to solve. In turn, they reinforce the existing order by supporting the policies, narratives, and institutional priorities that keep the money flowing. 

The result may not always be direct fraud, waste, or abuse, but it can become institutionalized self-protection: a closed loop where government funds outside actors, those actors validate government priorities, and their networks later shape elections, policy debates, donor activity, testimony, endorsements, or ballot campaigns that protect the same officials and programs that fund them. Over time, public dollars can sustain the very organizations that help preserve the governing class distributing those dollars. 

In Alaska, this matters because the state is unusually dependent on public revenue, federal transfers, resource income, and administrative discretion. When grants fund social services, advocacy networks, consultants, education, housing, public health, tribal partnerships, nonprofits, or community development, the public should expect clear answers: who received the money, what was delivered, who benefited, what outcomes were achieved, and whether the spending produced measurable public value. 

A serious review of Alaska’s grant system should therefore ask several basic questions: 

Who received the money? 

What agency awarded it? 

Was the grant state-funded, federally funded, or a federal pass-through? 

Was the award competitive or discretionary? 

What statutory authority supported it? 

What measurable public purpose did it serve? 

What outcomes were promised? 

Were those outcomes independently verified? 

Did the recipient engage in lobbying, advocacy, ballot activity, litigation, or political messaging? 

Did the grant strengthen public services, or did it strengthen a permanent political funding network? 

The issue is not whether every grant is improper. The issue is that the current grant environment is increasingly revealing high levels of impropriety, self-serving objectives, weak oversight, political favoritism, and institutional behavior that appears designed less to solve public problems than to preserve funding streams, protect favored networks, and expand bureaucratic influence. 

Has Alaska allowed public money to create a self-protecting ecosystem of funded intermediaries whose continued existence depends more on political alignment than measurable results? Do these political alignments perpetuate the same governing class, bureaucratic structures, and failed service-delivery models that continue to consume public resources without producing proportional public benefit? 

Transparency must mean more than showing where the money went. In 2025, Alaska’s $2.72 billion in grants represented a substantial share of state fiscal activity; 17.4% of all state revenue, 22.3% of the FY2025 operating budget, and 43.2% of projected unrestricted general fund revenue. A dashboard may disclose recipients, but accountability requires proving public value.  

Should Alaska require grant-by-grant review of purpose, performance, duplication, overhead, political activity, and measurable outcomes so public funds serve citizens and not a permanent intermediary class dependent on the existing power structure? 

In a healthy republic, public money should serve authorized public purposes, not manufacture consent, reward alignment, or shield agencies from reform. Alaska’s grant data is only the starting point; citizens deserve a full accounting of whether those funds produced measurable results or merely sustained the machinery of political control. 

That accounting should begin with one principle: public money belongs to the people. Alaska from 2019 through 2025 averaged over $2.60 billion in grants for a total of $18.2 billion. Every grant dollar must be traceable from appropriation to award, expenditure, and measurable result. If a grant cannot be tied to a lawful purpose, defined service, measurable outcome, and transparent public benefit, citizens have the right to question why it exists. 

Alaska should treat its grant system as a matter of fiscal sovereignty. The state cannot justify reduced Permanent Fund Dividends, higher local taxes, rising fees, or declining services while billions move through fragmented grant networks with limited accountability. True fiscal discipline requires examining the hidden architecture that converts public money into institutional power. 

This review should cover every major grant-like funding stream: state grants, federal pass-throughs, legislative grants, sole-source awards, recurring nonprofit funding, public corporation transfers, university-administered grants, tribal and municipal subgrants, and contracts that operate like grants. It should also identify duplicate funding, excessive administrative overhead, overlapping purposes, and whether publicly funded organizations use their taxpayer-supported capacity to influence policy in ways that protect their own funding. 

A proper reform agenda would not abolish legitimate grants; it would separate public service from political dependency. Essential functions should be protected. But grants that sustain advocacy networks, duplicate services, produce vague results, expand administration, or recycle public money into political influence should face immediate review, reduction, or termination. 

The standard should be straightforward: if a grant serves the public, it should withstand public scrutiny. If it cannot withstand scrutiny, it should not be funded. 

“Sinkhole de Mayo” Contest Kicks off, Winner to Get $200

Anchorage resident Sarah Short has organized a contest turning her frustration with poorly maintained roads into a fun Cinco de Mayo competition. Anchorage residents can enter the contest by posting a picture of a local pothole on Facebook with the hashtag #SinkholeDeMayoAnchorage.

According to Short, the contest is “equal parts humor and civic action.” Short hopes the contest will “not only shine a light on neglected infrastructure, but also put pressure on local officials to prioritize road and sidewalk improvements throughout the city.”

Rules are simple:

  1. Find the gnarliest pothole or missing sidewalk in your Anchorage neighborhood.
  2. Take a photo (bonus points for creative angles, props, or sombreros).
  3. Post it to Facebook and tag it #SinkholeDeMayoAnchorage.
  4. Get your friends, family, and neighbors to like your photo. The photo with the most likes wins $200 cash.

“These potholes aren’t just an eyesore — they’re a safety hazard,” said Short. “We don’t have sidewalks in parts of this neighborhood, and the roads look like a cheese grater. If it takes a little Cinco de Mayo spirit to get people talking about it, then let’s fiesta.”

Update: Anchorage School District Exposes Teens to Gay Porn and Predators

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Four years ago, Anchorage resident Jay McDonald informed the Anchorage School Board of the pornographic content inside the book This Book Is Gay by Juno Dawson available in school libraries. Today, that book is still available to teenagers at Bartlett High School and Dimond High School. It has been checked out 44 times.

The book teaches readers how to perform gay sex and how to use online apps and platforms to connect anonymously with men for sex. The availability of this book in school libraries violates Alaska law by distributing indecent materials to minors.

Alaska law prohibits adults from exposing minors under 16 with material that depicts “the following actual or simulated conduct: sexual penetration; the lewd touching a person’s genitals, anus or female breast; masturbation; bestiality; the lewd exhibition of a person’s genitals, anus, or female breast; or sexual masochism or sadism.”

The law (Sec 11.61.128) clarifies that the materials are considered “harmful to minors” if:

(1) the average individual, applying contemporary community standards, would find that the material, taken as a whole, appeals to the prurient interest in sex for persons under 16 years of age;

(2) a reasonable person would find that the material, taken as a whole, lacks serious literary, artistic, educational, political, or scientific value for persons under 16 years of age; and

(3) the material depicts actual or simulated conduct in a way that is patently offensive to the prevailing standards in the adult community as a whole with respect to what is suitable for persons under 16 years of age.

Here is just one page from This Book Is Gay:

Warning: R-Rated. For adult readers ONLY. Click to view.

Readers may judge for themselves if such explicit descriptions “appeal to the prurient interest in sex for persons under 16 years of age,” “lack serious literary, artistic, educational, political, or scientific value,” and are “patently offensive to the prevailing standards in the adult community.”

The book promotes itself as “the instruction manual” for queer sex. Not only is its express purpose to teach sexual activities, but it also teaches readers how to find sexual hook-ups. This book exposes teenagers in school, where they should be safely learning subjects such as mathematics and American history, to explicit instructions on how to connect with men online for sex. This exposes children to well-known avenues of child trafficking and child sexual abuse.

The distribution of indecent materials to minors is a Class C Felony.

Must Read Alaska asks the Anchorage District to remove This Book Is Gay by Juno Dawson from all school libraries immediately. Corrective action for librarians and school staff who knowingly provided this book to school children should be pursued to the full extent of the law.

Opinion: Who Owns the Permanent Fund Dividend, You or the State?

By Greg Sarber

This article was originally published 5/3/2026 in Seward’s Folly, the author’s personal Substack.

In a recent article, I used the term “stolen” when describing how the legislature has been seizing a portion of every Alaskan’s PFD check annually since 2016. An individual commented on the article, saying, “The author doesn’t understand basic law. No one is stealing one’s PFD. You must own or have in possession the item for it to be stolen. The PFD is an appropriation made at the discretion of the legislature”. This individual is dead wrong, and this illustrates a huge misunderstanding that many Alaskans have about what the Permanent Fund dividend is and who owns it.

The statutory language creating the dividend allocated 50% of the fund earnings for the legislature for the state budget and 50% to pay the citizens a dividend. Unfortunately, in 2016, Governor Bill Walker changed that. He was incapable of balancing the state budget, so he changed the PFD from a dedicated statutory transfer to an annual legislative appropriation. Effectively changing the law by executive order and legalizing the legislature’s ability to steal a portion of the citizens’ PFD without consequence. This was challenged legally, and the Alaska Supreme Court agreed with Walker that the dividend could be changed legislatively, which might seem to support the points being made by the person who commented. However, the court made no ruling on who owned the dividend, which is the essence of the argument.

The real issue we have been fighting over ever since 2016 is who owns the Permanent Fund earnings. To answer that question, we need to go back to before statehood and look at how the discovery of oil influenced Alaska’s becoming a state.

Oil was discovered in the then-territory of Alaska at Swanson River on the Kenai Peninsula in 1957. Before that time, Congress was concerned that Alaska would not be viable as a state due to its small population and the lack of industry. The discovery of oil in Alaska changed that. Alaska’s first Governor, William Egan, credited that discovery as providing the final justification needed for Alaska to become a state.

When that happened in 1959, Congress’s statehood act explicitly required the state to retain subsurface mineral rights on lands conveyed from the federal government to ensure the mineral and petroleum wealth of the state would be protected.

Similar language was also included in the Alaska Constitution. Article VIII, Section 2 says, “The legislature shall provide for the utilization, development, and conservation of all natural resources belonging to the state, including land and water, for the maximum benefit of its people”. This means you do not directly own any petroleum or mineral resources under the property you own in Alaska. However, you collectively own all petroleum under state or private lands. We can debate if this means the legislature or the people own the resources, but we don’t have to; two previous governors have defined that for us.

The great Alaskan Governor Jay Hammond thought the constitution meant that the Permanent Fund belonged to the people. Governor Hammond saw this day coming. He knew the legislature had no financial discipline, and there would come a time when they would dip into the fund. To protect it, Hammond wanted the citizens of Alaska to have some skin in the game, so when the legislature tried to raid our Permanent Fund, the citizens would rise in rebellion against them. That is why he helped create the annual dividend from the fund, to ensure the people knew they had ownership of it.

Alaska’s second Governor, Walter Hickel, defined that for us further. He said that the citizens of Alaska own the resources of the state collectively. Slow at first to accept the idea of a dividend from the fund, later in his career, when Hickel saw how important the PFD was to the average Alaskan, he became a supporter.

In summary, the state constitution and the opinions of three of our governors say the mineral resources of Alaska belong to Alaskan citizens. They intentionally wrote the statute that created the PFD, requiring 50% of the earnings of the fund to be paid to each Alaskan as their share of the state’s resources. When the legislature takes a portion of the PFD from the citizens, they are stealing it. Their theft is a despicable act, and every legislator who votes to approve this year’s state budget with funds from a raid on our dividend spits on the memory of our great former governors William Egan, Walter Hickel, and Jay Hammond.

Greg Sarber is a lifelong Alaskan. He is a petroleum engineer who spent his career working on Alaska’s North Slope. Now retired, he lives with his family in Homer, Alaska. Greg is a former board member of Alaska Gold Communications, Inc., the publisher of Must Read Alaska.

Opinion: Making “Thank You for Your Service” More Meaningful

By Paul A. Bauer, Jr.

After high school and a few months of college, at 17, I served my country. It is on my driver’s license, on my VA card, when I present my military ID, and anywhere I use the military discount.   

“Thank you for your service” began as a sympathetic and corrective phrase. It grew especially strong after Vietnam, when the country recognized that many returning veterans had been ignored, mistreated, or politically blamed for wars they did not personally start. In that sense, the phrase was meant to restore respect: we see you, we appreciate your sacrifice, and we will not repeat the mistake of dishonoring returning service members. 

But over time, the phrase has become so common that many veterans hear it as automatic, ceremonial, or emotionally empty. Pew found that 76% of Americans reported thanking someone in the military for serving, and 92% of post-9/11 veterans said someone had thanked them after discharge. That shows how widespread the phrase became, but widespread use can also make it feel formulaic. (Pew Research Center) 

The problem is not gratitude itself. The problem is shallow gratitude. Many veterans do not need strangers to perform respect with a slogan. They often prefer real curiosity, human recognition, and informed conversation. The Department of Veterans Affairs itself suggests that after thanking a veteran, people can ask questions such as: “What did you do in the military?”, “How long did you serve?”, “Did anyone else in your family serve?”, and “Why did you choose the service branch that you did?” (VA News) 

That is a better approach because it recognizes the veteran as a person, not just a symbol. “Thank you for your service” can unintentionally reduce a veteran’s entire experience to a patriotic phrase. Asking, “What branch did you serve in?” or “What did you do in the military?” opens the door to a story. It respects the difference between Army, Navy, Air Force, Marines, Coast Guard, Space Force, National Guard, combat arms, intelligence, logistics, aviation, medical, administration, training, and countless other roles. 

A fair conclusion is this: “Thank you for your service” is not wrong, but it is incomplete. Said sincerely, it still has value. Said reflexively, it becomes a social script. Veterans generally respond better when gratitude is followed by interest, listening, and respect for the complexity of military life. Some veterans welcome the phrase; others find it hollow or uncomfortable, especially when it feels disconnected from actual understanding or civic responsibility.  

A stronger public message would be: 

Instead of only saying, “Thank you for your service,” take one more step. Ask, “What branch did you serve in?” “What did you do?” “Where did you serve?” or “What did your service teach you?” Veterans do not just want ceremonial appreciation. Many want their service understood. 

That preserves gratitude while moving beyond a worn-out phrase into genuine recognition. 

Paul A. Bauer served and retired from the Airborne Combat Arms branch of the U.S. Army from the Vietnam era, in Cold War Berlin, through Grenada, Haiti, the Panama invasion, the Persian Gulf War, the Somalia intervention, and the Bosnian conflicts. This period provided him an accumulated wealth of knowledge, experience, and disciplined leadership shaped by some of the most consequential military and geopolitical events of the late twentieth century. 

Today, May 2, 2026 is Military Appreciation Day at JBER. Must Read Alaska says thank you to all our amazing veterans. If you are a veteran, please share with us about your military service in the comments!

Opinion: Is Legislature Using Lower Energy Costs to Bargain Higher Payroll?

By Ben Carpenter

House Bill 78 is sitting on the governor’s desk. At the same time, pipeline legislation is being held up by many of the same lawmakers pushing the pension bill. That overlap matters because it ties together two decisions that affect every household in Alaska.

One drives costs up. The other has the potential to bring them down.

Here is the pipedream reality: If a pipeline bill does not move forward, natural gas is going to cost more— whether a pipeline gets built, or not. If a pipeline bill does move forward, there is a path for the cost of natural gas to be less expensive.

There is only one way Alaskans get lower-cost natural gas and that is with a project-friendly pipeline bill.

Here is the pension reality: HB 78 creates a defined benefit pension system that guarantees payouts and adjusts when assumptions fall short. When investment returns miss, when inflation runs higher than expected, or when costs grow faster than projected, the system responds the same way every time. Employer contribution rates go up.

That is not a one-time fix. It is a perennial problem.

At the state level, lawmakers can delay dealing with those increases, but they cannot avoid them. At the local level, there is no delay at all. Local governments must absorb those higher costs immediately. That means tighter budgets, fewer services, or higher local taxes.

So, step back and look at what’s happening.

On one side, you have a policy that lowers a major cost for families and businesses. On the other, you have a system that increases payroll-related costs across government, year after year, as assumptions inevitably miss.

And right now, those two policies are moving together.

The concern is not just that both are being debated at the same time. It is that one appears to be held in place while the other waits for a decision. That creates leverage, whether anyone calls it that or not.

It raises a basic question. Is Governor Dunleavy being asked to accept a long-term cost escalator in exchange for movement on a policy that promises to lower energy costs?

Because that is what this looks like from the outside.

The pension system does not just affect government balance sheets. It flows outward. Higher employer contributions mean higher costs for school districts. That means higher local property taxes. It means tradeoffs in classrooms. It means less flexibility with already tight budgets.

At the state level, the pressure lands on the Permanent Fund earnings. Pension obligations do not go away. When costs rise, they compete with everything else funded from that same pool, including the Permanent Fund Dividend (PFD).

So, it is average Alaskan families that see higher costs locally. And smaller PFD’s.

Put it all together and the direction becomes clear. Higher payroll costs in government. Higher local taxes or reduced services. Less room in the budget for dividends. And all of it happening while a policy that could lower one of the biggest household expenses, energy, is tied up in the same moment.

That is not good governance.

These decisions should stand on their own. If a pipeline lowers costs, it should move forward because it makes sense. If a pension system increases long-term obligations, it should be judged on whether those costs are sustainable.

Mixing the two creates a situation where Alaskans are effectively asked to trade one for the other.

Lower-cost energy on one hand. Higher-cost government on the other.

That looks like the trade being made for you, courtesy of a handful of faux Republican legislators at odds with Alaskans who are not government employees.

Ben Carpenter is a former Alaska state legislator, combat veteran, small business owner, and a former host of the Must Read Alaska Show.

Federal Court Reinstates In-Person Requirement for Abortion Drug After FDA Admits Deficient Research

In 2023, the U.S. Food and Drug Administration allowed the abortion drug mifepristone to be prescribed online and dispensed through the mail. Today, May 1, 2026, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit reinstated the in-person prescription requirement at least until the FDA finishes research regarding the drug’s safety. The decision aligns with the FDA’s own concession that “it had failed to adequately study whether remotely prescribing mifepristone is safe.” (Louisiana v. FDA, No. 26-30203, 5th Cir. May 1, 2026)

In 2025, the State of Louisiana challenged the FDA in court, claiming that “the FDA’s justifications for remotely dispensing mifepristone were based on flawed or nonexistent data.” Louisiana also claimed the FDA has caused significant harm: “[Louisiana] also documented how the new regulation had resulted in numerous illegal abortions in Louisiana and in Louisiana paying thousands in Medicaid bills for women harmed by mifepristone. Louisiana sought a stay of the regulation while the litigation proceeded.”

Louisiana took the case to the Appeals Court after the District Court refused to stay the regulation allowing remote prescription and mail reception of the abortion drug. According to the Court documents, the District Court “agreed that Louisiana was likely to win its challenge to the mifepristone regulation and was suffering irreparable harm from it. Nonetheless, the court declined to stay the regulation based on its balancing of the equities and the public interest.”

The District Court, despite acknowledging the “deficiencies” in the 2023 REMS which removed the in-person requirement, the Court believed it was “ill-equipped to evaluate the validity of an in-person dispensing requirement, particularly where FDA has thus far failed to even collect the data necessary [to do so].” In other words, the District Court decided a potentially unsafe drug could continue to cause recognized and irreversible harm because of a lack of data. The Appeals Court rejected this unusual reasoning by requiring the FDA to finish their research before the in-person requirement may be lifted.

The Court states clearly in Louisiana v. FDA: “To the contrary, as the district court explained, the agency “essentially acknowledged APA procedural deficits with respect to mifepristone” by “stating that [its] intention to review the mifepristone regulatory framework was precipitated by ‘the lack of adequate consideration underlying the prior REMS approvals.’” Based on the same defects, our court has previously concluded that FDA’s actions here were likely unlawful. See Alliance II, 78 F.4th at 249–51; Alliance I, 2023 WL 2913725, at *16–18. That reasoning squarely applies to the 2023 REMS…”

The Court continues: “FDA “relied on various literature relating to remote prescription of mifepristone—despite FDA’s admission that the literature did not affirmatively support its position.” Alliance II, 78 F.4th at 250.”

Therefore, the Court granted Louisiana its motion. As a result, remote prescription and mailing of the abortion drug is now prohibited nationwide, at least until the FDA finishes its research on medication abortion.

Readers can learn more about documented safety risks associated with mifepristone here: Overlooked Dangers of Mifepristone, the FDA’s Reduced REMS, and Self-Managed Abortion Policies: Unwanted Abortions, Unnecessary Abortions, Unsafe Abortions – Lozier Institute

Louisiana v. FDA, No. 26-30203, 5th Cir. May 1, 2026:

Southwest Airlines to Begin Service to Anchorage May 15

Ted Stevens Anchorage International Airport will be adding new routes to and from Denver, CO and Las Vegas, NV, serviced by Southwest Airlines. The routes will be available daily from May 15 to September 15, expanding summer travel options to and from Anchorage.

The first Southwest flight to ANC will arrive on May 15 at 9:15 p.m. Ted Stevens staff will greet the inaugural flight at the gate with balloons and cupcakes. Visit Anchorage and representatives from Southwest Airlines will also join the celebration.

“We’re excited to mark this milestone for ANC in a way that feels festive and full of energy.” (ANC Airport Update, May 2026)

Dunleavy Vetoes SB 64, Denies Alaskans Needed Election Reform

On April 30, 2026, Governor Dunleavy vetoed a significant election reform bill, Senate Bill 64, which would have provided measures to increase Alaska’s election integrity and efficiency.

Representative Sarah Vance (R-Homer) and Senator Bill Wielechowski (D-Anchorage) negotiated the terms of SB 64 for nearly a decade, finally leading to an election reform bill with broad bipartisan support and which passed the Legislature 39-20. SB 64 even includes provisions introduced by Governor Dunleavy himself.

Dunleavy cites “legal and operational challenges” as the reason for his veto. However, according to a press release from the Senate Majority, “The Lieutenant Governor’s office, which oversees Alaska’s elections, assured the legislature that there was plenty of time to implement this bill before the upcoming election.” The Lieutenant Governor’s office did not indicate any legal or operational barriers to implementing the bill before the November election.

Among the measures rejected by Governor Dunleavy are:

  • Ballot tracking and prepaid return postage for absentee ballots;
  • Ballot curing to fix minor errors before a valid vote is discarded;
  • Voter ID limited to government-issued IDs, including recognized tribal IDs;
  • Voter roll cleanup;
  • A rural election liaison to prevent polling failures;
  • Earlier ballot review and faster certified results;
  • Public disclosure of ballot counts and ballot tabulation data; and
  • Cybersecurity breach notification requirements and updated election tampering statutes.

The ability for Alaskans to “cure” their ballots for minor mistakes would have had a significantly positive impact on rural Alaskan voters and military voters. In the last election, JBER House District 18 had the most rejected absentee ballots in the state, with House Districts 21 and 19, which are home to many service members living off base, following close behind. SB 64 solves that issue and maintains security by directly tying ballots to a verified ID on file.

Many ballots are rejected for technical errors, voter rolls are inflated with over 100% of the voting-age population on the rolls, and voting machine tampering is not explicitly illegal in Alaska. Alaska is long overdue for serious election reform.

According to Rep. Vance, SB 64 would have made Alaska’s election “easy to vote, hard to cheat.” In her op-ed published by Must Read Alaska, Rep. Vance explains the bill’s provisions and how they are essential to providing Alaskans with an election system they can trust.

Republican opposition to the bill seems centered around secure election outcomes potentially favoring Democrats.

According to The Alaska Story, “Ccuring [sic] tends to benefit Democrats more than Republicans; the side with the most organized outreach infrastructure will gain an advantage by contacting voters to fix rejected ballots. They contended the measure effectively gives voters “a second bite at the apple.” More mistakes are made on Democrat-cast ballots, which will benefit from the curing.”

However, it is essential to election integrity to pass common-sense reforms not based on how they may benefit a certain party but based on how they benefit Alaskan voters.

The Legislature intends to vote to override the Governor’s veto.