Tuesday, October 20, 2026
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Robert Seitz: Cook Inlet energy, one more time

By ROBERT SEITZ

As we get started with the year 2025, we have a new federal administration, which has a different perspective on climate and energy than we’ve had for the past four years. We have a new Alaska State Legislature, which may or may not be in harmony with the federal entities.  

Gov. Mike Dunleavy has been and is a supporter of President Donald Trump’s energy and environmental policies, and President Trump is a supporter of Gov. Dunleavy’s policies.  

It is my hope that our state and our federal partners will find a way to work together for our common good. With state Sen. Cathy Giessel’s attack on President Trump’s executive orders aimed at opening up Alaska, it is not a good indication of this cooperation from the Alaska State Senate.

While I see some common support for Cook Inlet gas, I see a lot of growing pessimism. Even though there is a good assurance of abundance for many years to come for Cook Inlet gas, the fact that there are no binding agreements for supply of gas to any of the utilities, the confidence remains eroded.    

It looks like there is some agreement between various factions that reducing the State royalties on Cook Inlet gas to provide less expensive fuel for heat and electricity is a good way to go, but no action has yet been taken to make this royalty reduction possible, even though it has been in the works for more than a year. 

This lack of action is very disturbing to me. It is as if everyone is waiting for a non-Cook Inlet gas solution, such as the Dixon Diversion Project, the Alaska LNG project, geothermal or various renewable energy sources. From my studies and investigation the least expensive and fastest solution to increase available energy to the Railbelt is to enable Furie to move forward with drilling and production.  

The Dixon Diversion project will take until 2030 and is estimated at $350 million and is estimated to produce an additional 60 Megawatt of power.  I assume the water flowrate drops of in the winter so this is not a year-round value. 

Each simple well that Furie drills will produce 5 million cubic feet per day of natural gas at a cost of $10 to 15 million.  My calculations show that the Megawatt equivalent for 5 MMcf/day is over 60 megawatts (using 1020 Btu/cu ft.)   Furie completed a new gas well at the end of last year that flowed 5MMcf/day.  Furie intends to drill two more wells this year which should add another 10 MMcf/day.  

By 2030 Furie could be producing 10 new wells which would add 50 MMcf/day or an equivalent 600 Mw of power production capability.  Furie is planning  for six additional wells from the Julius R Platform, two this year and four more after that.  Six additional wells would provide equivalent to 360 megawatt much quicker than five years.

One LNG time line forecast I looked at shows first gas is expected in 2029 for the AKLNG project. The project estimated cost is $44 billion, for gas line and LNG production. This natural gas shipped in will compete with Cook Inlet gas, but the big benefits would be a natural gas supply to Fairbanks and LNG to export to produce new revenue for the state.  With a natural gas supply in Fairbanks, natural gas as a heating fuel would reduce pollution currently experience in that area, and natural gas fuel supply for electrical generation at the northern end of the Railbelt would reduce the demand on the Cook Inlet gas.  

It may be a good thing to break this into three projects: 1) North Slope to Fairbanks compressed gas pipeline; 2) Fairbanks to Nikiski compressed gas pipeline; 3) LNG Plant.  

The full gas pipeline is estimated to be $11 billion. So the gas line from the North Slope to Fairbanks could be $5 to $6 billion, would be easier to quickly finance and provide a more immediate benefit. This gas line could provide energy to projects between the North Slope and Fairbanks to provide some definite benefit.

If all it takes to enable Furie to move forward rapidly is to grant the gas royalty reduction or waiver as the assurance of a gas supply, that is a greater benefit to the citizens of Alaska than the royalty payments would be. I understand from various articles printed recently that Alaska DNR has the authority and ability to grant the royalty reductions. I think that only natural gas need be granted the royalty exemption or reduction and all crude oil produced in Cook Inlet would continue to be subject to the royalty payment. If all it takes is someone to say “make it happen,” they need to do that now.

The other action needed is some form of loan guarantee help for Furie and other Cook Inlet producers (i.e. BlueCrest Energy)  to obtain financing for well drilling, which, as stated earlier, is $10 to $15 million per well. Now that the federal government seems to be a good partner with Alaska and wants to help Alaska expand energy and resource development, there should be a means to help an oil and gas producer to continue to pull a gas field from bankruptcy and improve our local economy, and ensure local energy.  

Hopefully the Environmental-Social-Governance (ESG) push against oil and gas financing from banks, investment houses, and lending institutions will come to an end. 

I understand from a recent article that loans through AIDEA have been applied for. I say “make it happen.” Cook Inlet gas is still the cheapest way to move forward to have assured gas for the Railbelt.

Battles over the storage of natural gas need to be settled now, to halt any further degradation of the residents’ confidence in the energy supply. The electrical utilities seem to be avoiding any direct involvement with the natural gas controversies and are looking for other energy sources.  

Again, Cook Inlet gas is still the cheapest and fastest route to energy security for the immediate future. 

Geothermal energy still seems a long way off as we have not had any lease offerings lately.  I believe tidal energy will be realizable for smaller coastal communities in the near future, but utility scale for use on the Railbelt electrical system, may take a while.  

Wind and solar sources can continue to be added as roof top installation, or where the utilities and IPP’s deem them affordable and realizable, with an attractive price per kWh. I continue to advocate against a Renewable Portfolio Standard, where mandates for a faster rate of incorporation of wind and solar are enforced.  

There are two major problems with a high penetration of renewables on the Railbelt system.  

One is that the communications and controls for the inverter base renewables will be very complex and the utilities must to have equipment and systems in place and properly configured to accept a lot of inverters on the system, or the Railbelt will be subject to frequent outages.  I want to see evidence that the utilites have what is needed in place, with proper criteria and instructions for the utility-scale IBR to be connected and operated with the existing system.   

The second is that proper long duration energy storage needs to be available for storage time much longer than a lithium ion battery energy storage system can accommodate.  

I have been stating that storage from July to January is necessary to storage summer solar energy for use during our winter cold. No one seems very excited about pumped hydro so other storage means need to be investigated.  Storage systems with a month or two of storage can be beneficial to release energy when we have cloudy periods which can extend for weeks.  

I have also mentioned in earlier pieces that DC motor driven electric generators would be a good way to connect the renewable energy into the existing grid as the rotating machines would help keep a high inertia in the system, and would be easier to interface with than would the inverter base renewables.

So the solution for Cook Inlet gas is easy. Just get Furie and BlueCrest so they can start drilling wells. Furie already has infrastructure in place to flow 60 MMcf/day from the Julius R platform to their facility ashore in Nikiski.

Then next get a gas pipeline from the North Slope to Fairbanks.  Then we can get back to finding ways to generator revenue for the state by increasing our crude oil flow through the TransAlaska pipeline.  

In order to pursue these activities we need to work hard to show all the environmentally concerned that hydrocarbon fuels are not the cause of climate change.

Robert Seitz is a professional electrical engineer and lifelong Alaskan.


Win Gruening: Make Juneau affordable again by growing the economy

By WIN GRUENING

Based on the deluge of comments on social media, recent proposals by the City and Borough of Juneau to dramatically escalate debt and utility rates, and increase the property tax millage rate have struck a nerve with Juneau taxpayers. Until now, the unchecked spending by the city assembly for several discretionary projects and initiatives, some having been rejected by voters, has largely been tolerated.

Millions of dollars have been sequestered or spent for mail-in voting, proposed city offices and a palatial new arts and culture “civic” center, all allowed to proceed with scant attention paid to public process.

With the city facing flood mitigation expenses, declining school funding, and a looming backlog of deferred maintenance, the public is realizing that Juneau city government is spending beyond its means.

If raising taxes, piling on more debt, and increasing rates for city services are the only solution the Assembly is willing to consider, community affordability will continue to suffer and seniors on fixed incomes and working-class families will leave for less expensive places to live.

Residents left behind will be saddled with an ever-increasing share of taxes and fees spread across a dwindling population.

Pumping more government money into the economy isn’t the answer. It rarely creates durable jobs and is subject to the whims of government bureaucrats and elected officials.

Growing the economy by creating permanent jobs and expanding Juneau’s tax base are the province of the private sector. Government’s role in fostering economic growth is to keep taxes low, cut bureaucracy, and generally make it easier to design and develop revenue-producing projects.

 While mail-in-voting, city offices and a civic center have been excused from scrutiny and transparency, Aak’w Landing, a proposed new cruise ship terminal and uplands development in the downtown subport area, has undergone the most rigorous and demanding public process in recent Juneau history.

The $150-200-million project has languished for years, facing a never-ending array of bureaucratic challenges and delays to reach a point where the Assembly can make a final decision on a necessary tidelands permit.

The private project includes a welcome center, retail and dining options, a public park, underground parking, and an Indigenous Knowledge, Science, and Cultural Center.

A comprehensive and collaborative public process stretching over five years has incorporated input from the Planning Commission, Visitor Industry Task Force, city planners, and annual surveys of Juneau residents. Most recently, public open houses attended by hundreds of residents were held by city officials to explain the project and answer questions. 

Project opposition has largely come from a handful of cruise industry activists who have promoted anti-cruise ballot initiatives, filed lawsuits, and attempted to delay approval of this project by whatever means necessary.

None of Juneau’s other four docks (two that are city-owned) received a fraction of the attention when constructed. This, despite the fact cruise ship numbers increased as a result and, due to their concentrated location, these docks have unavoidably contributed to general congestion.

The Aak’w Landing project, in contrast, will be located away from the center of the current dock area and will help disperse cruise passengers more evenly. Importantly, the addition of this dock will not increase the number of ships visiting Juneau. The city and the cruise industry have negotiated a limit on cruise passengers along with a 5-ship daily limit which caps additional cruise traffic within the borough, regardless of the number of docks. 

The project’s economic benefits are substantial: 80+ construction jobs, 90+ summer jobs, 20+ year-round jobs, and increased property and sales tax revenue generated by hundreds of millions of dollars of real estate improvements and retail transactions.

The anti-cruise crowd has dismissed the project’s economic benefits and ignored the environmental benefits: eliminating thousands of buses from congested downtown streets, adding over 100 covered parking spaces downtown, reducing emissions from lightering vessels and cruise ships at anchor, and increasing cruise ship use of shore power, which in turn reduces residents’ utility bills.

Project approval will signal to other industries Juneau’s willingness to consider economic growth as a vital component of community affordability. The project will actually mitigate cruise industry impacts and reduce the city’s reliance on property tax millage rate increases.

That’s how to start making Juneau affordable again.

After retiring as the senior vice president in charge of business banking for Key Bank in Alaska, Win Gruening became a regular opinion page columnist for the Juneau Empire. He was born and raised in Juneau and graduated from the U.S. Air Force Academy in 1970. He is involved in various local and statewide organizations.

Millions of dollars in USAID money funded terrorism, investigation shows

By BETHANY BLANKLEY | THE CENTER SQUARE

Of the billions of tax dollars spent by the U.S. Agency for International Development Office that are being questioned by the Trump administration, millions went to fund terrorism.

A multi-year investigation brought by the Justice Department and U.S. Attorney’s Office for the District of Columbia reveals the scope of how funds were used in one recent terrorism-related case.

“The case represents one of the most significant diversions of USAID-funded humanitarian aid that USAID-OIG has investigated,” USAID’s Office of Inspector General said.

It involved a Syrian national, Mahmoud Al Hafyan, who was charged with illegally diverting more than $9 million of taxpayer money through USAID to armed combatant groups, including the Al-Nusrah Front (ANF), a designated foreign terrorist organization affiliated with al-Qaida in Iraq.

According to the indictment, Al Hafyan led a non-governmental organization (NGO) in Syria, managing 160 employees.

Since Syria’s civil war began in 2011, and through 2020, U.S. taxpayers funded more than $12 billion of USAID money to Syria intended for food and medical supplies that was supposed to be administered by United Nations agencies and NGOs.

The NGO that Al Hafyan led received $122 million over a three year period, diverting food kits meant for refugees to ANF commanders, according to the complaint. ANF, fighting to overthrow the Syrian government, was known for committing human rights atrocities, including conducting mass executions of civilians, suicide bombings and kidnappings.

Al Hafyan allegedly sold the food kits on the black market to the ANF commanders, falsifying documents to make it seem like refugees were receiving the food.

The U.S. Attorney’s Office for the District of Columbia, USAID OIG, and the FBI’s Counterterrorism Division were involved in the case.

“This defendant not only defrauded the U.S. government, but he also gave the humanitarian aid he stole to a foreign terrorist organization,” U.S. Attorney Matthew Graves said in November. “While this foreign terrorist organization fought with the cruel al-Assad regime, the people who were supposed to receive the aid suffered.”

Some other examples of misuse of USAID funds prosecuted by the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the District of Columbia relate to a range of fraud schemes.

In one case, a former executive of a digital consulting firm in Delaware agreed to pay a $100,000 settlement to resolve allegations that he knowingly caused company employees to submit false claims to USAID in order to receive government contracts, overbill and charge for work that was never performed, according to a 2022 complaint.

In another case, a global health nonprofit organization based in San Diego agreed to pay nearly $550,000 to resolve allegations that it knowingly submitted false claims to USAID to receive grants to purportedly provide agricultural and other aid to developing countries.

In another case, the International Rescue Committee agreed to pay $6.9 million to settle allegations under the False Claims Act related to USAID-funded programming related to the civil war in Syria. The money IRC received was intended for humanitarian assistance but IRC staff participated in a kickback scheme with a Turkish supply ring involving contract bid rigging instead, according to the complaint.

In another case, a former NGO official was sentenced to 40 months in prison for paying bribes to NGO officers in exchange for sensitive procurement information related to NGO contracts partially funded by USAID. In this case, for five years, a Turkmenistan citizen coordinated a bid-rigging scheme, instructed employees to lie to law enforcement agents and destroyed emails related to the investigation, according to the complaint.

In another case, a former USAID deputy director and resident of Maryland pled guilty to charges related to a contract-steering scheme, conspiracy to defraud the United States and making false statements to law enforcement, according to the complaint.

State files lawsuit over Eklutna tribe’s move to set up casino operations on a Native allotment

The State of Alaska has filed a lawsuit in the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia, challenging recent federal decisions that redefine jurisdiction over what are known as Native allotments in the state.

At the heart of the dispute is a decision by federal officials to grant the Native Village of Eklutna, based in Anchorage, jurisdiction over an individually owned Native allotment, known as the Ondola Allotment, which paved the way for gaming operations on the land.

The legal battle comes just as the Native Village of Eklutna has hurriedly opened a gambling operation near Peters Creek in Anchorage. The tribe contractors, operating under the supervision of a Las Vegas gambling developer, worked through the night to set up the Chin’an Gaming Hall, which consists of two trailers pushed together in a muddy construction site. The tribe moved swiftly to establish operations, fearing potential delays from the Trump Administration. However, the casino is already facing lawsuits from neighboring residents who object to its impact on the community.

Aaron Leggett, president of the Eklutna Native Village, called the casino opening a “historic milestone” for tribal self-determination. “Chin’an means ‘thank you’ in Dena’ina/Athabascan,” Leggett said. He assured that “safety and respect for our neighbors and customers are our top priorities,” despite opposition from local residents in what was once a quiet neighborhood.

While the casino is currently operating with strict capacity limits, it is expected to expand in the coming weeks. Leggett has emphasized that revenue from the gaming hall will help support housing, healthcare, employment, job training, scholarships, and cultural programs for the tribe. He also projects the casino will generate $67 million in economic activity for the municipality.

Alaska Attorney General Treg Taylor emphasized that the State’s lawsuit is not about gaming but rather about jurisdictional authority.

“We are asking the court to reaffirm what it has already said—the State maintains primary jurisdiction over Alaska Native Allotments,” Taylor stated.

The State argues the decision contradicts longstanding legal interpretations and a recent federal court ruling that upheld the State of Alaska’s primary jurisdiction over such lands.

The lawsuit, which names officials from the U.S. Department of the Interior and the National Indian Gaming Commission as defendants, contests a shift in legal interpretation that could significantly alter regulatory and public safety frameworks in Alaska.

The lawsuit cites the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act of 1971, which resolved aboriginal land claims by establishing a system where Alaska tribes, except for Metlakatla, would not have territorial jurisdiction over land. According to the State, ANCSA intended for Alaska Native lands, whether owned by individuals or Native Corporations, to remain under State jurisdiction.

For decades, the Department of the Interior maintained that federally recognized tribes in Alaska did not have territorial jurisdiction over Native Allotments.

However, in February 2024, the DOI’s Solicitor issued a new legal opinion reversing this stance. This opinion served as the basis for the NIGC and Bureau of Indian Affairs to rule that the Ondola Allotment, a six-acre parcel in Chugiak leased to the Native Village of Eklutna, fell under tribal jurisdiction and was eligible for gaming.

The reversal by the Biden Administration agencies has raised numerous legal and regulatory concerns. The State’s complaint highlights uncertainties regarding law enforcement authority, hunting and fishing regulations, and state control over alcohol, marijuana, and environmental laws on these lands. The shift in jurisdictional authority could also impact property taxation and other State regulatory powers.

Meanwhile, the casino’s rapid haphazard opening exacerbated tensions between the tribe, the State, and local residents. While the Municipality of Anchorage has an interim agreement with the tribe to offset public safety costs, the casino is not subject to state or local taxes, raising further concerns about its economic impact.

The dispute follows a 2021 ruling by the District Court in the District of Columbia, which concluded that the Native Village of Eklutna did not have territorial jurisdiction over the Ondola Allotment. By contradicting this ruling, the State argues, federal agencies have overstepped their authority and disrupted long-established legal interpretations.

In its lawsuit, the State of Alaska contends that the DOI, NIGC, and BIA acted outside their authority and improperly altered the jurisdictional landscape without congressional approval. The lawsuit seeks to vacate the federal decisions and restore the legal status quo, reaffirming the State’s jurisdiction over Native allotments.

Justice Dept. has a new boss lady: Pam Bondi

The Senate has confirmed former Florida Attorney General Pam Bondi as the new U.S. Attorney General and head of the Department of Justice. The vote was along party lines, with only Democrat Pennsylvania Sen. John Fetterman crossing the invisible party boundary to vote in favor of Bondi.

Bondi is Trump’s 11th cabinet nominee to win confirmation from the Senate. Both Alaska Sens. Lisa Murkowski and Dan Sullivan voted for Bondi, who will be sworn in on Wednesday.

Bondi worked as a state prosecutor in Florida for two decades before being elected as Florida’s first female attorney general in 2010.

In 2016, she endorsed Trump for president and she also was part of his legal team defending him in his first impeachment trial in the U.S. House and Senate.

She replaces Merrick Garland, who last year was held in contempt of Congress for refusing to turn over interview tapes from a probe into former President Joe Biden’s handing of classified documents. He also charged and his department prosecuted more than 1,200 J-6ers — people who were present in Washington, D.C. during the turmoil of the Jan. 6, 2021 election of Joe Biden. All of the J-6ers have now been pardoned by President Donald Trump.

Alaska FBI is rounding up illegals. Anchorage school superintendent Bryantt is ready to rumble

The Anchorage FBI says it is cooperating with other federal agencies to round up illegal aliens in Alaska and deport them.

At 4:12 p.m. on Monday, the Anchorage FBI posted on Facebook “The #FBI Anchorage Field Office, along with our Department of Justice (DOJ) partners, is supporting the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) with their immigration enforcement efforts in #Alaska.” This is in direct response to President Donald Trump’s order to secure the borders and clean up the cartels and violent crime across America.

Then at 4:37 p.m., the Anchorage School superintendent released an announcement saying the Anchorage schools will not only not cooperate with federal authorities, they won’t even allow them on campus. In essence, Superintendent Jharrett Bryantt was saying Anchorage schools are sanctuaries for illegal immigrants.

Superintendent Bryantt said the federal agents would have to have a warrant, and even if they did, he would have the warrant reviewed by district attorneys before deciding if they were valid and whether federal immigration agents could come onto any school grounds.

In his explanation, Bryantt cited a federal law, to which he gave a novel interpretation.

The law, called the Family Educational Rights and Privacy Act (FERPA) “protects your child’s privacy by prohibiting ASD from sharing student-specific information with anyone other than the student’s parents or legal guardians, except in specific situations such as when required by a judicial warrant or court order,” Bryantt wrote.

But FERPA wasn’t intended to protect illegal aliens and criminals.

According to the Department of Education, it’s to protect a student’s education records from being shared without parents’ permission (or the student’s permission once he or she turns 18). The law says nothing about the students’ immigration status.

“The Family Educational Rights and Privacy Act (FERPA) is a federal law that affords parents the right to have access to their children’s education records, the right to seek to have the records amended, and the right to have some control over the disclosure of personally identifiable information from the education records,” the federal government explains.

In the Frequently Asked Questions section of the FERPA explanation, the Department of Education gives examples that specifically say that “law enforcement records” are not education records.

Here are examples of what the law covers and does not cover taken directly from the U.S. Department of Education:

A student has opted out of directory information and wants to be anonymous in an online course. Are we required to allow the student to take the course anonymously?

No.  Under FERPA, a student may not use his or her right to opt out of directory information disclosures to prevent school officials from identifying the student by name or disclosing the student’s electronic identifier or institutional e-mail address in class.

An eligible student that opted out of directory information has left the school. Now that the student is no longer in attendance, may the school disclose that students directory information?

No, a school is required to honor the eligible student’s request to opt out of the disclosure of directory information made while the student was in attendance, unless the student rescinds the opt out request.

Are law enforcement records considered education records? 

“Law enforcement unit records” (i.e., records created by the law enforcement unit, created for a law enforcement purpose, and maintained by the law enforcement unit) are not “education records” subject to the privacy protections of FERPA. As such, the law enforcement unit may refuse to provide a parent or eligible student with an opportunity to inspect and review law enforcement unit records, and it may disclose law enforcement unit records to third parties without the parent or eligible student’s prior written consent. However, education records, or personally identifiable information from education records, which the school shares with the law enforcement unit, do not lose their protected status as education records just because they are shared with the law enforcement unit.

The Frequently Asked Questions section also makes it clear that FERPA applies to records maintained by the school, not personal observations of school officials:

Are there any limitations to sharing information based on personal knowledge or observations?

FERPA applies to the disclosure of personally identifiable information (PII) from education records that are maintained by the school.  Therefore, FERPA does not prohibit a school official from releasing information about a student that was obtained through the school official’s personal knowledge or observation unless that knowledge is obtained through his or her official role in making a determination maintained in an education records about the student. For example, under FERPA a principal or other school official who took official action to suspend a student may not disclose that information, absent consent or an exception under § 99.31 that permits the disclosure.

The notice from the FBI and the notice from the school superintendent, coming just 15 minutes apart, raise questions about whether Bryantt was in fact engaged in a rapid push back exercise against the federal government. Bryantt may have brought unnecessary attention to himself now that he has declared Anchorage schools to be off limits for federal law enforcement, effectively creating sanctuary campuses, where federal immigration laws do not apply.

Anchorage School District is one of the most diverse in the nation, where more than 90 languages are supposedly spoken.

Another first for Congressman Begich: He’s the first freshman to get a bill passed the House this session. Then he did it again.

Alaska’s new Congressman Nick Begich has gotten two bills passed by the House, and he’s only been in office for one month.

These are firsts for the Congress: Begich is the first new congressional representatives to get a bill passed this year.

Both of the bills are for Alaska Natives and are bills that his predecessor could never move and both of the bills were introduced by Begich the day he was sworn in as Alaska’s newest congressman, Jan. 3.

Although the Alaska Federation of Natives opposed Begich during his campaign and would not even allow him to speak as a candidate during the AFN convention in October, Begich did not allow that insult to stop him from serving up good legislation that gets more Alaska lands out of federal control and helps impoverished Native Alaskans with basic needs.

HR 42: The bill makes it so that any settlement trust payments to an Alaska Native who is blind, elderly, or disabled will not be used to calculate the actual income that determines that person’s eligibility for some federal programs, such as the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP or food stamps). The bill can be read at this link.

HR 43: To amend the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act to provide that Village Corporations shall not be required to convey land in trust to the State of Alaska for the establishment of Municipal Corporations, and for other purposes. The bill can be read at this link.

Earlier in the day, Begich was chosen by Speaker Mike Johnson to be Speaker Pro Tempore for the House proceedings of Feb. 4.

Watch the video him serving as presiding officer:

New poll: Democratic Party hits generational low in the eyes of the American public

The Democratic Party has a 57% unfavorable rating among voters, according to a new Quinnipiac University poll. That is the lowest since 2008, when Quinnipiac began polling this question. Just 31% think favorably of the Democrats.

On the other side of the aisle, the Republican Party has a 43% favorability rating, also the highest since 2008.

In a question asked just one week after Trump was sworn in a president, 46% of voters approve of the job he is doing and 43% disapprove. 11% offered no opinion.

That compares to the same time in January of 2017, after Trump took the oath of office for his first term. Back then, 36% approved of the job he was doing, while 44% disapproved and 19 offered no opinion.

Among Republicans, 86% approve of the job Trump is doing and among Democrats, 86% disapprove. Among independent voters, 41% approve and 46% disapprove, with 13% offering no opinion.

A majority of voters who took part in the survey (54%) said they’re optimistic about the next four years with Trump as president, and 42% are pessimistic. These numbers line up with public opinion that was given to Quinnipiac following Trump’s first inauguration.

Voters are divided on immigration issues, according to the poll. 47% approve of how Trump is handling immigration and 46% disapprove of it, with 7% not offering an opinion.

But to secure the border, Trump has deep support. 60% approve of using U.S. troops at the southern border of the United States to ensure a secure border. 36% disapprove. 

That splits somewhat on party lines. 96% of Republicans approve, while 68% of Democrats disapprove. Among independents, 57% approve, while 40% disapprove. Among those in military households, 70% approve, while 26% disapprove.

Among Republicans, the top issue is immigration at 37% followed by the economy at 33% and no other issue reaching double digits.

Among Democrats, the top issue is are “preserving democracy in the United States” at 35%, followed by climate change at 18% and the economy at 14%

Among independents, the top issues are the economy at 24%, preserving Democracy at 23%, and immigration at 13%.

The Alaska Democratic Party will be meeting in Juneau this weekend for its quarterly State Central Committee meeting, and the new polling will give the party officers a lot to think about.

Kassie Andrews: Sustainable development’s hidden costs in Alaska

By KASSIE ANDREWS

When Alaska, a state synonymous with rugged independence and self-reliance, began aligning with the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), it may have been seen as a step toward modernizing and protecting its natural beauty. 

However, the unintended consequences of adhering to this globalist construct have left many local communities grappling with the fallout. From an exploding homeless population to rising energy costs and diminished economic opportunities, the promises of the SDGs have often clashed with the realities of life in America’s Last Frontier. 

To understand how these things have wreaked havoc on Alaska, brief summaries are provided to illustrate the direct connection between SDGs and state policies. 

The UN’s 17 SDGs are nothing more than the latest iteration of a long-standing agenda to impose centralized control under the guise of “sustainability.” Rebranded roughly every 15 years —Agenda 21, the Millennium Development Goals, now Agenda 2030—this construct repackages the same regulations whenever public skepticism grows. Sold as virtuous and noble, the SDGs are, in reality, a vehicle for global governance, economic manipulation, and land control. Compliance is enforced through corporate complicity, ESG mandates, the Paris Agreement, and digital surveillance, all while masquerading as progress.

Homelessness: A Crisis Out of Control

SDG 1, which claims to “end poverty in all its forms everywhere,” beginning as early as 2005, housing first policies were introduced to address homelessness in Anchorage, Alaska. These seemingly well-meaning initiatives have had the complete opposite effect. Anchorage has seen its homeless population explode in recent years, partially due to lenient plans that prioritize “equity” over accountability. Programs are designed to house the homeless without addressing underlying issues.

The Housing First model, long championed as a solution under UN SDG-aligned policies, guarantees housing without requiring sobriety or participation in recovery programs. Intended to provide stability, this approach has created communities where substance abuse flourishes, straining law enforcement and social services. The Anchorage Assembly appears to be following the UN plan, down to using the same language—to “solve homelessness“—no matter the cost to taxpayers.  

A Judicial System Hijacked by Social Justice

SDG 16, which promotes “peace, justice, and strong institutions,” has brought about troubling changes to Alaska’s judicial system. What was once a system focused on fairness and enforcing the rule of law has increasingly pivoted toward social justice initiatives. The “pursuit of social justice for all is at the core of the United Nations’ mission to promote development and human dignity.”  

In 2016, Alaska’s court system secured a Justice for All grant from the Public Welfare Foundation. Framed as justice reform, the initiative was structured into three key phases, including redefining justice, mapping the justice ecosystem, and analyzing provider relationships, further embedding bureaucratic control. The Alaska Court System’s “Justice for All Project” prominently features the UN SDGs, serving as a stark reminder of who truly drives these decisions.

A glaring example of the social justice takeover was in 2020 when Alaska’s Supreme Court penned letters after the death of George Floyd. The statement acknowledged systemic inequities in the treatment of African-Americans, Alaska Natives, and other people of color, highlighting that these groups often face disparities in dignity and respect as compared to white community members.  

The momentum has increased toward crippling the ability of officers to respond to violent suspects and drug addicts within the homeless population. The United Nations wants reform of “police and criminal justice systems in the United States to eradicate systemic racism.” To this end, a bill to ban the use of chokeholds has been introduced multiple times by Alaska State Sen. Elvi Gray-Jackson.

The push for social justice in our legal system is failing victims. Reduced sentencing and rehabilitation-focused programs may sound admirable, but they create a revolving door for repeat offenders. Meanwhile, law enforcement is hamstrung by policies that prioritize offender outcomes over public safety. Justice shouldn’t feel this unjust.

Vision Zero Collides with Alaska Transportation

First adopted in Sweden in 1997, Vision Zero is a global initiative to eliminate traffic fatalities and serious injuries, tied closely to multiple SDGs. Its focus on safety and sustainability aligns with SDG 3 (Good Health and Well-Being) to reduce road-related deaths and injuries. It complements SDG 9 (Industry, Innovation, and Infrastructure) through investments in safer transportation infrastructure and technology. SDG 11 (Sustainable Cities and Communities) is another cornerstone, as Vision Zero promotes accessible urban designs, while SDG 13 (Climate Action) is supported by its non-motorized and public transportation to reduce greenhouse gas emissions.

In Alaska, federal dollars are dangled over the state to implement Vision Zero and carbon reduction into the transportation infrastructure.  Vision Zero appears in the Mat-Su Safe Streets for All (SS4A) initiative, which aims to improve transportation safety and accessibility. The plan prioritizes “vulnerable road users” like pedestrians and cyclists. Funded through Justice40, a social equity and environmental justice initiative, mandating that 40 percent of benefits go to disadvantaged communities, shifting focus from broad public needs.

Another example of Alaska’s adoption of this initiative appears in a press release from the state announcing that they will set up a “Vision Zero Taskforce” from an issue that was created by the Anchorage Municipality in the name of equity.

In August of 2023, the Anchorage Assembly revised the law decriminalizing jaywalking by removing fines. The ordinance was to “promote safety, equity and access infrastructure for bicyclists and other vulnerable road users.” Shockingly, the pedestrian fatalities skyrocketed to double the number from the previous year. The UN’s Carbon Reduction Program (CRP) targets personal travel. This transportation program Alaska signed onto enables the state to receive massive amounts of taxpayer dollars to reduce carbon emissions. The plan includes verbiage to “Encourage the adoption of construction machinery running on electric or alternative fuels to reduce emissions and enhance efficiency.” For personal travel, “Shift from single-occupancy vehicle trips to mass transit” and “Promoting transit options to reduce both the number of single-occupancy vehicle trips and the total vehicle miles traveled . . . and integration of smart transportation technologies.”

Policies like road diets, surveillance, and reduced traffic lanes are less about sustainability and more about forcing compliance. These measures ignore Alaska’s realities, where cars and planes are essential lifelines, not luxuries.  

Climate Change is Oil Reduction

Perhaps no SDG has been as controversial in Alaska as SDG 13, which calls for urgent action to combat climate change. The root of the entire global plan is grounded in arresting climate change. Climate Action has been part of the UN agenda since at least the 1970s, with the most recent agenda being climate goals created to achieve the Paris Agreement to keep global temperature rise as close as possible above pre-industrial levels.

SDG 13’s emission reduction goals strike directly at the heart of Alaska’s economy, targeting vital industries like oil, gas, and resource extraction. Globally, Alaska represents about one-tenth of one percent of all CO2 emissions (36,100 mm tons). In other words, Alaska’s contribution to global emissions equates to precisely a gnat’s fart in a hurricane.

Policies and actions that have recently been implemented in Alaska to feed the climate narrative include:

Decarbonization Goals: These include local level Municipality goals, utility co-op goals, state-level goals, and potentially disastrous mandates such as a Renewable Portfolio Standard mandating utilities bring on a certain level of renewables.

Social Cost of Carbon (SCC): This is used to assign monetary damages to carbon emissions, inflating the perceived harm while ignoring economic and societal benefits. It has been weaponized against essential energy projects, as seen in the ConocoPhillips Willow Project, where the SCC was explicitly used in an Environmental Impact Statement (EIS). The UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs Financing for Sustainable Development confirms its use, stating “a carbon tax should therefore be set at the same level everywhere.”

Carbon Management Legislation: Passed by the Alaska State Legislature in 2023 and 2024, these policies include carbon offsets and carbon sequestration. Carbon offsets are often based on unverifiable metrics and are notoriously rife with double-counting and outright fraud. Worse, carbon offset programs are increasingly about locking up land under the guise of conservation. At the time, Alaska’s Department of Resource Commissioner John Boyle boasted that the legislation “burnishes the State’s (ESG) credentials,” signaling to corporate interests that Alaska is willing to play by the ever-expanding rules for ESG compliance – regardless of the long-term consequences.

The United States joined the 30×30 initiative under President Biden’s 2021 America the Beautiful Plan. Aligned with the Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework, this plan seeks to remove up to 30 percent of U.S. lands and waters for use by 2030. It claims to address biodiversity and climate change but prioritizes land acquisition around “carbon mitigation potential” schemes that enrich governments, corporations, and NGOs while trampling on the sovereignty and will of local and Indigenous communities.

In alignment with the 30×30 plan, nearly half of the National Petroleum Reserve-Alaska (NPR-A) had been declared off-limits to oil and gas development, alongside 28 million additional acres of federal land. The Ambler Road had also been blocked, leaving Alaska’s industries strangled by federal overreach. It should be obvious that 30×30 isn’t about saving the planet—it’s about consolidating power.

Alaska must reclaim its independence from harmful global agendas. A key step is passing legislation like Arizona’s HB 2788, which bans public funds from supporting UN Agenda 2030 and its Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Without funding tied to renewable energy mandates, Alaska could invest in practical hybrid energy solutions that balance environmental stewardship with energy reliability and affordability.

Within days of returning to the White House, President Donald Trump withdrew the U.S. from key UN agreements. The question remains: Will Alaska’s leaders and the GOP follow suit to protect Alaskans with a lasting commitment?

If there is an example to be learned from President Trump, it is that an executive has the power to act for the good of the people. Alaska Republican Party Chair Carmela Warfield Warfield and the Republican Party must take action to cultivate good candidates as primary challengers, mobilize local support for key policy positions, and support grassroots ballot initiatives that align with the Trump Mandate.

Governor Mike Dunleavy once stated, “When you’re dealing with resources, you’re dealing with the governor’s office, and when you’re dealing with some of the agencies that deal with the resources, you’re dealing with the governor’s office because I appointed everybody.” Well, it’s time to take that same posture to support Alaskans and not the globalist billionaires. 

In addition to passing the Arizona bill, these actions would go a long way to show support to the Alaskan people:

  1. Release the report from the Kenai Grand Jury investigating judicial corruption- unredacted.
  2. Pause NGO lobbying for 90 days until a full review of the organization’s purposes can be completed to identify their connection between the UN SDGs and Alaska funding.
  3. Pass the Wyoming Make Carbon Dioxide Great again-no net zero bill.
  4. Pause funding for 90 days on the AK LNG Project and confirm compliance with Trump EO on the Green New Deal, Justice40, Paris Climate Agreement, etc.
  5. Eliminate the Alaska Standard from the state’s website, which blatantly promotes “How Alaska is Aligned with the Sustainable Development Goals.” 

President Trump was right to remove the U.S. from the Paris Climate Agreement and eliminate the Green New Deal. Now, Alaska must do the same. The Dunleavy Administration and Republican leadership must step up—hesitation is surrender. Governor Dunleavy must use the bully pulpit and the veto pen to eliminate waste in the same manner as the President. If they fail to act now, this may be our last chance to break free from globalist overreach.

Kassie Andrews is an energy expert on Alaskan politics and resource development. A lifelong Alaskan, her career in energy has involved project management, construction, and finance.