Tuesday, November 11, 2025
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Coast Guard rescues pilot after plane crash near Haines

The US Coast Guard rescued a pilot Sunday morning after his small aircraft went down in the Chilkat Mountains, about 35 miles south of Haines.

At 8:30 am, watchstanders at the Coast Guard Arctic District Command Center in Juneau received an alert from the aircraft’s Emergency Locator Transmitter. Personnel at the Haines Airport reported the missing plane, a two-seat single-engine aircraft that had departed earlier in the day but had not returned.

Coast Guard Sector Southeast Alaska assumed command of the search-and-rescue mission and directed an MH-60 Jayhawk helicopter crew from Air Station Sitka to the area.

At 10:25 am, the aircrew located the overturned plane near the Endicott River. They landed near the site and recovered the pilot, who was the only person on board. He was not injured and was flown to Juneau in good condition.

The National Transportation and Safety Board will open an investigation into the cause of the crash.

Robert Seitz: Alaska’s path forward needs energy development, real climate science & education reform

By ROBERT SEITZ

I continue to follow climate and energy issues that affect Alaska and its economy. My concern this year is the lack of action by government personnel — whether elected or employed — and by those in private leadership roles. Too few are encouraging Alaskans to take steps that would accelerate programs to add crude oil to our exports, strengthen natural gas reserves for Cook Inlet, and assess climate realities to determine whether Alaska truly faces a climate crisis.

These actions are critical. They would not only increase state revenue, giving Alaska the resources to address major challenges, but also spur long-term economic growth. A clearer understanding of Alaska’s climate is essential, so that oil, gas, and mineral development can proceed without constant threats of court actions tied to greenhouse gas concerns.

I have noted in past commentaries that Arctic sea ice near Alaska—the Beaufort, Chukchi, and Bering Seas—has been recovering since the low summer ice extent of 2019. In his July 2025 Arctic Sea Ice Update, climate specialist Rick Thoman stated: “The Chukchi and Beaufort Seas really stand out for high ice extent, though the Chukchi Sea extent is slightly lower than the past two years.” Thoman, with 40 years of professional experience in weather and climate, works with the Alaska Center for Climate Assessment and Policy at UAF’s International Arctic Research Center.

I also reviewed data for the Bering Sea and found that ice was still present on August 5—the first time since 1985 that ice remained this late. For those who doubt my findings, this evidence from a recognized expert further confirms increased ice extent in the Beaufort and Chukchi Seas, suggesting that claims of extreme Arctic warming may be exaggerated.

My research into sea ice data is part of a broader effort to show that Alaska is not warming two to four times faster than the global average. Yes, the state’s average annual temperature is about 8–9°F warmer than it was more than 40 years ago. But that change is largely due to fewer extreme winter cold spells. Summer temperatures, by contrast, have remained much the same for a century. Although last winter was warm because Arctic Express winds pushed cold air south to Florida and pulled warm, wet Pacific air into Alaska, this summer has been relatively cool, even cold.

The goal of my climate work is to demonstrate that CO₂ emissions from hydrocarbon fuels cannot be driving major warming. Our climate has warmed since the Little Ice Age, but evidence shows warmer periods in human history than today — receding glaciers reveal ancient forests, and Vikings once farmed southern Greenland a thousand years ago. The logical explanation for recent warming is the sun. A modest recovery from Little Ice Age cooling does not guarantee ongoing, runaway warming.

This perspective underpins my opposition to “Net Zero” policies for power generation. Alaska needs energy strategies that are sensible, practical, and affordable. Each community should rely on the resources most available to it. Natural gas is abundant in Cook Inlet and on the North Slope. Remote communities can turn to tidal, river, hydro, or geothermal power, supplemented by wind and solar where practical. Having worked with solar installations for more than 15 years, I support renewable resources when they strengthen, not destabilize, the grid.

Cook Inlet gas remains vital for Southcentral Alaska and the Railbelt. Furie has produced new wells from its offshore platform for the past two years, with plans to continue. Yet output still falls short of utility needs. Utilities want reserves comparable to the North Slope, where injected natural gas supports oil recovery and builds reliable storage. Moving Cook Inlet gas into storage wells requires funding, whether from Enstar through rate adjustments approved by the Regulatory Commission of Alaska, or from AIDEA with legislative support. However structured, Alaska must ensure storage capacity sufficient to guarantee reliable supply for one to two years.

At the same time, Alaska should commit to building the AK LNG project. A pipeline from the North Slope to a processing plant in Nikiski would enable LNG exports, providing significant state revenue. The project would also allow gas “drop-offs” along the route for communities like Fairbanks and Ambler. Once economics align, producers will be motivated to drill more wells, add platforms, mine more minerals, and expand exploration, which would strengthen Alaska’s economy.

Another area of concern is education. I was disappointed by legislators’ lack of support for policies that could strengthen Alaska’s schools. We need a system that prioritizes reading, writing, arithmetic, science, and true American history — the kind that reflects both our nation’s flaws and its progress.

Instead, too many teachers and boards promote Marxism over capitalism, dismiss the Constitution, or treat patriotism as outdated. Simply adding more money will not fix this. Until we return to rigorous instruction and principled teaching, as we had decades ago, we will continue to shortchange students. Poor education discourages families and businesses from relocating to Alaska, while teachers with high standards will choose to work elsewhere.

Alaska must prepare for a more productive and financially secure future. That means ensuring climate concerns do not derail energy development or resource extraction, securing stable natural gas supplies, building major infrastructure like the LNG pipeline, and reforming education. On an individual level, it means building resilience — yes, even by planting a garden and recognizing the benefits of higher CO₂ levels.

Robert Seitz is a professional electrical engineer and lifelong Alaskan.

Robert Seitz: What the governor’s energy conference revealed about Alaska’s energy future

Robert Seitz: An Alaska energy plan that pulls together all the pieces

Robert Seitz: Yes, 90,000 climate scientists can be wrong

Michael Tavoliero: Coincidences or conspiracies?

By MICHAEL TAVOLIERO

The last decade in the United States has been saturated with alleged conspiracies. For some, skepticism has become a default posture; for others, the chaos has validated long-standing distrust of political elites. At the center of this period stands the Covid-19 pandemic, officially declared in March 2020 by the World Health Organization, and widely recognized as the most disruptive global event in a century. In May 2023, the WHO declared an end to the public health emergency of international concern. 

While public health authorities have examined its biological origins and epidemiological impact, where are the political narratives which increasingly framed Covid not merely as a natural disaster but as a potential instrument in shaping the outcome of the 2020 presidential election?

Political climate before the pandemic

The seeds of suspicion were sown well before 2020. The 2016 election brought allegations of Russian influence and questions about President Donald Trump’s legitimacy. Former President Barack Obama’s 2012 “hot mic” exchange with then-Russian President Dmitry Medvedev, where he suggested greater flexibility after his re-election, fueled narratives of behind-the-scenes dealings. Meanwhile, Hillary Clinton’s long career, including her 1969 thesis on Saul Alinsky’s community organizing, provided a basis for critics to connect her and Obama to a style of political mobilization that emphasized conflict and negotiation.

When Trump won the presidency, his critics mobilized legal and bureaucratic tools to investigate his administration, while his supporters perceived a “deep state” determined to undermine him. By 2020, partisan divides had hardened into outright suspicion and clandestine activities, priming the public to interpret any crisis through a conspiratorial lens.

The pandemic as a political flashpoint

Covid arrived in this combustible environment. On top of the staggering death and human suffering, governments-imposed lockdowns, triggered supply shortages, issued sweeping emergency orders, and delivered ever-changing medical edicts, these blind actions not only fueled chaos but also magnified public distrust and uncertainty worldwide. 

Was the timing significant? This pandemic required altering voting procedures, expanding mail-in ballots, and curtailing traditional campaigning unfolded in the very year of Trump’s re-election bid.

While scientists and the mainstream media continued to persuade the public with animal origin, the political debate rarely discussed the possibility of laboratory origins.  Was Covid more than a virus? Was it a tool? Would a Hillary Clinton presidency have faced the same crisis? Was the pandemic’s mismanagement uniquely designed to damage Trump? Was it a weaponized component deployed at the precise moment when the political establishment faced the threat of a Trump second term?

I offer these speculations, though not supported by conclusive evidence, because they appear to align with preexisting distrust of institutions and leaders.

In Frank Herbert’s Dune (1965), we read about the mantra used by the Bene Gesserit order to master fear. The phrase “Fear is the mind-killer” means that fear doesn’t just cause hesitation. It destroys reason, clarity, and judgment. If fear takes over, it paralyzes thought and prevents decisive action.

And the world was paralyzed.

Hypothetical scenario one: Covid without weaponization

At its public inception, the pandemic, we were told, had emerged naturally out of a nearby wet market in Wuhan. The Huanan Seafood Wholesale Market (wet market) had operated for approximately 17 years, serving as a major wholesale live animal and seafood marketplace in Wuhan prior to the pandemic. Three months before the official WHO declaration in March 2020 of the pandemic, it was permanently closed on Jan. 1, 2020, by the Jianghan District Health Authorities, in conjunction with the Administration for Market Regulation, who ordered the closure for environmental cleaning, sanitization, and disinfection following alleged indications that the market was linked to the emerging Covid-19 outbreak. The wet market was almost 9 miles from the Wuhan Institute of Virology. Ultimately, every shred of evidence pointing to this plausible origin was not just dismissed. It was deliberately wiped from existence.

As a result of the pandemic outbreak, the world saw supply chains collapsing, hospitals strained under patient loads, and emergency orders reshaping daily life. But the political consequences, while severe, were largely incidental. The outbreak would be remembered as an unavoidable biological crisis. Under this interpretation, the election of 2020 was disrupted by circumstance, not design.

Hypothetical scenario two: Covid as a weaponized event

Now consider a darker possibility: Covid-19, whether deliberately engineered or opportunistically exploited, was weaponized to reshape the political destiny of the United States. In this scenario, the virus was more than a pathogen; it was a calculated instrument. Its eruption in 2020 unleashed maximum disruption at the precise moment of a presidential election, guaranteeing that emergency powers, lockdowns, and mass mail-in voting would redefine the rules of engagement. Restrictions on public gatherings crippled Trump’s hallmark rallies and momentum, while media narratives relentlessly framed his administration as fatally inept in crisis management.

If Covid-19 was indeed weaponized, the effects were far-reaching. Mail-in and absentee voting surged, decisively altering turnout in key swing states. Meanwhile, the public narrative narrowed to Trump’s alleged failures, overshadowing pre-pandemic economic strength. Did institutional trust not erode as shifting medical guidance, selective enforcement, and glaring double standards, permitting mass protests while shuttering churches, fueled suspicions that the pandemic was not merely a health crisis but a political tool?

Hypothetical scenario three: A Clinton presidency instead of Trump

An equally provocative question follows: would the pandemic have unfolded the same way under Hillary Clinton? If Clinton had won in 2016, there may not have been the same political incentive to unleash, time, or exploit a pandemic in 2020. Under this hypothetical, the outbreak might still occur but without the same electoral consequences, or it might not appear at all. 

Consequences of the weaponization yypothesis

Even if unproven, the hypothesis itself has lasting effects. It cements distrust in institutions and fuels the belief that political elites will go to any lengths to maintain power. It reframes the Covid virus not just as a health emergency but as the most sophisticated political operation in modern history. It sets a precedent where every future national crisis will be interpreted not as coincidence but as deliberate design.

Remember that several films have explored the concept of a lab-engineered pandemic used as a political or military weapon, for example, 12 Monkeys (1995), Outbreak (1995), the Resident Evil series, and the Hong Kong action-thriller Viral Factor (2012).

Conclusion: A thought experiment with real implications

Whether Covid was a naturally occurring tragedy or a weaponized event remains unresolved in public opinion. What is clear, however, is that the possibility of weaponization has permanently reshaped how Americans interpret crises. Once a population begins to believe that pandemics themselves can be political tools, trust in governance and science is fractured, perhaps beyond repair. In this sense, even the idea of the Covid-19 virus as a weapon may prove as destabilizing as the virus itself.

Conspiracy narratives and their consequences

Is the pandemic entangled in broader narratives about Obama, Clinton, Biden, and the “deep state?” Whether the Covid virus was viewed as a man-made virus, a weaponized event, or simply a global tragedy, it reinforced a perception among Trump supporters that unprecedented obstacles were placed in the path of his presidency. Conversely, critics of Trump saw his pandemic response as proof of incompetence.

Exposing these divergent interpretations reveals less about the actual biology of the Covid virus and more about the state of the American constitutional republic. In moments of national crisis, conspiracy theories thrive not merely because of secrecy or cover-ups but because trust in government is already fragile. The pandemic, then, did not just test public health infrastructure, it tested the resilience of political legitimacy.

Conclusion

The question, Would the world have experienced the Covid virus if Hillary Clinton had been elected president?, cannot be answered empirically. What can be analyzed, however, is why such a question resonates now that we have seen the perverse evidence of deep state evil. It is because political trust in the United States has eroded to the point where coincidence appears conspiratorial, and crises are interpreted as deliberate weapons in partisan struggles.

The Covid-19 virus may never be proven to be man-made or politically engineered, but its role in reshaping perceptions of our republic, elections, and governance is undeniable.

Michael Tavoliero: The slow surrender of senior independence to government dependence

Michael Tavoliero: Why HB 57 missed the mark on education reform

Michael Tavoliero: Coolidge’s Code, the ethics lesson some of Alaska’s leaders forgot

Michael Tavoliero: Alaska’s future under bureaucratic drift — the quiet surrender

Monday dawn stroll through vagrant-overtaken Peratrovich Park in downtown Anchorage

Anchorage Parks and Recreation is moving forward with plans to upgrade Peratrovich Park, at 4th and E Street in front of the Old City Hall building, aiming to turn it into a vibrant downtown destination. With taxpayer dollars, city officials are crafting a design to improve user experience, address “existing problems,” and make the small park a focal point for the community.

Anchorage mayor pushes ‘Beyond the Beige’ public art grants, while vagrancy, decay take over the city

But the vision of a revitalized park contrasts sharply with the reality on the ground. On Monday morning, Aug. 25, Peratrovich Park is the site of a sprawling urban encampment. Several individuals, some asleep on benches or sprawled across the grass, others gathered in groups with shopping carts and piles of belongings, occupy the space, even though the sign says the park is closed from 11 pm to 6 am.

While planners draft blueprints for a more welcoming civic hub, the downtown core continues to struggle with vagrancy, drug abuse, public intoxication, and safety concerns that deter visitors and local businesses alike.

In our series on the decline of Anchorage, here’s our photo gallery from Monday morning in downtown Anchorage — photos you won’t see in the visitor brochures:

Glamping in the greenbelts: Anchorage’s luxury lawlessness, with free tents for vagrants

Video: Drone footage reveals sprawling vagrant occupation expanding in S. Anchorage greenbelt

Photo tour of a vagrant TarpMart, where everything must go (because it’s probably stolen)

Gunfire in vagrant encampment brings in large police response near Mulcahy Stadium

Parks-and-Wreck photo tour: LaFrance celebrates Davis Park cleanup, as vagrants relocate downtown

Anchorage workers removed 744,000 pounds of vagrant encampment debris from Davis Park — the weight of a fully loaded Boeing 747-400

Anchorage communists don’t golf? PSL demands city convert golf course to vagrant tents and ban Airbnbs

Video: As Anchorage begins to abate vagrant encampments, the squatters set protest fires

Anchorage Assembly’s Tuesday agenda has millions to deal with vagrancy and homelessness

Trump executive order targets vagrancy, lawlessness, and urban decay in America

Man arrested for sexual assault within yards of Anchorage City Hall — in broad daylight

Anchorage proposed ordinance would force landlords to pay tenants to move out

Anchorage lawmakers are advancing an ordinance that could significantly raise the costs of being a landlord in the city. The measure would require rental property owners to provide tenants financial relocation assistance equal to twice the tenant’s monthly rent, plus any deposits and prepaid rent, if a building is deemed unsafe and tenants are ordered to vacate.

Under the amendment to Anchorage Municipal Code 15.05.060, landlords would have just seven days after a notice to vacate to make these payments. If they fail to do so, the city could use a new Relocation Assistance Fund to cover the cost and then pursue repayment from the owner. Daily penalties would accrue for landlords who do not reimburse the municipality within 60 days.

The ordinance also amends Title 8 to make noncompliance with notices to vacate or enforcement orders a misdemeanor offense. Property owners who fall behind on repairs, or cannot afford relocation payments, could find themselves facing both steep financial penalties and criminal charges.

The proposal is similar to what is on the books in several Southern California cities, such as Los Angeles, Santa Monica, and Long Beach.

The ordinance is presented as a response to Anchorage’s aging multifamily housing stock and a punishment for property owners who defer repairs on their properties. The measure adds another layer of cost and legal exposure for landlords who are already struggling with high maintenance bills, property taxes, and limited rental income.

By forcing landlords to foot the bill when tenants are displaced, the city is effectively raising the cost of owning and maintaining rental housing. Opponents warn that some property owners may simply sell or leave the rental market altogether, further tightening Anchorage’s already limited housing supply.

The Assembly will take up the measure during its Tuesday meeting. If passed, it would mark one of the strongest examples yet of local government using criminal penalties and financial mandates to shape the rental housing market at the expense of property owners.

The item is 10.G.2 on the Assembly agenda for the meeting that begins at 5 pm on the ground floor Assembly Chambers of the Loussac Library in Anchorage.

Proposed ordinance is at this link.

Amendments are at this link.

Meeting will be live-streamed at this link.

Legislative council to revisit Capitol mailroom relocation plan

The Alaska Legislative Council will take up its stalled plan to move the Capitol’s mailroom out of the downtown Juneau building at its Aug. 27 meeting.

The project was approved by the council in December as a security measure, with the goal of having the offsite mailroom in place before the 2026 legislative session. But the relocation has been on hold since lawmakers failed to secure funding in this year’s budget.

In a memo to council members, Legislative Affairs Agency Director Jessica Geary noted that about $30,000 has already been spent preparing the new space, but the Senate Finance Committee cut the operating budget increments needed to fully staff and maintain the facility. The funding was not restored in the final budget.

The project would have added about $324,000 annually, including administrative services and rent. Without those increments, work was halted, leaving the partially prepared site unfinished.

The Legislative Council, which manages internal legislative operations between sessions, is now being asked to decide whether to continue pursuing the relocation or to keep mail operations inside the Capitol.

According to the memo, if the council wants to proceed, one option would be to redirect unspent legislative funds that lapse each year, rather than seek new appropriations. If the council decides the relocation is no longer a security priority, mail services will remain in the Capitol, while offsite spaces already secured will be used solely for storage.

A confidential December 2024 memo outlining the original security rationale for moving the mailroom will be reviewed during the council’s executive session on Wednesday.

On this day in history: Territory of Alaska created

On Aug. 24, 1912, President William Howard Taft gave Alaska a political birthday gift — signing the Organic Act that created the Territory of Alaska out of a loosely governed district on the birthday of its author, Delegate James Wickersham.

The act’s passage was an important milestone in Alaska’s path toward statehood, which would not come until 1959.

Taft was the 27th president (1909–1913) and the only president to then serve as chief justice of the US Supreme Court, a role he considered to be his highest honor. He served from 1921-1930. During his presidency he also supported the passage of the 16th Amendment, which was ratified in 1913, establishing the federal income tax and fundamentally changing how the government funded itself.

Murray Walsh: Why Alaska voters deserve better than ranked-choice voting

By MURRAY WALSH

We are gathering signatures on a petition to repeal Ranked Choice Voting (RCV.) This is not the first time we have tried this.  We completed a petition in time to vote on the question in the fall of 2024 and it failed by a handful of votes. 

I wrote a My Turn on the subject last time that was focused on why Republicans are victims of RCV and that Democrats – who favored creation of RCV – are the beneficiaries of the system. This time, I want to focus on why the ordinary voter, whether an active party member or not, should hold RCV in low regard.

RCV is just not natural or comfortable for voters with experience in the conventional, tried-and-true system. You went to the polling station, voted for the person you liked the best (or disliked the least) and went home to learn the result of the election that evening. With RCV, you are encouraged to rank the top four candidates from who you like the most to the who you like the least. Then you wait for two or three weeks while the Division of Elections (currently staffed by entirely competent people stuck with a lousy process to count) run their computers over and over again to finally determine a winner.

RCV is based on gullibility and trickery. It is not natural to be asked to vote for someone you do not like and that you would not vote for at all in a normal election process. Republicans figured it out in time to mount a “Rank-the-Red” campaign for 2022 encouraging their members to only vote for Sarah Palin or Nick Begich and not to vote for any others but it did not work. The key is who you vote for first. Palin and Begich split those top line votes and the Democrat won. 

The result in 2024 would have been the same but the second-place Republican, Lt. Gov. Nancy Dalstrom heroically withdrew. It should also be noted that in 2024, the RCV system enabled a Democrat candidate who was a convicted felon in a New York prison, to appear on the final four general election ballot. That could not have happened under the old system.

The final criticism of RCV is that the public, including political parties cannot participate in a recount. Before RCV, a recount included the re-processing of ballots by machine (not a computer, just a ballot-reading machine that is not connected to any network) and if that was unsatisfying, it could be done by hand. Either way, the public could be physically present to observe the process. With RCV, we must trust the Division of Elections’ RCV computer algorithms and operators and there is no third party to audit the polling.

You may be inclined to say “C’mon man, we voted in 2024 to keep it, what is different now?” Well, 320,985 Alaskans voted in that election and the repeal failed by just 737 votes. A lot of people were confused. The Vote No on the repeal campaign spent $13 million dollars of mostly dark, outside money. The Vote Yes campaign never got off the ground.  They were outspent 100-1 and lawyered into oblivion by the Vote No campaign. This time, we have highly skilled leaders, more resources and very motivated campaign workers.  

We can do this but we still need signatures.  You can help by going to https://www.repealnowak.com/ website to contribute money. We are gathering signatures in public places so keep an eye out for our people carrying petition booklets.  If you would like to know when and where we’ll be, send an email [email protected] and we’ll figure out how best to connect with you. Thanks for getting involved.

Walsh is a retired land use consultant living in Juneau.

Chelsea Inn Motel seized by federal government after FBI-led raid

The Chelsea Inn Motel’s windows are boarded up and the building is under federal control following a dramatic dawn raid Friday morning that involved FBI SWAT officers, Anchorage Police, and the US Marshal. The operation, which targeted a suspected narcotics distribution hub, led to the federal seizure of the property amid an ongoing criminal investigation.

At approximately 6 am on Aug. 22, law enforcement teams executed a high-risk search warrant at the notorious motel, located at 3836 Spenard Road. Flashbangs were used to breach the building, and officers conducted room-by-room searches while detaining occupants in a nearby parking lot. Arrests were made at the scene, although the FBI had not yet released names or details about those taken into custody.

Federal authorities formally posted legal documents on the building’s exterior announcing the seizure of the property. A prominent sign from the US Marshals Service now hangs in one of the lower boarded-up windows, warning: “United States Marshal No Trespassing.”

Also posted on the building is a federal civil lawsuit filed under Case No. 3:25-cv-00177-SLG, titled United States of America v. Chelsea Inn Hotel. The suit seeks court approval for the judicial forfeiture of the hotel, alleging it has been used to facilitate ongoing drug trafficking activity.

Beside it is a copy of the “Notice of Seizure for Judicial Forfeiture” that outlines the federal government’s claim that the hotel was used for the distribution of controlled substances, specifically fentanyl, heroin, and methamphetamine.

The legal action effectively transfers control of the property to the federal government, pending court approval, and prevents public access to the premises, which may pose a significant health hazard due to the accumulated drug residue.

The Chelsea Inn has long been a source of concern for Spenard neighbors and neighboring businesses. The property has been linked to violent incidents, including a fatal stabbing in June and a shooting in 2023.

Signs posted on the Chelsea Inn Motel in Spenard.

Dunn & Bradstreet lists James Su as the president of the Anchorage Chelsea Inn Corp.