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Lt. Governor Dahlstrom reverses decision, puts Treg Taylor back on the ballot

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On Friday, September 4, Lt. Gov. Nancy Dahlstrom announced that the Division of Elections will certify Treg Taylor’s nomination for governor and Jose Tagle’s nomination for state representative for District 22.

On August 31, the lieutenant governor announced that she would not certify those nominations after the Alaska Public Offices Commission recommended against certification under 2 AAC 50.850(h). The Department of Law has since provided this office with an initial, independent review of candidates’ public official financial disclosure statements. That informal review identified numerous potential discrepancies between filed statements and public records. The department stated that the review is preliminary and is not a determination that any specific candidate violated AS 39.50.

On the basis of that additional information, the lieutenant governor will certify the two candidates.

“The Department of Law’s informal review has raised questions about the recommendations made on August 31,” said Lt. Gov. Nancy Dahlstrom. “I will not withhold certification from two candidates on recommendations that, in light of this additional information, I cannot apply with confidence across the field of candidates. Certification decisions have to rest on a process that can be defended as to every candidate.”

The department provided an initial working draft of the same information to the Commission on Thursday evening. The Commission has not acted to reconsider its recommendations despite the need to finalize the ballots. The Division of Elections will now update the certified list of candidates, including the governor and lieutenant governor pairing under AS 15.25.100.

Must Read Alaska is seeking further clarification from APOC and the Department of Law. Full coverage to come.

Press release provided by the Office of the Lt. Governor.

Opinion: Anchorage Assembly’s “LGBTQ Veterans Day” honors sex, not service

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The Anchorage Assembly has declared September 20, 2026, “LGBTQ Veterans Day.” Assemblymember Janice Park moved the resolution. Vice Chair Daniel Volland seconded it. Chair Anna Brawley, Assemblymember Yarrow Silvers, and Mayor Suzanne LaFrance supported it. Read that again. Not Veterans Day, but a special veterans day for one particular group based on sexuality.

Veterans already have a day. November 11. It was built that way on purpose. After two world wars and Korea, Congress took Armistice Day and made it Veterans Day so the country would honor every man and woman who wore the uniform. One day. One standard. One united Service.

This resolution does the opposite. It takes the honor and slices it.

Nobody drafted you for your bedroom. Nobody pinned a medal on your orientation. In a firefight the question is not who you sleep with. The question is whether you hold the line, carry your weight, and bring your people home. That is the whole job. The military is not a parade for your private life.

And no, Christians are not out here asking City Hall for Straight Veterans Day so we can advertise our sex lives. You see a Christian marriage in public because children show up. The Anchorage government is putting sexual identity on the official calendar and calling it patriotism.

If a gay Alaskan served honorably, he already has Veterans Day. Same flag. Same cemetery. Same thank you. That is equality. A separate city day says the original day was not enough, and that the important part of the veteran is the identity label. That is not honor. That is branding.

Ask the simple questions the Assembly will not:

How does this make Anchorage safer?
How does this house anybody?
How does this fix the schools?
How does this help the veteran sleeping in his truck?
How does this make a rifle squad better?

It does not. It gives politicians a press clip. It trains kids that government sorts people by sex and feelings. It tells every other veteran their service is the generic version.

Alaska is packed with veterans. One in ten statewide. Higher than that in this town if you count the bases and the retirees. Most of them did not ask for this. A small political class is using their uniform as a billboard. You can respect a gay veteran without turning City Hall into a lifestyle committee. You can oppose “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” theater without pretending combat cares about pronouns. You can be decent to a neighbor and still say the municipality has no business consecrating sexual preference as a civic holiday.

Honor the service. Leave the sex out of the proclamation. One flag. One day. That is the American version. “LGBTQ Veterans Day” is the leftist version.

If they want to thank veterans, pass the tax exemption paperwork faster, fix the VA wait, and show up on November 11 without a subtitle.

Check out the latest in Must Read Alaska’s “Service to My Country” series, a special series for Alaskan veterans to share their story. Must Read Alaska thanks all Alaskan veterans for their service.

Opinion: ordinance to protect privacy sits for public comment after $12.4 million spent on police surveillance

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At the September 1st regular meeting, the Anchorage Assembly did the thing they always do. They talked about feelings, they talked about trust, and then they cut a check.

They approved up to $598,998.10 for the Real Time Crime Center. Desks. Monitors. A bigger room at Elmore. APD says it is not more cameras. Just a nicer cockpit for the cameras they already have. Last year this same body already green-lit about $11.8 million so that center could pull up to 750 feeds. Traffic cams. Body cams. Business cams people volunteered. Drones. License plate readers on the cruisers through Axon. That is the system. Tuesday was the furniture for the control room.

The privacy ordinance that was supposed to put real rules in code sat there for public comment. Case numbers before you pull a live feed. Wipe the data in two weeks unless it is evidence. Assembly has to approve new surveillance gear. No handing footage to out-of-state or federal partners without a warrant.

McCormick, Volland, and Scout put that on the table because current city code cannot answer the basic questions. What are you collecting? Who sees it? How long do you keep it?

Chief Case’s answer was the same one every agency gives when the hardware is already in the building. Code cannot keep up. Policies are enough. Trust us. We are only compressing the time it takes to do what we already do. One speaker called it a lobster in a pot. The water warms slow so nobody jumps.

That is the whole meeting. Feelings up front. Trust me bro in the middle. Money at the end. Franklin already settled this. People who give up essential liberty to buy a little temporary safety deserve neither. Anchorage is not special.

Alaska’s constitution is stricter on privacy than most of the country and it still was not enough to stop the build first, write the rules later routine. Crime is up. Property crime jumped. So the pitch writes itself. More screens. Faster hits on plates. Safer streets. Same pitch every city uses while the camera count climbs and the retention policy lives in a binder the next chief can rewrite.

They are not Flock. They will say that all day. They use Axon. Facial recognition is already banned. Traffic footage overwrites in a few days unless somebody saves it. All true. Also true that a room built for 750 feeds does not stay a quiet little help desk forever. Software gets better. Sharing gets easier. The next request is never the last request.

Politics does what it wants. The vote last year already happened. Tuesday just paid for better chairs in the room that watches the city if you believe the government security state!

If you think that is public safety, say so. If you think it is a police state with nicer monitors, say that too. Either way stop pretending this was a debate. It was a recap of a decision that was already in motion.

Spy cameras. Real Time Crime Center. Half a million more. Trust us.

What do you think? Liberty or the feed?

Anchorage residents can give public testimony on AO-2026-108 at the regular Assembly meeting on September 15 or online here: Assembly – Public Testimony.

Full ordinance text: https://www.muni.org/Departments/Assembly/SiteAssets/Pages/focus-on-public-safety/AO%202026-108_1_Surveillance_Technology_Final.pdf.

The Spirit of Alaska Declaration: Remembering Who We Are

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When I came to Alaska in the mid-1960s, the words “North to Alaska” still carried a special energy. John Wayne’s 1960 film had helped project an image of Alaska as a place where people went toward something: toward work, adventure, independence, risk, opportunity, and a chance to build a life that might not have been possible somewhere else.1

That picture was romanticized, of course. Real Alaska was colder, harder, more complicated, and far more diverse than Hollywood could capture. But the feeling was real. Alaska drew people who were willing to work, improvise, endure distance, help a neighbor, and take responsibility for what came next. We did not come north expecting someone else to build everything for us. 

“North to Alaska” once meant going toward possibility. The question for us now is: What are Alaskans going toward today? 

That is where the Spirit of Alaska begins. It is not nostalgia for one movie, one generation, one industry, one political party, or one famous Alaskan. It is a civic character — a way of seeing this place and our responsibility to it. 

A spirit bigger than any one person 

Harold Heinze represents one expression of that spirit. He was an engineer, an industry leader, a former president of ARCO Alaska, and in 1991 Alaska’s Commissioner of Natural Resources.2 In public testimony he argued that Alaska should look beyond bitterness and confrontation and seek an “enhanced future” for North Slope development — a future tied to the interests of Alaska’s people.3

Alaskans can disagree with Heinze on particular policies and still recognize the deeper instinct: Alaska should not be merely a place from which wealth is extracted, nor a place that waits helplessly for decisions made elsewhere. We should understand what we have, protect what must be protected, develop what can be responsibly developed, and insist that the result makes Alaska stronger. 

That same spirit can be seen in many different Alaskans: the pipeline worker, the commercial fisherman, the village elder, the miner, the teacher, the homesteader, the bush pilot, the small-business owner, the engineer, the nurse, the young family trying to stay here, and the person who simply refuses to accept that Alaska’s best days must be behind us. 

The Spirit of Alaska belongs to no party, no corporation, no governor, and no institution. It belongs to the people who are willing to carry Alaska forward. 

The promise was written down 

What makes this more than sentiment is that Alaska’s founders placed the same idea into our Constitution. Its Preamble speaks of being “grateful to God” and to those who founded the nation and pioneered this land, and declares a purpose to “secure and transmit to succeeding generations” our heritage of political, civil, and religious liberty.4

Article I, Section 2 then places political authority where it belongs: “All political power is inherent in the people.” Government originates with the people and exists for the good of the people as a whole.

And Article VIII gives Alaska an unusually direct resource promise. The State is to encourage development and maximum use consistent with the public interest, while the Legislature must provide for Alaska’s natural resources to be used, developed, and conserved “for the maximum benefit of its people.”

Liberty. The people. Responsible development. Maximum benefit. An inheritance passed to the next generation. 

Those are not disconnected phrases. Together they form something close to a constitutional definition of the Spirit of Alaska. 

How do we awaken it again? 

We will not restore that spirit by telling Alaskans only what is wrong. Anger can awaken attention, but it cannot by itself build a state. People need something worth moving toward. The answer is to reconnect Alaskans with their own story and then give them meaningful work to do together. 

1. Tell the Alaska story again. Record short, honest stories from every part of the state. Ask elders, workers, Native leaders, fishermen, builders, teachers, veterans, young entrepreneurs, and families one simple question: “What does the Spirit of Alaska mean to you, and what do we owe the generation that comes after us?” Put the people before the politicians. 

2. Recover the builder’s mindset. Celebrate people who solved hard problems instead of merely describing them. TAPS, rural aviation, ports, roads, fisheries, telecommunications, energy systems, schools, and local enterprises all required courage, engineering, compromise, and persistence. The lesson is not that every old decision was right. The lesson is that Alaskans once expected to build. 

3. Put the Constitution back in ordinary hands. The Alaska Constitution should not be treated as a document that belongs only to lawyers, judges, agencies, or legislators. Make its central promises understandable: political power belongs to the people; liberty is an inheritance; resources are a public trust; and government exists for the good of the people as a whole. 

4. Give young Alaskans a reason to stay. A movement about Alaska’s past will fail unless it opens a door to Alaska’s future. Young Alaskans need to see pathways to skilled work, ownership, housing, energy security, resource careers, technology, entrepreneurship, and public service. The Spirit of Alaska must mean that a young person can build a future here — not merely remember what earlier generations built. 

5. Replace permanent division with constructive argument. Alaskans have always argued. We should. But disagreement need not become contempt. The test should be: Does this proposal preserve liberty, respect the public interest, strengthen Alaska’s productive capacity, and leave the next generation better off? That gives people with different politics a common measuring stick. 

6. Create a Spirit of Alaska Declaration. Invite Alaskans from every region and background to sign a short civic declaration — not a party platform — committing to liberty, stewardship, honest government, responsible resource development, local initiative, and the duty to leave Alaska stronger than we found it. 

The Spirt of Alaska Declaration 

We are Alaskans. 

We inherited a place unlike anywhere else on Earth — not merely land and resources, but an obligation. 

Those before us crossed mountains, worked frozen ground, fished dangerous waters, built communities, raised families, defended this country, constructed great projects, and believed that tomorrow in Alaska could be greater than today. 

Our Constitution gave that inheritance a promise: liberty is to be transmitted to succeeding generations; political power belongs to the people; and Alaska’s resources are to be managed for the maximum benefit of Alaska’s people. 

This is the Spirit of Alaska. 

It is independence without isolation. 
It is development with stewardship. 
It is liberty joined to responsibility. 
It is the courage to build, and the humility to leave something worthy behind. 

It belongs to no party. 
It belongs to no corporation. 
It belongs to no governor. 
It belongs to no single generation. 

It belongs to us. 

Once, “North to Alaska” called people toward a frontier. Today our call should be just as clear: North to Alaska — not to retreat into the past, but to recover the courage that built this state and use it to build the next Alaska. 

Let us remember who we are. 
Let us pull together where we can. 
Let us argue honestly where we must. 
And let us leave Alaska freer, stronger, more productive, and more hopeful than we found it. 

A Simple Measure 

Whenever Alaska faces a major decision — about resources, energy, government, education, infrastructure, public money, or the Permanent Fund — perhaps we should ask a question simple enough for every citizen to understand: Will this decision preserve our liberty, honor the public trust, and leave a stronger Alaska to the generation that follows us? 

If we can make that question part of Alaska’s civic life again, the Spirit of Alaska will not need to be manufactured. It will already be there — waiting to be remembered. 

Historical note: The phrase “North to Alaska” is used here as a cultural reference to the 1960 film and to the sense of possibility associated with Alaska during the era. The personal recollection of arriving in Alaska in the mid-1960s is the author’s own. 

  1. American Film Institute Catalog, “North to Alaska” (1960), listing John Wayne in the cast and a November 1960 release. https://catalog.afi.com/Film/53235-NORTH-TO-ALASKA ↩︎
  2. Alaska Department of Natural Resources, historical list of DNR commissioners, identifying Harold Heinze as the 1991 commissioner, a Hickel appointee and petroleum engineer. https://dnr.alaska.gov/commis/dnrcommissioners.htm  ↩︎
  3. Harold Heinze, testimony before the Alaska Legislature Joint Committee on Mergers, July 28, 1999. Heinze identified himself as a former president of ARCO Alaska and former DNR commissioner and argued for an “enhanced future for North Slope oil development.” https://www.akleg.gov/pdf/billfiles/Committee%20Bill%20Files/1999-2000%20-%2021st%20Legislature/SCOMM%20117%20HMER/HMER21%2007-28-1999%20Meeting.pdf  ↩︎
  4. Constitution of the State of Alaska, Preamble; Article I, Section 2; Article VIII, Sections 1-2. Office of the Lieutenant Governor. https://ltgov.alaska.gov/information/alaskas-constitution/ ↩︎

Opinion: Conservative voters face extra hurdles in Alaska—just ask the 11,928 voters who were just cancelled

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By David Eastman, former State Representative and 2026 candidate for House District 27

This article was first published by David Eastman on his campaign site, September 1, 2026.

This past Monday, Alaska certified the results of the August 18th primary election. Former Alaska Attorney General Treg Taylor received 11,928 votes for governor, a winning number to make it into this year’s top-4 run-off for governor. However, Lieutenant Governor Dahlstrom announced that none of the 11,928 votes Taylor received for governor will count this year. So, if you voted for any other candidate your voted counted, but if you were one of the conservatives who voted for Taylor, you are SOL.

This is what the raw exercise of political power looks like— choosing which ballots will count, and which ones won’t, based on which candidate the voter chose. This year, there was a concerted effort to keep Treg’s name off the ballot, even at the expense of disenfranchising nearly 12,000 conservative voters. That is not a small thing. It is also not the first time.

In 2022, I faced a similar concerted effort to disenfranchise the majority of Wasilla voters who voted for me in the general election. Even after the election, my opponent was still demanding that votes for me not be counted and that one of the candidates who received far fewer votes should be elected.

I did not endorse Treg Taylor, but there is nothing American about counting ballots for establishment-backed candidates and throwing ballots in the trashcan when a voter casts a vote that the status quo doesn’t like.

My hat is off to Treg for running, and for being enough of a threat to the political establishment for them to go after him like this in a very public way. Conservative candidates are required to jump over hurdles that no other candidate would be required to in the same situation. In Treg’s case it came down to his efforts to protect the privacy of his more than 300 rental tenants. He provided the amount of income he receives from his rental properties on his financial disclosure. Other candidates have omitted that information entirely and still been permitted to be on the ballot. Not Treg.

He came back with an offer to provide the first name and last initial of every single tenant, and more information if it would not be put online, but that was deemed unacceptable. In a world of AI, where a person’s name and physical address going online can subject them to unwanted attention and worse from former spouses, past boyfriends, and political critics of your landlord, there should be protections in place to keep that from happening. Treg stood in the gap on behalf of his tenants and they used that against him.

None of Treg’s more than 300 tenants chose to run for office. Their privacy should not be restricted because someone else decided to, especially when other, less conservative, candidates have been treated far differently.

Unfortunately, the more conservative you are, the more hurdles are likely to be put in your way when it comes time to run for office. In the 2022 election, I was required to spend nearly the entire campaign in the courtroom and digging through documents from over a decade ago. The fix was supposed to be in. In the middle of the campaign, I was required to dig up and turn over more than 30,000 pages of personal documents to my political opponent. After the two-week trial, my family and I were forced to get a second mortgage on our 3-bedroom home just to pay for the legal costs of serving in public office. For us, this is the cost of my being a conservative figure in the public square today. Others who have come before us have paid far more dearly. My former classmate Charlie Kirk paid with his life.

I would very much like to vote for Treg in November. I happen to think he was the most electable Republican in the field this year (which is likely why he became such a target early on in the campaign). Alaska looks just a little less American when our state officials are involved in disenfranchising tens of thousands of Alaska voters in such a brazen fashion.

Candidates who mouth conservative talking points are a dime a dozen. The Republican Party is full of them. Those who actually fight to keep Alaska from turning blue are far more rare. You can know them by the amount of fire they draw from the political establishment in both parties. It is not hard to draw fire in this state, just maintain a conservative voting record as a legislator. To hold such a record is to draw fire. There are no exceptions to this in Juneau.

Conservatives, voters and candidates alike, should not have to jump over extra hurdles just to get to the finish line and have their votes counted, but that is the political reality we live in today. More power to the few— like Treg, Joe Miller, and Lora Reinbold— who have been willing to pay a public price for the sake of the next generation. For me, that next generation has names and faces, some of whom I kiss and tuck in at night. They are worth it. Keep fighting the good fight.

David Eastman is a 2026 candidate for the Alaska House of Representatives, District 27. He represented the Mat-Su Valley in the Alaska House of Representatives from January 2017 to January 2025. Visit davideastman.org for more information.

Opinion: Take a break from election drama at AK4PF’s personal freedom conference

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By Linda Boyle

Fall is in the air. Termination dust is already here. Elections are getting more and more interesting. So much drama that can really weigh one down!

Why not take a break and join us for our annual personal freedom conference? It will be at the UAA Wendy Williamson Auditorium on October 3, 2026, from 8:30 a.m. to 6 p.m. Doors open at 8:00 a.m., and parking is free on Saturdays.

Once again, Alaskans 4 Personal Freedom (AK4PF) is blessed with incredible speakers who will speak truth to power.

Dr. Fogarty is a hyperbaric oxygen therapy (HBOT) expert. Did you know HBOT is used not only for wound care but also for neurological conditions such as traumatic brain injury, stroke recovery, dementia, long COVID, and cancer? The results are impressive. Not sure Big Pharma would want you to know the benefits of HBOT. And HBOT is available in Alaska.

Dr. Bob Sears will be talking on vaccines—particularly childhood vaccines. He is not an anti-vaxxer, but as a pediatrician with 30 years’ experience he will be sharing the good, the bad, and the ugly. Then you, as a parent or grandparent, can decide the best course of action for your children or grandchildren. The decision on childhood vaccines should be in your hands.

One of our all-time favorites, Dr. Ryan Cole, is returning. He will discuss alternative therapies for cancer—the research and the results. This is an extremely important topic considering the rise in cancer since the COVID years. Why is there suddenly a huge rise in various cancers, especially among the younger generations?

Have you ever wondered how your children in school are no longer learning math and reading but seem to be drenched in social justice and critical race theory? What if I told you it’s only going to get worse? The two largest national teacher unions (NEA and AFT) are working with artificial intelligence to create the framework to embed DEI in school curricula throughout the country. Come hear what Mr. Paul Runko with Defending Education has to say about this national movement so you can protect your children from indoctrination.

Go to our web page to register: https://ak4pf.org/its-here-its-time-to-register-for-our-october-3-annual-event/

This is an all-day event at the UAA Wendy Williamson Auditorium on October 3, 2026, from 8:30 a.m. to 6 p.m.

Read Must Read Alaska’s coverage of last year’s personal freedom conference:

Knik Lake appeal raises questions about Mat-Su Borough accountability

A group of longtime Knik Lake residents is appealing the Mat-Su Borough Planning Commission’s approval of Resolution 26-10 involving the expansion of Knik Landing, associated with Doug Massie and Broken Boat LLC. At the heart of the appeal is a broader question of government accountability: Will the Mat-Su Borough consistently apply the plans, setbacks, and protections it has established, and clearly explain how those standards are applied when residents raise concerns?

Residents want to make one thing clear: this is not a fight against the historic Knik Bar or against development. The existing bar has long been part of the community, and residents say they have had no complaints about its traditional operation. Their concern is whether the Borough consistently and transparently applied its own standards when approving the much larger new venue and considering its potential effects on a residential lake community.

Protections Already Exist

The Knik Lake Management Plan has been in place since 1995 and remains published by the Mat-Su Borough. It addresses residential quality of life, recreation, water quality, access, fish and wildlife, and public health and safety. Residents also note that Knik Bar has publicly referenced the plan on its Facebook page.

Residents are not asking the Borough to create protections from scratch. They want existing noise and quiet-hour protections recognized and meaningfully enforced as Knik Landing expands.

Their concerns include noise, parking, traffic and highway safety, wastewater and septic capacity, shoreline setbacks, emergency access, and the overall intensity of the expanded operation.

Shoreline Setback Questions

Residents are also seeking clarification about how the Mat-Su Borough’s waterbody setback rules apply to the proposed expansion and what this decision could mean for commercial development around lakes throughout the Mat-Su Borough.

The Mat-Su Borough’s waterbody setback requirements generally regulate structures and development near designated waterbodies, including required setbacks from the ordinary high-water mark. Residents understand the rule to require a 75-foot setback from the ordinary high-water mark for structures, subject to the specific provisions, exceptions, variances, and definitions contained in Borough code and applicable land-use regulations.

Accordingly, approval of one project should not be interpreted to mean that future commercial development may automatically place structures within 5 or 40 feet of a waterbody without complying with Mat-Su Borough setback requirements. Any proposed structure or commercial use near the shoreline must be evaluated under current Borough code, including applicable exceptions, variances, and other requirements involving wetlands, floodplains, septic systems, access, parking, lighting, or public safety.

Residents are asking the Borough to identify the precise setback rule applied to Knik Landing, explain how the ordinary high-water mark was determined, disclose any approved exceptions or variances, and clarify what the decision could mean for future commercial development around Mat-Su lakes in general. They also want the Borough to explain how the project complies with the Knik Lake Management Plan and applicable waterbody setback provisions.

Impacts Before the Doors Even Open

The new venue has not yet opened to the public, but residents say its impact is already visible. Nighttime photographs taken from across Knik Lake show extensive exterior lighting reflecting across the water. Residents who have long enjoyed dark skies, stars, and the northern lights worry that increased artificial lighting is changing an important part of rural lake life before the venue has even opened.

Because light and sound travel across open water, residents say impacts from a shoreline venue can extend well beyond the immediately adjoining properties.

Public access has also become a concern. In an August 20 public comment on the Knik Landing Facebook page, a longtime visitor described being heartbroken over the apparent loss of lake access she remembered from years of kayaking there and watching children play along the bank.

Questions for the Borough

Residents say important questions remained unresolved when the project was approved, including the combined occupancy and intensity of the operation, parking, emergency access, wastewater capacity, and shoreline setbacks. They are asking the Borough to clearly explain the standards it relied upon and how the project satisfied them.

They also point to a documented connection they believe deserves transparency. Borough records show Misty Massie served on the Mat-Su Borough Waterbody Setback Advisory Board in 2023 in the Home Builder, Lending and Real Estate representative seat. The same Borough record identifies Planning & Land Use Director Alex Strawn as support staff to that board.

Service on an advisory board does not establish wrongdoing or a conflict of interest. But because shoreline and setback issues are now part of the Knik Landing dispute, residents believe the connection is relevant background and should be transparent.

Why Residents Appealed

Residents participated in the Borough process, testified, and documented their concerns. After the Planning Commission approved the expansion, they exercised their right to appeal.

Some community members say they are uncomfortable speaking publicly and prefer to remain anonymous. They point to Doug Massie’s former senior law-enforcement role and his current candidacy for Alaska State House District 30 as reasons some perceive a power imbalance. This is not an allegation that Massie has threatened or retaliated against anyone; it explains why some residents say they are reluctant to publicly attach their names to their concerns.

The larger question is simple: How meaningful is public participation if residents can document concerns, appear at hearings, and point to longstanding Borough protections, yet still cannot clearly understand how those protections were applied in the final decision?

Mat-Su is growing, and development will increasingly meet established residential neighborhoods and lakes. Development and private property rights matter, but so do consistent rules, transparent decision-making, and the rights of neighboring property owners. The standards the Borough applies in this case may have significance well beyond Knik Lake as similar development questions arise around other Mat-Su lakes.

Knik Lake residents are asking the Borough for reasonable safeguards, enforcement of protections already in place, clear and consistent application of its waterbody setback rules, and a fair and transparent review of their appeal.

For the families around Knik Lake, this is not an abstract planning dispute. It is their neighborhood, their homes, and their lake.

Press release provided by Knik Lake residents.

Legislative Ethics Committee requests applications to replace 2 expiring public member seats

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The Select Committee on Legislative Ethics has two public member appointments expiring in 2026 and is soliciting applications from anyone interested in serving on the committee. Public members are selected by the Chief Justice of the Alaska Supreme Court and ratified by two thirds of the full membership of the legislature. Public members serve a three-year term.

The Legislative Ethics Committee was instituted by the Legislative Ethics Act, which seeks to hold legislators accountable to “high moral and ethical standards” in order to “assure the trust, respect, and confidence of the people of this state.” The Legislative Ethics Act was first made law in 1984 and underwent a major rewrite in 1992 that restructured the Ethics Committee from having three public members and six legislators to having five public members and four legislators.

Currently seated on the Legislative Ethic Committee: Public members Conner Thomas, Joyce Anderson, Skip Cook, Deb Fancher, Carl White; Senate President Gary Stevens (R-Kodiak) and Senator Rob Yundt (R-Wasilla); and Representatives Kevin McCabe (R-Big Lake) and Alyse Galvin (NA-Anchorage).

Joyce Anderson and Skip Cook may either be replaced or reconfirmed for another term. All four legislators will either be replaced or reconfirmed at the beginning of the 2027 legislative session.

The Legislative Ethics Committee is involved in a dispute that went to the Alaska Supreme Court, and which may reach the U.S. Supreme Court. Former Senator Lora Reinbold sued the State and the Legislative Ethics Committee after a complaint was filed alleging she blocked a constituent from her official Facebook page and removed the constituent’s comments. Reinbold argued that her rights to due process were violated in the proceedings conducted by the Legislative Ethics Committee. The Alaska Supreme Court ruled that due process was not violated. Reinbold’s legal team is considering appealing to the U.S. Supreme Court.

Apply to be a public member of the committee by sending a letter of interest along with a resume to:

Chief Justice Susan Carney
Alaska Supreme Court
303 K St.
Anchorage, AK 99501

Include your political party affiliation as noted on your voter registration on file with the Alaska Division of Elections. Applications (letters of interest and resumes) should be submitted before November 30, 2026, to allow time for evaluation and processing.

Inquiries and letters of interest may be sent to [email protected] for processing.

The Chief Justice will forward appointees to the legislature in January for ratification.

If applicants have questions about the committee, please contact the administrator at 907-269-0150 or [email protected].

Some Democrats say they will sit this one out because of JKT-Mamdani connection

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Democratic Alaska gubernatorial candidate Jonathan Kreiss-Tomkins has hired political consultants whose firms also worked on the successful 2025 New York City mayoral campaign of socialist Zohran Mamdani. Some Democrat voters are saying they “will sit this one out” because of JKT’s connection to Mamdani.

According to Alaska campaign-finance records cited from filings with the Alaska Public Offices Commission, JKT’s campaign paid $165,725 to Debra Schommer Media Group and reported another $93,050 in debt to the firm. The campaign also reported $193,524 in payments to C Plus K, LLC, with Fight Agency listed as a subcontractor. The Anchorage Daily News has independently reported that JKT spent nearly $600,000 on ads, some of which were created by Fight Agency.

The Schommer connection is well documented. The California-based media-planning and buying firm was a major vendor for Mamdani. Campaign-finance records show that Mamdani’s campaign paid Debra Schommer Media Group more than $3 million for television advertising, TV production, and digital advertising. New York City Campaign Finance Board disclosures show large itemized payments to the same firm during the 2025 cycle.

Fight Agency was also closely associated with Mamdani’s campaign. The political communications firm was launched after the 2024 election by Julian Mulvey, Rebecca Katz, and Tommy McDonald. The firm became known for producing Mamdani’s unconventional campaign advertising and social-media strategy, including videos built around affordability and interactions with New Yorkers.

Fight strategist Morris Katz was particularly prominent on Mamdani’s campaign and later worked with Graham Platner, a progressive candidate for U.S. Senate in Maine. Reporting on Katz describes his approach as emphasizing emotionally driven, internet-oriented messaging and candidates who challenge established Democratic politics. The Anchorage Daily News also reported that Kreiss-Tomkins paid Slingshot Strategies, a Brooklyn firm that had consulted for Platner—another link in the same consultant network, separate from Fight.

Kreiss-Tomkins’ campaign describes him as a lifelong Alaskan and former state legislator running on affordability, education, and Alaska’s economy. He represented Sitka-area communities in the Alaska House from 2013 to 2023.

The campaign-consulting relationships do not, by themselves, establish a direct connection between JKT and Mamdani or prove JKT is a socialist. However, the available campaign-finance records document that JKT paid for campaigning services from firms and political consultants associated with Mamdani’s campaign, casting doubt on JKT’s claim reported by Northern Journal: “I’m not an ideological zealot— I never have been.”

JKT said that in the final months before the election, his campaign will be focused on reaching moderate Republicans who are “disillusioned with the Dunleavy era and want change.” However, JKT is already facing issues retaining moderate Democrat votes. “They were big Begich fans, but because of JKT’s connection to Mamdani… they literally said they were going to sit this one out,” a trusted source told Must Read Alaska.

The JKT – Mamdani connection is well-documented and now moderate Democrats are expressing wariness toward Kreiss-Tomkins— the only Democrat candidate in the 2026 Governor’s race— saying they would rather not participate in the election than vote for a potentially socialist governor in Alaska.