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Alaska’s Permanent Fund: The Great Debate Part VIII

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The People of Alaska vs. The Legislature

Part VIII: The Constitutional Intent of Alaska’s Resource Wealth

By Michael Tavoliero 

Alaska’s Constitution establishes the State’s natural resources within a public-trust framework. Article VIII directs that resources “belonging to the State” must be “utilized, developed, and conserved for the maximum benefit of its people” and that replenishable resources must be managed on the sustained-yield principle (VIII, §§ 2, 4). Although the Constitution recognizes State ownership, it also imposes a constitutional duty: resource wealth must be administered for the benefit of the people. In this sense, Article VIII defines a trustee-beneficiary relationship in which Alaska’s citizens are the beneficiaries of the State’s resource management. 

Alaska Supreme Court Enforces Trustee-Beneficiary Structure 

The Alaska Supreme Court has enforced this fiduciary structure. In State v. Weiss, 706 P.2d 681 (Alaska 1985), the Court held that when the State holds property in trust for a designated beneficiary class, it is bound by traditional fiduciary duties. The State must preserve the corpus, use trust assets exclusively for trust purposes, and restore the value of trust property if it is diverted or diminished. The Court reaffirmed these principles in Weiss v. State, 939 P.2d 380 (Alaska 1997), concluding that trust assets cannot be reassigned for the benefit of the State or its general budgetary interests when that reassignment harms the trust’s designated beneficiaries. 

The Permanent Fund, created by Alaska Constitution Article IX, Section 15, operates in this same moral and structural context. The amendment dedicates a portion of mineral revenue to an inviolable, income-producing principal, establishing a mechanism to convert one-time resource extraction into a renewable, intergenerational asset. Although the Constitution provides that Permanent Fund income is subject to appropriation unless otherwise directed by law, that income is nevertheless derived from the same resource wealth Article VIII requires to be managed for “the maximum benefit of the people.” While the Legislature has constitutional authority over appropriating earnings, those earnings originate from assets held for the people’s benefit and carry the public-trust expectations surrounding all resource wealth. 

The State’s Decline from Responsible Trustee to Money Grabber 

For more than three decades, the Permanent Fund Dividend (PFD), authorized by AS 43.23.025, served as the State’s method of distributing a portion of realized earnings to the beneficiaries— the people of Alaska. During this period, the Legislature consistently followed the statutory formula and exercised its appropriation powers in a manner aligned with public-trust principles. The State treated earnings as belonging to the people and as something distinct from general governmental revenue. This uniform practice reinforced the understanding that the Permanent Fund exists to share resource wealth with the citizen-beneficiaries, not to subsidize government operations. 

The fundamental break occurred with the enactment of the Percent-of-Market-Value (POMV) draw in 2018–19, which began treating a fixed share of Permanent Fund earnings as unrestricted general revenue to support ongoing state government operations. Under this approach, the State shifted from acting as a trustee to acting as a competing claimant for Permanent Fund income. From a resource-trust perspective, this represented a reordering of priorities: rather than protecting trust income as belonging to the people, the government adapted for its own spending. Although the courts have not yet applied the Weiss fiduciary framework to the Permanent Fund, the similarities are unmistakable. In the Mental Health Trust cases, the Court condemned the State’s use of trust assets for general governmental purposes at the expense of the beneficiaries. The POMV approach creates an analogous tension between beneficiaries’ interests and government self-financing. 

In a resource trust, the State’s discretion ends where the beneficiaries’ property interest begins. The State may manage, invest, and steward trust assets, but it may not treat the beneficiaries’ share of trust income as its own. 

Getting Back on Course 

From 1982 to 2016, the State’s administration of the Permanent Fund generally reflected this principle. The principal of the Fund was never used to support government spending. Government operations and the PFD were funded solely from realized earnings held in the Earnings Reserve Account, preserving the legal distinction between principal and income. During this period, the State also routinely inflation-proofed the Fund, protecting its long-term value; precisely the kind of intergenerational stewardship expected of a trustee managing assets on behalf of present and future beneficiaries. 

The Framers of the Alaska Constitution intended resource wealth to secure the freedom and prosperity of the people, not to subsidize the institutional needs of the State. For more than three decades, Alaska honored that principle with remarkable discipline. Reasserting the people’s beneficiary interest is not radical; it is a return to first principles. If Alaska is to remain a state where citizens, not government, own the resource wealth, then the Permanent Fund must once again be managed, protected, and distributed as the trust the Constitution envisions. 

The fight over the Permanent Fund is not about numbers on a spreadsheet. It is about the meaning of Article VIII, the character of Alaska’s democracy, intergenerational fairness, the proper limits of government power, and whether our children inherit a resource trust or a depleted government account. If we treat the Fund as political revenue, it will disappear into the State budget like every other revenue source before it. If we treat it as a trust, it will last forever. This is a choice Alaskans must face. 

Check out previous articles in The Great Debate: The People of Alaska vs the Legislature: 

Part I: Inflation-Proofing: Where’s the Problem?  

Part II: Follow the Money 

Part III: The 49 Forward Plan Takes the Permanent Fund Backwards   

Part IV: The PFD and the Search for Wisdom

Part V: Ghost Busting: Dispelling Anti-PFD Phantoms

Part VI: The People’s Possession: Alaska’s Ownership of the Permanent Fund Dividend 

Part VII: The People’s Constitutional Covenant and the Quieting of Title

U.S. Economy Adds 119,000 Jobs in September Amid Private Sector Strength and Wage Gains

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The U.S. labor market demonstrated steady progress in September 2025, adding 119,000 nonfarm payroll jobs while the unemployment rate held firm at 4.4%, according to the latest report from the Bureau of Labor Statistics. This modest growth, though below earlier expectations, highlights a resilient private sector contributing nearly all the gains, with 97,000 new positions created there. Wages continued their upward trajectory, rising 3.8% over the year, reversing trends from previous administrations and putting American workers on track for significant income boosts.

Key sectors drove the expansion, with leisure and hospitality leading the way by adding 47,000 jobs, representing a 0.28% monthly growth– the highest percentage increase among major industries. Health care followed closely, gaining 43,000 positions, while construction added 19,000. Food services and drinking places within leisure and hospitality surged by 37,000, underscoring a rebound in consumer-facing services. The White House attributed these increases to President Trump’s pro-growth, America First policies, which have prioritized domestic hiring and economic revitalization. Main drivers behind the job gains include increased consumer spending, rising investments, and a focus on American-born workers, as labor force participation ticked up and long-term unemployment declined sharply.

“The September jobs report more than doubled market expectations— adding 119,000 new jobs to the American economy. In stark contrast to the disastrous Biden economy, almost all of these new jobs were in the private sector and went to American-born workers instead of illegal aliens,” said White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt.

Regionally, Alaska saw 800 jobs added in August 2025 (according to the latest available state data), bringing total nonfarm employment to 339,000. Construction and manufacturing saw the highest 12-month gains in August.

Economists like Steve Moore praised the national figures, noting robust investment and consumer trends. However, challenges persist, with losses in transportation and federal government roles. Overall, the report signals a stabilizing economy, though analysts warn of potential headwinds from inflation and global uncertainties. As 2025 progresses, sustained wage growth could further empower families, aligning with ongoing policy efforts to bolster U.S. competitiveness.

Alaska Promotes Art Celebrating America’s 250th

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July 4, 2026, marks the United States of America’s 250th birthday! Patriotic Alaskans will have numerous opportunities to celebrate our great nation and our state’s uniquely valuable contributions to its prosperity. 

The Alaska State Council on the Arts (ASCA) “America 250 Alaska” program promotes patriotism expressed through artistic talent by granting funds to support non-profits, schools, and government units in honoring the U.S.A. through artwork. 

According to a press release, grant awards will range from $5,000 to $10,000, totaling $50,000. The National Endowment for the Arts and a general fund match from the State of Alaska supports the grant program. 

The press release states: “Projects may focus exclusively on the anniversary or include a special America 250 component within a larger project. This includes, but is not limited to, public art, local exhibits, educational programming, and living history projects.” 

Organizations still have a week to apply for a grant. Funds will not be awarded directly to individuals. 

Read the full press release below: 

Evidence-Based Medical Review Reveals Trans-Activists’ Lies

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By Jim Minnery

Last week, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) released a sweeping, peer-reviewed report that vindicates years of warnings from Alaska Family Council, Christian medical professionals, parental-rights advocates, pro-family groups, and detransitioners like Chloe Cole who was our keynote speaker last week at several events.

For nearly a decade, these voices have been sounding the alarm in legislative hearings, rallies, and expert testimony: puberty blockers, cross-sex hormones, and irreversible surgeries on minors carry profound risks, including sterilization, cognitive impairment, emotional distress, and permanent physical harm.

Alaskan Democrat lawmakers, the ACLU and Planned Parenthood have routinely dismissed those concerns even after the State Medical Board unanimously recommended to the Legislature to stop the procedures. They insisted critics were exaggerating or “fear-mongering.” They pointed to endorsements from powerful medical bodies, the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP), the American Medical Association (AMA), and the World Professional Association for Transgender Health (WPATH), and claimed they were simply “following the science.”

But last week, HHS confirmed decisively that the science never supported these interventions.

In announcing the findings of Treatment for Pediatric Gender Dysphoria: Review of Evidence and Best Practices, HHS Secretary Robert F. Kennedy, Jr. issued perhaps the strongest federal condemnation yet of America’s gender-medicalization industry:

“The American Medical Association and the American Academy of Pediatrics peddled the lie that chemical and surgical sex-rejecting procedures could be good for children. … They betrayed their oath to first do no harm, and their so-called ‘gender-affirming care’ has inflicted lasting physical and psychological damage on vulnerable young people. That is not medicine — it’s malpractice.”

For years, these organizations claimed the evidence was settled. It was not. They argued that “gender-affirming care” reduced suicide risk. HHS now says the data does not support such claims. Legislators insisted puberty blockers were “completely reversible.” The report confirms they are not. Doctors reassured parents that cross-sex hormones were safe. The federal review found long-term dangers, including irreversible infertility.

Most damningly, the report exposes the poor-quality evidence in the studies the AAP, AMA, and WPATH relied on to justify their guidelines—guidelines Alaskan lawmakers have accepted as unquestionable truth.

National Institutes of Health Director Jay Bhattacharya, MD, PhD, underscored the significance of the review:

“This report marks a turning point for American medicine… . The evidence in it meticulously documents the risks the profession has imposed on vulnerable children. At the NIH, we are committed to ensuring that science, not ideology, guides America’s medical research.”

The federal government has acknowledged what detransitioners, whistleblower clinicians, and parent groups have argued for years: America rushed headlong into an unproven medical experiment, and children paid the price.

Assistant Secretary for Health Brian Christine, MD, voiced the human cost directly:

“What are we going to tell the young people who can’t have children because the medical profession stole that from them? Our report is an urgent wake-up call to doctors and parents about the clear dangers of trying to turn girls into boys and vice-versa.”

That is not rhetoric. It is the lived reality of countless teenagers, including well-known detransitioners like Chloe Cole, who was placed on puberty blockers, cross-sex hormones, and underwent a double mastectomy, all before adulthood. She is now suing Kaiser Permanente for medical negligence.

These stories are not rare. They are multiplying.

While nations such as the U.K., Sweden, Norway, Finland and, most recently, New Zealand, reversed course after evidence reviews similar to HHS’s, blue states continue to push this medical malpractice on minors. Here in Alaska, with turncoat Republicans continuing to give power to the Democrats, no legislative action has taken place. However, with the State Medical Board drafting their own regulations after the Legislature sat on their hands, there is still hope these much needed protections will make it across the finish line soon.

For years, Alaska Family Council has warned lawmakers that these drugs sterilize children, that these protocols lack safety data and that minors cannot consent to lifelong medical harm. We continue to oppose school-based secrecy policies that keep parents in the dark when kids seek to “transition”, radical sex-ed curriculums, and the ideological capture of Alaska’s medical institutions. The new HHS report confirms that these warnings were not “fear-mongering.”

Alaskan politicians can no longer say they “didn’t know.”

After a signal from the Trump administration about pending malpractice action, several major medical systems announced they would halt new pediatric gender-transition procedures.

Why? Because the science is no longer in dispute. Liability is rising. Evidence of harm is undeniable. This new HHS report will only accelerate that retreat.

The HHS report does not merely expose flawed studies or misguided guidelines. It exposes a system, a network of activist-dominated medical organizations, politically motivated legislators, and ideologically driven institutions, that placed children at risk to advance an agenda.

Now the truth is out. The question is whether Alaska will finally listen.

Will our leaders reverse course, or will they continue promoting the very practices the federal government now acknowledges are unsupported, unsafe, and unethical?

For the sake of our state’s children, and for every parent who has been ignored, dismissed, or silenced, we pray Alaska chooses the path of truth.

Because the evidence is clear. The damage is real. And the moment for moral clarity has arrived.

Jim Minnery is Alaska Family Council’s founder and president and is a board member of LifeWise Academy Anchorage.

Juneau Assembly Rejects Ranked Choice Voting for Local Elections 

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Editor’s Note: This story was corrected on 11/25/25 to reflect the fact that Juneau residents showed substantial support for RCV when the Repeal RCV initiative was on the ballot in 2024.

At the City and Borough of Juneau’s most recent Regular Assembly Meeting, assembly members rejected only one ordinance under consideration: the implementation of Ranked Choice Voting (RCV) for local elections. 

The ordinance, proposed by Assemblymember Ella Adkison, asked for RCV to be applied to single-member races beginning with the October 6, 2026 municipal election. The ordinance went through several checkpoints over the past seven months before the final Assembly vote on November 17. Citing bad timing due to budget cuts and layoffs, Adkison motioned to table the ordinance indefinitely. 

Although Alaskans have split opinions regarding RCV (evidenced by the rejection of the 2024 Repeal RCV initiative by a slim margin of 743 voters), Juneau residents show keen interest in implementing the voting system. Although the ordinance is dead for now, a new Assembly may put it back on the table. 

The Assembly considered 3 other ordinances and 1 resolution at the November 17 meeting. All of these were passed by the Assembly. Please see the Notice of Adoption below to learn about CBJ Assembly’s most recently passed legislation. 

Chugach Electric Pauses ‘Cents of Community’ Amid Legal Scrutiny

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The Chugach Electric Association Board of Directors voted Tuesday to suspend for three months its anticipated “Cents of Community” program, a member-driven initiative aimed at bolstering local nonprofits through voluntary bill round-ups.

The agenda item revisited the program first greenlit by a majority of voting members in a 2023 bylaw amendment. Under the plan, Chugach’s roughly 90,000 members would automatically round up monthly electric bills by an average of 50 cents—totaling about $6 annually per participant—with funds distributed to 501(c)(3) charities via the newly formed Chugach Electric Association Charitable Foundation. Similar opt-out programs have thrived for over 15 years at Matanuska Electric Association and Golden Valley Electric Association without issue.

Discussion centered on a abrupt shift by the Alaska Attorney General’s Office, which in September 2025 flagged potential constitutional violations, including First Amendment “compelled speech” concerns due to the automatic enrollment of captive utility customers. Previously neutral, the AG argued the opt-out model could force unwilling contributions, prompting an indefinite delay. Board materials emphasized Chugach’s belief that the concerns are “unfounded,” but highlighted unacceptable financial risks and the need for compliance. The Chugach Board of Directors underscored the program’s alignment with the cooperative’s “Concern for Community” principle, while directors weighed alternatives.

The decision follows months of backlash, including opt-out complaints and regulatory filings, but reaffirms the utility’s commitment to grassroots philanthropy. As legal consultations proceed, members can monitor updates via Chugach’s website.

The Boondoggle Behind Affordable Housing 

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By Larry Talley 

Juneau, Alaska could lose seven irreplaceable historic structures on Telephone Hill. Their imminent destruction is not from fire or other natural hazards, but from citizen tax dollars at work. The City and Borough of Juneau have decided to spend $5.5 million to demolish this historic neighborhood, in the forlorn hope that it can be developed as high-density housing. 
 
Among the structures slated for demolition is the Webster House, built in 1882, one of the oldest continuously occupied homes in Alaska. 

The Boondoggle Begins 

In 1984, the State purchased the site, in some cases from unwilling sellers via eminent domain, with intentions to build a new Alaska capitol complex. Thus starts the boondoggle. The new capital failed to materialize and in March 2023 the site was conveyed to the City and Borough of Juneau. The city began a multi-year public process to redevelop Telephone Hill into a “major urban housing development.”  
 
Emotions at public meetings were higher than ever before. Perhaps to calm nerves, City Manager Rorie Watt promised: “[The] range of options would certainly include a ‘do nothing’ option and leave the houses as they are today.” However, when the city presented its survey results in December 2023, these were the four concepts presented:  

Concept A:  Demolish the existing structures to build new townhomes 

Concept B: Demolished existing structures to build a mix of new townhomes and apartments 

Concept C: Demolish existing structures to build new mid-rise apartments 

Concept D: Preserve existing structures and add infill homes and apartments 

The survey was inconclusive with Concept C and D tying. “Do nothing” was not a choice. 

CBJ Pushes Ahead Despite Zero Developer Interest 

In late 2024, CBJ issued a request for information to ascertain developer interest in redevelopment of Telephone Hill. One developer responded, but with no plan, design, timeline, or cost. Disappointed with the results, the city decided to demolish existing homes to make a more attractive opportunity for developers even though there was no developer interest and no public purpose declared. 
 
After site prep, CBJ’s idea was to seek a developer to build high-density housing on a difficult site in challenging market conditions. According to the CBJ’s Juneau Telephone Hill Market Analysis, Feasibility Analysis and Development Strategy: “…both the specifics of the site and the general state of development in Juneau make it a very expensive place to develop… There is no scenario that breaks even.” 

Lacking Proforma, Lacking Accountability 

Residents who preferred the preservation of Telephone Hill rallied behind Concept D, the concept to retain existing structures and add infill homes and apartment buildings. 

Standard protocol obliges the municipality to produce a proforma (a financial feasibility study) that discloses the cost per housing unit.  A proforma answers an important question: Is the price tag per housing unit acceptable to the City and the voters?   

The Assembly has not provided a proforma for Concept C.  However, the public record reveals that large, unquantified subsidies will be required for housing units under Concept C. Constituents make clear the unpopularity of starting demolition without answers to the cost question. 

The Market Analysis proposes that 25% (roughly 39 units) of the 155 units in Concept C are destined for short-term rentals— essentially AirBnBs. 116 units would remain for people who live in Juneau. 

According to the Telephone Hill Place Guide, Concept D results in 36 new units plus 16 current units, equaling 54 total. Many locals believe that more than 13 current units is unrealistic, so Concept D may only yield 51 units for people who live in Juneau. 

Renovations required for Concept D could be offset by revenues upon the sale of properties. Not guaranteed of course, but not an unfounded assumption. (Nowhere close to the magical thinking that demolition will suddenly attract builders.) 

According to this math, the housing difference between Concept C & D, for which CBJ will assume financial and development risk of between $5.5 to $9 million, is 116 units minus 51 units, or 65 additional units available for people in Juneau. That’s either $107,843 per unit (at $5.5 million demo / siteprep) or $176,470 / unit (at $9 million demo/siteprep/road). Keep in mind that the Concept C units are a mix of 469-square foot studio, 728-square foot one-bed, and 947-square foot two-bed apartments, while some of Concept D units are more generously sized. 

Either way, a subsidy of $107,843 or $176,470 per unit seems quite large. What a shame that for so much subsidy, no affordable units will be guaranteed. In fact, the Market Analysis states that these units are likely to “rent for a premium over existing housing stock.”  

Additionally, CBJ indicates that more subsidies may be needed in the future. CBJ also recognizes that 155 units may be an overestimate of what is possible. Missing from the boondoggle is any sense of accountability to taxpayers or evidence of a return on investment. 

Unreasonable Risk 

The City Manager told the Assembly at a November 3rd meeting that Concept C is risky and bold. As a citizen, I believe it is unreasonably risky because the Assembly would spend a large amount of public funds to demolish the current housing on Telephone Hill, without first providing a proforma for Concept C as compared to Concept D. The pro forma for Concept C would include a minimum of $5.5m for demolition and site preparation that will be spent before a single housing unit is built. Concept D will not begin with that large a liability.  

CBJ assembly members should direct staff to provide the Assembly with a proforma for Concept C and D. Additionally, CBJ should quantify the re-cycle value of demolished building materials owned by taxpayers.

Larry Talley was born in Ketchikan, attended the University of Alaska Fairbanks, moved to Juneau in 1977 and worked in Juneau for over forty years as a computer programmer. Finding retirement not perfectly satisfying, he occasionally captains a whale watch boat and guides hikes.    

Turmoil Over Crime and Immigration: National Guard Quick Reaction Force Addresses Lawmaker Concerns and Bolsters Nationwide Security

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In the face of surging crime and protests across U.S. cities in 2025, the National Guard Quick Reaction Force (NGQRF) has proven essential for swift intervention, directly responding to worries voiced by Alaska State Rep. Andrew Gray (D-Anchorage) about its implementation in states like his own.

In a November 14 X post, Rep. Gray highlighted concerns over an October 31 memo mandating Alaska to ready a 350-member NGQRF equipped with non-lethal tools such as batons, tasers, and pepper spray for riot control. He questioned its necessity in riot-free Alaska, transparency in training and supplies, deployment triggers, and risks of misuse on U.S. streets. The memo clarifies the NGQRF focuses on civil disturbance operations with graduated response protocols, monthly readiness reports, and deployment only upon federal or gubernatorial requests, ensuring accountability and preventing overreach. While Alaska lacks precedents, the force enables interstate support for national crises, fostering preparedness without local mandates.

Real-world examples from 2025 illustrate its critical role. In Washington, D.C., a declared crime emergency led to a specialized NG unit for public safety, hiring extra personnel and establishing a nationwide quick reaction capability to curb violence.

Portland’s prolonged ICE facility protests turned chaotic, with federalized troops from California and Oregon quelling unrest despite gubernatorial objections and brief judicial blocks, preventing further escalation.

In Memphis, National Guard assisted in thousands of arrests and anti-crime operations since October, though a judge halted deployment, underscoring how delays can prolong dangers to communities.

Chicago’s immigration-related demonstrations garnered the authorization of 300 troops to assist when called upon to maintain order at ICE sites.

In each of these cities, the protests included groups like Antifa, Democratic Socialist of America, or the Party for Socialism and Liberation. These groups have active chapters in Alaska. Although these chapters are not quite as big as in the other cities, they have the same potential to organize and create a situation where a quick reaction force would be necessary for public safety.

President Donald Trump defended the initiative stating they are needed to suppress civil unrest, support immigration enforcement and fight crime. Without such reaction forces, unrest intensifies, endangering lives and property, making the NGQRF vital even for low-risk states.

Diverging Views on Political Violence: Hunter Biden and Brian Harpole

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In the wake of rising political tensions in the United States, two recent interviews highlight starkly contrasting perspectives on political violence and its toll on the nation. Hunter Biden, son of former President Joe Biden, and Brian Harpole, former head of security for assassinated conservative activist Charlie Kirk, offer insights that underscore deepening divisions amid events like Kirk’s assassination on September 10, 2025, at Utah Valley University.

Hunter Biden, a Yale-educated lawyer and businessman, has faced scrutiny over his foreign dealings, including board positions at Ukraine’s Burisma Holdings and ties to Chinese firms, amid allegations of influence peddling. His personal struggles with addiction, detailed in his 2021 memoir, culminated in a 2024 federal gun conviction (later pardoned) and ongoing tax probes. Republicans have long accused him of exploiting family connections, fueling congressional investigations, and a leaked laptop scandal.

In his November 6, 2025, appearance on the “Wide Awake Podcast,” Hunter Biden portrayed political violence as primarily fueled by right-wing extremists, using Kirk’s death to criticize the MAGA movement’s response. He suggested such incidents suspiciously benefit conservatives, exacerbating national polarization by amplifying partisan rhetoric. “I don’t know why Charlie Kirk was shot, but I do know this: It’s only served one group of people, Charlie Kirk’s death — MAGA. They have taken this, they have wrapped themselves in it, they have righteous indignation!” Hunter Biden stated.

Conversely, Brian Harpole, a former Texas police officer with 14 years in law enforcement, founded Integrity Security after retiring in 2008. As Kirk’s security chief, he has endured conspiracy theories post-assassination, including accusations of negligence, cover-ups, or foreign intelligence involvement— all denied amid harassment and emotional strain.

On the November 17, 2025, episode of the “Shawn Ryan Show,” Harpole addressed violence from a non-partisan, human-centered angle, lamenting its erosion of trust and calling for de-escalation through transparency and prayer. He emphasized personal devastation without assigning blame, urging unity to halt the trend that’s fracturing society. Speaking of the alleged shooter, Tyler Robinson, “I don’t want to know something that feeds a narrative of hate and division,” Harpole said.

These interviews reveal a chasm: Hunter Biden’s accusatory stance risks inflaming divisions, viewing violence as a tool for political gain that deepens America’s ideological rift. Harpole’s plea for resolution, rooted in direct experience, promotes healing and accountability, potentially bridging gaps in a country grappling with misinformation and grief. As midterm elections loom, such voices illustrate how political violence not only claims lives but poisons discourse, demanding bipartisan efforts to restore civility.