Saturday, November 15, 2025
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Linda Boyle: Goodbye Red Dye No. 3, as food giants begin to detox processed foods

By LINDA BOYLE

On April 27, I wrote of the intent of  Human and Health Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy, Jr.  to remove harmful synthetic dyes from our food.  

One of those synthetic dyes, Red No. 3, was already slated to be removed from our food by 2027-2028. This dye was removed from cosmetics nearly 35 years ago because of its potential cancer risk. It took a long time to state if it isn’t good for our face, it can’t be good for the food we eat.  

Secretary Kennedy said he’d be meeting with manufacturers to discuss the implications and how they can start removing the dyes on their own.  His goal was for major manufacturers to make the voluntary decision to change, versus a government mandate.  

“Today we take a major step to Make America Healthy Again,” Kennedy said. “For too long, our food system has relied on synthetic, petroleum-based dyes that offer no nutritional value and pose unnecessary health risks. We’re removing these dyes and approving safe, natural alternatives — to protect families and support healthier choices.”

Since that announcement, The FDA has approved two dyes and expanded approval of a third, meaning it can now be used in a wider range of food products. 

The approved additives include Galdieria extract blue, which is derived from algae; butterfly pea flower extract from the butterfly pea flower; and calcium phosphate, a natural compound containing calcium and phosphorus.

Galdieria extract blue is approved for us in several products including fruit juices, fruit smoothies, candy, chewing gum, breakfast cereals, popsicles and yogurts.

Butterfly pea flower extract had its use expanded to color ready-to-eat cereals, crackers, snack mixes, hard pretzels, plain potato chips, plain corn chips, tortilla chips and multigrain chips.

Calcium phosphate was approved for use in ready-to-eat chicken products, white candy melts, doughnut sugar and sugar for coated candies.

On June 17, the Kraft-Heinz company announced its plan to eliminate artificial dyes from its food by 2027.  The company stated only about ten percent of its food needs this adjustment—the other 90% are fine.  

It’s hard to say how consumers will react to the new food appearances and the effect on powdered mixes such as Kool-Aid and Jell-O.   

For most products, Kraft-Heinz said it can replace artificial colors with natural ones. Some colors, like greens and blues, are harder to re-create naturally. The company is planning to use other colors in their products instead.  In products where color isn’t critical, Kraft-Heinz will remove them entirely.

“The vast majority of our products use natural or no colors, and we’ve been on a journey to reduce our use of FD&C colors across the remainder of our portfolio,” said Pedro Navio, Executive Vice President and President, North America for Kraft-Heinz.

Navio said the company removed artificial colors from its Kraft Mac & Cheese in 2016 and that its Heinz tomato ketchup has never had artificial dyes.

Shortly after Heinz-Kraft’s announcement, General Mills said it would also work to remove artificial colors from its US retail portfolio by the end of 2027. It also committed to remove synthetic dyes from its U.S. cereals and foods served in K-12 schools by the summer of 2026. 

The Trix and Lucky Charms maker said the change will impact “only a small portion” of its school portfolio and 15% of its US retail portfolio.

This is not the first time General Mills made a push toward natural colors. Consumers preferring the colors made with artificial dyes made the switch difficult. After the Minnesota company reformulated Trix cereal in 2016 with natural colors, sales decreased and consumers complained about the duller, less vibrant hues. Profits being a driving force, General Mills brought back the classic cereal with artificial colors a year later.

Besides the challenges of consumer blowback, companies are also concerned about whether there is a sufficient supply of the natural colors or a suitable replacement if need be — and they aren’t sure what effect these changes may have on product shelf life, price and packaging.

These are two of the largest American food companies with major promises to the American people that will help us become healthy again. 

No one said it would be easy. At first, consumers may resist until they grow to understand that healthy foods are much more important than food optics.

I believe if consumers understand the ramifications of these potentially harmful synthetic dyes, they will accept the changes. 

I am excited to see these changes moving forward so quickly.  On one hand, 2027 is two years away and I wish they would move more quickly.  On the other hand, we knew these synthetic dyes weren’t good for us for a lot longer than that two-year window.

Finally, someone has enough chutzpah to do the right thing. And it’s great to see manufacturers actually looking to correct the wrong.

Responsible food manufacturers can lead in Making American Healthy Again.

Linda Boyle, RN, MSN, DM, was formerly the chief nurse for the 3rd Medical Group, JBER, and was the interim director of the Alaska VA. Most recently, she served as Director for Central Alabama VA Healthcare System. She is the director of the Alaska Covid Alliance/Alaskans 4 Personal Freedom.

David Ignell: Do Democrats care about due process rights of Alaska citizens, or is it all political theater?

By DAVID IGNELL

My last article about the nationwide obsession over the due process rights of illegal aliens concluded by signaling my intent to contact the politicians fueling the fires, asking them to advocate for Thomas Jack, Jr., from the village of Hoonah.

American politicians should put American citizens first, right?

Mr. Jack was egregiously denied his due process rights in 2010 and has spent the last 15 years in Alaska prisons despite substantial evidence he was completely innocent of all charges.  Mr. Jack continues to assert his innocence.  Two years ago his tribe, the Hoonah Indian Association, requested the State to release him on account of their denial of those due process rights. 

I was skeptical the politicians in the national spotlight would do anything on behalf of Mr. Jack, but they had spoken so strongly about their commitment to defending due process rights of everyone.  As an advocate for justice, it was worth a shot.  

As a forensic journalist, it was an opportunity to discern whether their statements were genuine or simply political theatre.

I first sent a detailed email to Sen. Chris Van Hollen (D-MD) and Gov. Gavin Newsom (D-CA) asking them to advocate for Mr. Jack. I copied NBC News and a journalist from the Los Angeles Times who had written about the importance of standing up for everyone’s constitutional rights.  

Only Van Hollen responded, but all he did was direct me to contact other politicians.  He didn’t exhibit those leadership qualities he recently bragged about on Meet the Press.

I next contacted Rep. Maxine Dexter (D=OR), Rep. Yassamin Ansari (D-AZ), and Rep. Robert Garcia (D-CA).  They had traveled together thousands of miles to El Salvador in the hopes of meeting with Mr. Obrego-Garcia. They had made statements in the national media declaring their commitment to fight for the constitutional rights of everyone.  

I sent the three representatives a detailed email, advising them of the Hoonah Indian Association’s resolution calling for Mr. Jack’s immediate release. Two weeks went by with no response. I followed up with phone calls to each of their offices. Another week passed with no response. I made another round of phone calls. 

Crickets. No response from any of these representatives over the span of a month. Yet just a few weeks earlier, Rep. Dexter had claimed “as a critical care physician, I’m trained to act – and will. I’ll use everything I’ve got to defend our constitutional rights. That’s what leadership looks like.” 

In a nutshell, that’s the problem with today’s Democrat Party. It has no genuine leadership. More of the public is recognizing it’s all staged political theatre, directed by the elite’s notions of political correctness, and produced by the mainstream media.

As I was preparing to write this article, I saw Must Read Alaska‘s article that the Alaska House Judiciary Committee is now getting into the act.  

Chairman Andrew Gray, a Democrat from Anchorage has taken the unusual measure of scheduling a meeting in Anchorage on June 20 to consider the due process rights of 400 illegal immigrants detained by ICE in Alaska prisons.

I emailed Rep. Gray and the other members of the committee requesting that the June 20 meeting be postponed so that Mr. Jack’s due process rights can be given first priority. My reasoning was simple.  How can it be ethical for Alaska legislators to put the due process rights of illegal aliens who have been incarcerated in Alaska for less than a month over the due process rights of an Alaska citizen who has been wrongfully incarcerated in our prisons for 15 years?  

My email advised Rep. Gray and the Committee members that many Alaska Natives feel Mr. Jack’s case represents just the tip of the iceberg. The incarceration rate of Alaska Natives is over double their general population rate.  

My email further advised Rep. Gray and the Committee that a 2002 report by the US Commission on Civil Rights recommended that tribal court jurisdiction be immediately implemented at the village level.  

Had the Alaska Legislature acted promptly on this recommendation, Mr. Jack would not have lost the last 15 years of his freedom.

Will Rep. Gray do the right thing and give Mr. Jack’s due process rights top priority? Will he show genuine leadership, or is Friday’s meeting simply political theatre to play to an ideological base which claims it cares about due process rights for everyone but really doesn’t?  

Stay tuned.

David Ignell was born and raised in Juneau where he currently resides.  He formerly practiced law in California state and federal courts and was a volunteer analyst for the California Innocence Project. He is currently a forensic journalist and recently wrote a book on the Alaska Grand Jury.

Rebellion in Salem: Oregon Democrats to try curbing presidential control of National Guard

A group of Oregon Democratic lawmakers has introduced legislation seeking to limit the federal executive branch’s ability to deploy the Oregon National Guard. Their actions will raise many questions about constitutional authority and federalism, especially in the wake of Antifa and anti-ICE riots in Portland recently, as well as in Los Angeles.

The bill aims to prevent federal deployment of the Guard in ways that could hinder its availability for state emergencies, such as wildfires. It also outlines specific duties the Guard could and could not perform, particularly in the context of civil unrest. The effort appears to be a response to President Donald Trump’s decision to federalize the California National Guard during recent protests and violent riots targeting Immigration and Customs Enforcement facilities in Los Angeles.

In Portland, anti-ICE protests have held the ICE facilities in a state of siege since the weekend, and protesters have damaged federal property and injured officers, with little help coming from Portland police, who have taken a hands-off approach and left federal officers to fend for themselves.

The legislation may run afoul of the US Constitution, however. At the center of the debate are the Supremacy Clause (Article VI, Clause 2) and the Militia Clauses (Article I, Section 8, Clauses 15–16), which grant the federal government broad authority over state militias, including the National Guard.

Under the Supremacy Clause, any state law that conflicts with federal law is preempted. That includes attempts to limit the President’s authority to federalize the National Guard in emergencies.

In Perpich v. Department of Defense, the Supreme Court in 1990 upheld the federal government’s right to deploy the National Guard for overseas training missions even over state objections. That case reaffirmed the dual federal-state nature of the Guard, but made clear that when federalized, the Guard is under federal control.

Legislative summaries of the Oregon bill indicate it would:

  • Prevent the Oregon National Guard from being deployed in a manner that reduces its capacity to respond to in-state emergencies.
  • Restrict deployment for crowd control or law enforcement activities related to civil demonstrations, unless authorized by the governor.

The bill sponsors say they want to protect Oregon’s emergency response capabilities and guards against politically motivated federal deployments.

Then there’s the Posse Comitatus Act, which generally prohibits the use of federal military forces for domestic law enforcement without Congressional authorization.

Yet, the National Guard is not bound by that law when under state control, and when under federal control, there are exceptions that apply, such as the Insurrection Act.

In 2020, similar riots in Portland led to the deployment of federal officers, but not National Guard troops. Courts ultimately upheld the federal role in protecting federal property.

In 2024, about 230 members of the Oregon Army National Guard’s 2nd Battalion, 218th Field Artillery Regiment, were sent on a year-long deployment to the Middle East to support Operation Inherent Resolve.

The Oregon Legislature is expected to take up debate on the bill later this summer. If passed, it is likely to face immediate constitutional challenges in court.

Kevin McCabe: Alaska’s constitutional mandate and the Legislature’s capital budget shortfall

By REP. KEVIN MCCABE

Article IX, Section 16 of the Alaska Constitution is clear: At least one-third of our state spending must be reserved for capital projects and loan appropriations.

That’s not a suggestion, it is a constitutional mandate.

Yet the Legislature’s FY25 capital budget allocates just $2.9 billion, or 19% of the $15.7 billion total budget; well short of the one-third requirement. That failure carries real consequences, for roads, schools, and economy. When the Legislature falls short by over $1.6 billion, it is not just a math problem; it is a failure of priorities.

Pressure from expanded social programs continues to squeeze out infrastructure investments. While these have their place, they cannot come at the cost of letting our roads crumble, our ferries rust in port, or our schools fall into disrepair. When every dollar is treated as a zero-sum choice, infrastructure always seems to draw the short straw.

With oil revenue decreasing and unrestricted general fund income falling to $5 billion, the Legislature leaned into what it calls “fiscal restraint”. But real fiscal responsibility means investing wisely in projects that grow our economy, not pulling back so far that we risk stagnation.

Much of the FY25 budget debate centered on increasing the Base Student Allocation. While funding education is important, so is investing in the buildings where that learning takes place. Pouring money into operating costs while letting facilities rot is not a solution, it is a shell game that puts our students and teachers in unsafe or outdated environments. 

After the outright theft of the PFD, the Legislature’s approach favored so-called “maintenance-level budgeting” and avoided Constitutional Budget Reserve Fund draws, which require a three-fourths vote. In doing so, they left over $3 billion in community capital project requests unfunded. That is not balanced budgeting, it is deferred obligation.

There is a popular narrative circulating that paints a misleading picture of the governor’s recent veto of $52 million in state transportation match funding. Critics argue that this decision jeopardizes up to $500 million in federal infrastructure dollars and causes projects to stall, jobs to be lost, and economic momentum to falter. What that argument completely ignores is the reality of how our budget process works.

The governor used vetoes as a fiscal management tool in a system where budget inflation is routine. Some items do come back in supplemental budget requests, but that is not hypocrisy, it’s fiscally responsible governance in a state with wildly fluctuating revenues and real checks and balances.

More importantly, the outcry over the match veto conveniently ignores the fact that the Legislature had the power to fully fund that match upfront but chose instead to spread funding thin across operating programs and politically expedient projects. The match was not vetoed because it lacked merit, it was vetoed because the budget, as passed, overextended the state’s core funding capacity without regard for prioritization.

Now we hear that, without restoration, the Department of Transportation must revise its project schedule. That is not surprising. But it’s also not an indictment of the governor, it is a direct result of a Legislature that refused to follow the constitutional requirement to fund capital needs at one-third of spending. You cannot underfund the capital budget, ignore the constitutional mandate, then feign outrage when hard choices are made to bring things back into balance.

Capital budgeting must come first, not last, in our deliberations. Infrastructure investment is not optional, and it should not be traded away for temporary political gains. We cannot rely solely on oil revenue or federal handouts. Senate Joint Resolution 19 rightly calls for the 90/10 revenue split on federal lands, resources that belong to Alaskans and should be used for Alaskans.

Matching federal funds is smart fiscal policy, but only when we have a stable foundation. Budgeting match money should not come at the expense of constitutional compliance or critical needs elsewhere. We must integrate federal matches into a broader capital strategy, not treat them as afterthoughts or political footballs.

The Legislature should adopt internal safeguards that flag when the capital budget falls below one-third of allowable spending. Compliance with the Constitution should not be optional, or subject to political mood swings. The FY25 capital budget passed by the Legislature falls short of both our infrastructure needs and our constitutional responsibilities. Blaming the governor’s vetoes or trying to score political points with selective outrage misses the target. The real issue is legislative failure to prioritize capital investment in a meaningful, constitutionally compliant way.

This should not be about finger-pointing, or just beating up on the person with the last stage of fiscal restraint; it should be about fixing the broken process that allows these failures to recur year after year. The people of Alaska deserve infrastructure that works, roads that connect, schools that endure, and, most importantly, a legislature that obeys its own Constitution. Anything less is not just mismanagement; it is malpractice. Let us do better. Let us lead with principle, not politics. Let’s fund the Alaska our Constitution envisioned.

Kevin McCabe represents Big Lake in the Alaska Legislature.

Congressman Nick Begich’s first two bills clear Senate

Alaska Congressman Nick Begich has secured his first two legislative victories in Congress, as the US Senate passed both of his introduced bills, sending them to President Donald Trump’s desk for signature.

House Resolution 42, the Alaska Native Settlement Trust Eligibility Act of 2025, and House Resolution 43, the Alaska Native Village Municipal Lands Restoration Act of 2025, passed the House in early February with broad bipartisan support under a suspension of the rules. The Senate gave its approval to the measures on Wednesday, marking a milestone in Begich’s freshman term in the U.S. House.

Begich has been in office for just five months and 15 days and has many other pieces of legislation in the queue.

HR 42 amends federal law to ensure that certain payments made to Alaska Natives — specifically elderly, visually impaired, or disabled individuals — through Alaska Native Corporation settlement trusts are not counted against their eligibility for needs-based federal assistance programs.

The bill addresses a longstanding disparity that treated these trust distributions differently from other forms of Alaska Native Corporation shareholder benefits. By aligning settlement trust payments with existing exclusions in federal benefit determinations, the bill ensures that vulnerable Alaska Natives can receive both their rightful distributions and critical safety-net benefits.

HR 43 makes key amendments to the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act, specifically focusing on land conveyed by village corporations to the State of Alaska under a trust arrangement for future municipal governments.

Under the new provisions:

  • Village corporations will no longer be required to convey land to the state for future municipal governments.
  • Villages that previously conveyed land in trust may regain title by dissolving the trust through formal resolutions from both the village corporation and residents.
  • The bill retroactively ensures that no further land conveyances are required from the date of enactment forward.

The legislation gives Alaska Native communities greater control over their lands and clarifies ambiguities that have persisted since the passage of ANCSA in 1971.

With both bills now approved by the Senate, Begich becomes one of the first members of the 119th Congress to see original legislation advance to the president’s desk. The twin bills, which address issues important to Alaska Natives and their corporations, reflect the congressman’s early focus on tribal and rural matters.

These were two early bills that Begich identified as having strong potential for bipartisan support. They were also measures previously introduced by the late Congressman Don Young, who was unable to move them forward before his passing.

So far, only one other freshman member of Congress has successfully advanced a bill this year.

With these two measures, Begich’s legislation accounts for the 19th and 20th House bills to have passed both chambers and head to the president’s desk—meaning that 10% of all passed legislation in this Congress has come from Alaska’s congressman.

Passings: Former Rep. Clark Gruening, grandson of Gov. Ernest Gruening

Former Alaska State Rep. Clark Gruening, whose political and civic legacy traced back to the roots of Alaska’s territorial era and statehood movement, died June 17, 2025, at the Juneau Pioneers Home. He was 82.

Gruening was born March 28, 1943, into a family deeply intertwined with Alaska’s political heritage. He was the grandson of Ernest Gruening, the former Territorial Governor and US Senator who was one of the most prominent advocates for Alaska statehood. His father, Huntington Sanders “Hunt” Gruening, was a commercial airline pilot and aviation executive who also served on the inaugural City and Borough of Juneau Assembly.

Raised in Juneau, Clark Gruening graduated from Juneau-Douglas High School in 1961. He earned a bachelor’s degree in political science from the University of Oregon in 1965 and a law degree from George Washington University in 1969 before returning to Alaska to practice law.

He entered public service in the 1970s and was elected to the Alaska House of Representatives in 1974, serving two terms. During his time in the Legislature, Gruening played a key role in negotiations and legislation that laid the groundwork for the establishment of the Alaska Permanent Fund, a defining feature of the state’s fiscal structure. He had a unique ability to work across the aisle with Republicans.

In 1980, Gruening made national headlines when he defeated incumbent US Sen. Mike Gravel in the Democratic primary — a reversal of history, as Gravel had unseated Gruening’s grandfather in the same race 12 years earlier. Gruening went on to lose the general election to Republican Frank Murkowski.

Although he never returned to elected office, Gruening remained active in Alaska’s legal, civic, and philanthropic life. He contributed his time and leadership to numerous organizations, including the Juneau Community Foundation, the Foraker Group, Southeast Alaska Independent Living, and Outdoor Recreation Community Access.

In recognition of his decades of service to the state and its people, the University of Alaska Southeast awarded Gruening an Honorary Doctorate of Laws in 2020.

He is survived by his wife, Rosemary; sons Nathan (Selena) and Matthew; brothers Win (Anne) and Brad (Bonnie), all of Juneau; brother Peter Gruening; and sisters Kimberley (Steve) and Tiffany, all of Washington State.

Gov. Mike Dunleavy posted a statement: “Rose and I are saddened by the passing of Clark Gruening. He came from a long legacy of public service and devoted much of his life to Alaska’s future. We extend our deepest sympathies to his family and all who knew him.”

Funeral arrangements will be announced by the family at a later date. Governor Dunleavy will order flags to be flown at half-staff in honor of Clark Gruening on a date to be determined in accordance with the family’s wishes.

Kenai on the move: GOP grassroots move to censure Sen. Bjorkman over Democrat-led caucus enabling

Kenai Sen. Jesse Bjorkman is facing formal censure proceedings from Republican Party leaders in his district over his decision to join a Democrat-led majority coalition in the State Senate — a move that local GOP leadership says violates party rules.

In a letter dated June 16, the chairs of Alaska Republican Party Districts 7 and 8 informed Bjorkman that their respective committees had voted unanimously to advance formal complaints filed by registered Republicans in his district.

The six signers, three from each district, accused Bjorkman of violating Article 7 of the Alaska Republican Party rules, specifically Section 1(e), which prohibits forming or joining a majority caucus in which non-Republicans make up one-third or more of the membership.

“Due to your joining, thereby enabling the Senate Democrat-led majority Caucus, both District Committees of Senate District D have voted unanimously to censure you for failing to adhere to our written rules,” the letter stated.

The document, signed by District 8 Chair Robert Wall and District 7 Chair Jeanne Reveal, notified Bjorkman that the party is initiating a formal disciplinary process and is providing him with at least 15 days’ notice to respond and appear before the committees.

The hearing date is July 3 at 5 pm at Paradiso’s Restaurant in Kenai. A Zoom link will also be provided to the senator, should he choose to attend remotely.

The party leaders emphasized that all required documentation — including the minutes from the district meetings, the signed complaints, and the formal notice — will be served to Bjorkman’s office in person, by registered mail, and via email.

Under party rules, censures can be initiated by district committees when an elected Republican official is alleged to have violated principles or operational guidelines laid out in the party’s bylaws. While a censure carries no legal penalty, it can be a significant political rebuke and may affect future support from the party organization.

Sen. Bjorkman, who was re-elected in 2024 to represent Senate District D, has not yet publicly responded to the allegations or the invitation to defend himself before the district committees. His current term ends on Jan. 16, 2029.

This development underscores ongoing tensions over members of the Republican Party enabling Democrats to effectively control both bodies of the Legislature, particularly in the Senate, where power-sharing arrangements with Democrats have caused friction between moderate lawmakers and a now-marginalized Republican minority.

Other Republican collaborators in the Senate include Kelly Merrick of Eagle River, Gary Stevens of Kodiak, Bert Stedman of Sitka, and Cathy Giessel of Anchorage.

Xunaa Borough election paused by court

The proposed incorporation of the Xunaa Borough, centered in the city of Hoonah in northern Southeast Alaska, is on indefinite hold following a Superior Court order halting the election process while an appeal is underway.

On Monday, the Alaska Division of Elections confirmed it had received official notification to pause all activity related to the Xunaa Borough incorporation election, originally scheduled for July 15.

The notification follows a June 13 order issued by Superior Court Judge Larry Woolford in the case City of Pelican, et al. v. Local Boundary Commission, placing a stay on the decision by the Local Boundary Commission to approve the borough’s formation.

The court’s stay prohibits the LBC and any agencies acting on its behalf from taking additional steps toward forming the new borough while the legal challenge proceeds. However, the order does not restrict the City of Hoonah, a key proponent of the borough, from continuing its own preparations for potential incorporation, in the event they can prevail in their quest to create a new entity.

The appeal, filed in April 2025 by the communities of Pelican, Tenakee Springs, Gustavus, and Elfin Cove, argues that the LBC’s approval process was flawed. The appellants cite alleged procedural errors and say their communities were excluded from regional decision-making that would significantly affect them.

No ballots had been issued before the court’s stay was granted, and the election is now paused indefinitely. The timeline for resolving the appeal remains uncertain, and no new actions have been reported since the judge’s order.

Bear cam is back: Watch live as Alaska’s brown bears feast on salmon live from Katmai

The world-famous bear cam livestream returns to Katmai National Park and Preserve for its 13th season on Tuesday, June 18. At 12 pm Alaska Daylight Time, eight high-definition cameras will go live, offering wildlife enthusiasts around the globe a front-row seat to the drama and beauty of Katmai brown bears in their natural habitat.

The link to the cam: https://explore.org/livecams/brown-bears/brown-bear-salmon-cam-brooks-falls

Each season, dozens of brown bears arrive at Brooks Falls in late June, coinciding with the start of the annual salmon run. The bears can be seen jostling for position on the falls, sometimes standing in the rushing water for hours to catch their slippery meals. A single bear can catch and eat more than 30 salmon in one day.

Established in 2012 by Explore.org, the livestream has become one of the internet’s most beloved wildlife events, drawing millions of viewers each summer. The cameras are strategically placed along the Brooks River and at Brooks Falls, where brown bears congregate to fish for salmon swimming upstream.

While July and September are the most active months on the bear cams, viewers can tune in all season long to observe a range of wildlife, or just listen to the water and hear the seagulls as a backdrop to any activity. In addition to bears, the cameras often capture bald eagles, gulls, and even the occasional wolf passing through.

As summer progresses, bears grow fatter and activity shifts. By September and October, when the salmon begin to spawn and die, the action moves downstream to the lower Brooks River, where bears scavenge for the spawned-out carcasses near the river’s mouth.

Because brown bears are diurnal, the best viewing times are during daylight hours.