Tuesday, July 14, 2026
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Rebuttal to ADN Article: Anchorage’s Ice Arenas deserve Facts, not Politics

By Steve Agni, Head of O’Malley Ice and Sport

When O’Malley Ice and Sports replied as the sole Company willing to manage Anchorage’s ice arenas, we did not expect the contracts to make money. We understood they were aged facilities with structural deficits, deferred maintenance, and complex politics. Our goal was simple: Use our experience to restore the skating community after COVID and bring some normalcy back to Anchorage by returning the “Sully” to its original purpose: a venue for hockey and community events. Everyone agrees we succeeded on both accounts!

It is now painful and undeserved to see our work described in ADN coverage with phrases like “mismanagement,” and a narrative built on partial truths and omissions, not the full record. I was not “unavailable for comment.” I have checked my call logs and cannot find any attempt by the ADN to reach me. More importantly, framing our contract as a “Bronson-era deal” ignores what actually happened the past several years.

Under our contracts, O’Malley did not receive start-up funding or operating subsidy. We took over Ben Boeke and Dempsey Anderson having to carry all operating risks. Even so, they became cash flow positive to the MOA, We increased their utilization, and transferred more than $570,000 to the MOA in maintenance subsidies, capital reserves, revenue shares, and other payments; while also funding repairs and replacements in the buildings. That is not “mismanagement.”

The Sullivan story is more complex than headlines can capture. The article itself acknowledges the MOA did not fully discharge its responsibilities, especially around deferred maintenance and the wastage of utilities inherent in the aged building. From the onset, we brought to the MOA’s attention the problems in the physical plant, operating responsibilities and the contract shortcomings.

We documented, in detail needed repairs, replacements, and equipment purchases never addressed during the commissioning process that were necessary to make the Sullivan operational and code-compliant. In August 2024, we submitted a reimbursement report describing more than $191,000 in completed work and another $112,000 of recommended repairs and replacements at actual hard cost with no markup. We also made clear that all MOA surcharges and fees for Sullivan were offset and more— by $340,000 in documented improvements we had funded.

The same transparency applied to utilities. In spring 2025, we informed the MOA that the Sullivan could not realistically be operated if full utility costs were pushed through the manager onto the users and patrons. We offered a defined annual “allowance” of about $100,000 toward utilities, with the balance recognized as a municipal responsibility for the aging public arena. We asked MOA to document that approach in an amendment, but they refused even though we had no control over utilities, building heat, or ventilation. In the meantime, we continued to reopen the long-closed arena in a post-pandemic environment, hosting youth hockey, community events, while absorbing the shock of a force majeure cancellation of a marquee Lynyrd Skynyrd relaunch concert; where more than $300,000 in ticket costs and fees were fully refunded to the public and vendors, even as the expected revenue vanished. Those acts are not a picture of an operator trying to avoid its obligations. They clearly describe an operator acting responsibly to keep public facilities open under a contract everyone now agrees was flawed.

The new arena contracts with substantial operating subsidies and clearer allocations of responsibility are a clear recognition that the original framework was not workable. We sincerely wish the best for the new operators, and we hope they are allowed to manage these important assets based on facts and performance rather than deliberately applying political labels like the “Bronson era.”

There is an old saying that no good deed goes unpunished. That is how this chapter feels. We stepped in when no one else bid, and reopened a major community venue, funded repairs, and operated without a subsidy, now to be told that our efforts should be understood primarily through political labels, sound bites, and poorly researched news accounts.

Anchorage deserves better. These facilities are not partisan talking points; they are places kids learn to skate, families gather, and community congregates. As the city implements the new contracts, I hope we all agree on one principle: Decisions about the arenas should be based on a factual record of what has been accomplished to date, what has failed, and what it will cost to keep them open; not on slogans about who signed which agreement in which administration.

15 Alaskans Charged with Medicaid Fraud Totaling $1.83 Million as Part of Nationwide $6.5 Billion Health Care Fraud Takedown

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On June 23, 2026, the Alaska Department of Law announced that 15 defendants were charged with committing Medicaid fraud totaling approximately $1.83 million. The Alaska Department of Law’s Medicaid Fraud Control Unit (MFCU) participated in a nationwide health care fraud takedown coordinated through the Vice President’s Fraud Task Force. The operation was conducted between June 8 and June 22, 2026, and revealed health care fraud and opioid abuse schemes involving “$6.5 billion in false claims and significant patient harm, including death.”

The 2026 National Health Care Fraud Takedown resulted in charges against 455 defendants across 45 states, including 90 doctors and other licensed medical professionals.

“We are aggressively scaling our offensive against anyone using health care as a front to steal from the American people,” said Assistant Attorney General Colin M. McDonald of the Justice Department’s National Fraud Enforcement Division. “As today’s cases and arrests show, there is no case too big, no scheme too complex, and no hiding place too remote for our relentless fraud-fighting team. Our message is simple: if you put profit over patients, you should expect to be put in prison.”

“Protecting the integrity of Alaska’s Medicaid program is critical to ensuring that taxpayer-funded resources remain available for Alaskans who genuinely need medical and long-term care services,” said Deputy Attorney General Angie Kemp. “These charges reflect the ongoing commitment of our MFCU team and our partners to investigate and prosecute individuals and organizations that abuse public assistance programs for personal gain.”

Alaska’s participation in the takedown led to the following five cases:

Mirci Dental Billing Case

On June 22, 2026, Joseph J. Mirci, DDS, 47, along with Peninsula Family Dental Center LLC and Joseph J. Mirci DMD LLC, were charged with Scheme to Defraud, Theft in the First Degree, and 19 counts of Medical Assistance Fraud. The charges allege that between January 2021 and September 2025, the defendants submitted approximately $83,985.97 in fraudulent Medicaid claims for dental services that were not provided, were not medically necessary, were unsupported by patient records, failed to meet Medicaid requirements, and/or were billed at a higher level than performed.

Graystone Assisted Living Case

On June 17, 2026, Amie Sanneh, 72, Sainabou Faal, 46, and Graystone Assisted Living Home LLC were charged with Scheme to Defraud, Theft in the First Degree, and four counts of Medical Assistance Fraud. The charges allege that more than $1.1 million in Medicaid claims submitted between 2022 and 2025 lacked sufficient supporting documentation. According to the charging documents, the defendants were unable to produce records for a substantial portion of billed services and many of the records provided were incomplete.

Heritage Assisted Living Case

On June 16, 2026, Molly Joanna Bates, 46, Kyle Sujoy Bates, 48, Peyton Ward Love, 33, Heritage Assisted Living Home LLC, Heritage Home LLC, and Alaska Life Group Homes LLC were charged with Scheme to Defraud, two counts of Theft in the First Degree, and seven counts of Medical Assistance Fraud. The charges allege approximately $618,961.99 in fraudulent Medicaid billing, including claims for services that were not provided or were inadequately staffed, and services lacking sufficient supporting records.

Personal Care Services Fraud Case

On June 9, 2026, Marcus Edward Olsen, 36, of Kenai was charged with Medical Assistance Fraud, Theft in the Second Degree, and Falsifying Business Records. The charges allege Olsen billed Medicaid approximately $4,418.84 for personal care services that were never provided. Investigators allege his timesheets claimed extensive caregiving services that were inconsistent with the recipient’s condition when later admitted to a hospital.

Respite and Personal Care Services Fraud Case

On June 8, 2026, Melia Tofaeono, 47, and Joshua Tofaeono, 36, of Anchorage were charged with Scheme to Defraud, Theft in the Second Degree, Falsifying Business Records, and two counts of Medical Assistance Fraud. The charges allege approximately $13,707.44 in fraudulent Medicaid claims for respite and personal care services that did not occur. According to the charging documents, Joshua Tofaeono claimed services during times he was working elsewhere or when the recipient was at school, while Melia Tofaeono certified that the services had been provided.

These cases were investigated by the Alaska MFCU investigators Jeanette Bartz, Scott Wright, and Randy Mayer with assistance from the FBI and IRS. All five cases are being prosecuted by Assistant Attorney General Heather Dyreng and Assistant Attorney General Leif Haugen.

The charges in this case are only allegations.  All defendants are presumed innocent unless and until proven guilty beyond a reasonable doubt at trial.

About the Alaska Medicaid Fraud Control Unit

The Alaska MFCU is part of the Alaska Department of Law and is located in Anchorage. It is responsible for investigating and prosecuting Medicaid fraud, abuse, neglect, and financial exploitation of patients in any facility that accepts Medicaid funds. The unit is 75% federally funded by the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services under a grant award totaling $1,979,808 for FY 2026. The remaining 25%, totaling $659,934, is funded by the State of Alaska. Citizens with information about suspected medical assistance fraud, patient abuse or neglect are encouraged to use the Alaska MFCU online complaint form or to contact the unit at (907) 269-6279.

Governor Signs Bill Creating License for “Complex Care Residential Homes” to Assist Individuals with Severe Behavioral and Medical Needs

The following is a press release provided by the Alaska Department of Health.

Today, June 25, 2026, Governor Mike Dunleavy signed House Bill 73 into law, advancing Alaska’s complex care work and helping address a longstanding gap in care for Alaskans with severe, complex behavioral health and medical needs.

“Alaska has long recognized a significant gap in care for individuals whose needs cannot be safely met at home or through existing community-based services, but who do not require hospitalization,” said Governor Mike Dunleavy. “House Bill 73 helps address that gap by creating a new level of care that will provide Alaskans and their families with more appropriate options, strengthen our continuum of care, and ensure some of Alaska’s most vulnerable residents can receive the support they need closer to home.”

HB 73 establishes a new license type called, “Complex Care Residential Homes”. This creates the framework for specialized settings that provide individualized care and support through a multi-disciplinary team in a home-like environment. The new level of care is focused on individuals with severe behavioral and medical needs that cannot be safely addressed in existing residential options and for whom long-term placement in institutional settings may not be appropriate.

“Complex Care Residential Homes will provide a new option for people and families who have often struggled to find the support that meets their needs,” said Department of Health Commissioner Heidi Hedberg. “This legislation creates a pathway for Alaskans with complex needs to receive individualized care in safe, supportive, home-like environments that promote stability, dignity, and quality of life.”

“This bill is a result of intense collaboration between the Department of Family and Community Services and the Department of Health,” said Department of Family and Community Services Commissioner Tracy Dompeling. “The Departments have been working together for several years to help serve the most vulnerable Alaskans and through the course of that work recognized the need for these new homes.”

For more information about Alaska’s Complex Care Initiative, visit https://dfcs.alaska.gov/Commissioner/Pages/Complex-Care/Complex-Care.aspx.

Full bill text here:

Dunleavy Passes State Budget Focused on Addressing Energy-Related Costs and School Capital Needs

The following is a press release provided by the Office of the Governor.

On June 24, 2026, Governor Mike Dunleavy signed the State of Alaska Fiscal Year 2027 budget into law, providing needed investments in school infrastructure and additional funding to districts to offset increased energy and related costs.

The unforeseen events in the Persian Gulf led to a temporary increase in oil prices over the past several months, leading to higher-than-expected revenues to the State.

However, the increase in oil prices resulted in dramatically higher costs for energy during the time of year when rural school districts purchase fuel in advance. Elevated energy prices also increased expenses tied to freight, construction materials, and essential maintenance. These pressures compounded existing capital needs, including deferred maintenance projects affecting such as roof repairs and facilities upgrades.

In response, the administration and the Legislature chose to direct a portion of the state’s one-time revenue toward addressing energy-related costs and overdue capital needs in schools across Alaska.

“This was an anomaly, not a trend, and it created both an opportunity and a responsibility,” Governor Dunleavy said. “While the state realized additional revenue, those same price pressures placed a real burden on school districts, particularly in rural Alaska. This budget makes targeted, responsible use of a temporary revenue increase to stabilize school facilities and address energy costs.”

The Governor’s vetoes preserve $57.8 million of state general funds and $31.7 million of designated general funds, federal receipts, and other funds.

The budget also provides $57 million for the Disaster Relief Fund and $60.6 million for the Fire Suppression Fund.

Documents for the FY 2027 budget are available on the Office of Management and Budget website.

Opinion: Reacting to Shelley Hughes’ Take on the PFD Debate

This article was originally published in Seward’s Folly, the author’s personal Substack on June 25, 2026, under the title “Shelley Hughes’ Big Blunder.”

By Greg Sarber

In Alaska’s Governor election, Shelley Hughes was on the short list of candidates I was considering. However, she just made a blunder so enormous that I wonder if her candidacy can survive, and I am now taking a second look at other people in the race.

On most issues, former state Senator Hughes has been spot on. On one subject in particular, that of grand jury rights in Alaska, Hughes took a pitch-perfect position on the issue and made an excellent proactive plan to address the problems brought about by SCO1993. So, it is with great shock that I read her opinion piece yesterday, in which she explained her position on the statutory Permanent Fund Dividend.

Senator Hughes attempted to find the middle road on the challenging statutory PFD issue, but instead made a huge mistake. Although not mentioning any other candidate by name, Hughes said that she thought the candidate promising one last large PFD payout and ending dividends forever would not pass constitutional muster. It is clear that Hughes referred to former governor Bill Walker’s plan and disagrees with it, but she can afford to be critical of Walker, as his candidacy is not likely to go anywhere. Based on his performance the last time he ran for governor, where he only got 2% of the vote in the general election, it is unlikely that Walker will make it past this year’s primary, not even with his obvious attempted bribe of the voters.

On the other side of the issue, Hughes said that candidates calling for a full PFD are engaging in political theater and are not serious about paying a full PFD. Hughes again did not mention any names, but the only candidates pledging to pay a full PFD are Edna DeVries and Bernadette Wilson, so it was those candidates she was referring to, and Hughes is right to be worried. Both women are strong conservative candidates who are resonating with voters and are a threat to her in the primary.

Hughes argued that paying a full PFD is impossible, and those supporting the idea need to present their plan showing where the money comes from and what services will be cut. Claiming that if they cannot do so, their comments are just empty campaign rhetoric. Hughes also argued that because the legislature has not funded a full PFD for the past 10 years, it is not feasible to do so in the future. She says it is pointless to threaten a veto of the legislature’s budget without a full PFD, as they would just override the governor’s veto.

Wow. That is all I can say. Wow.

She must not realize that former Governor Jay Hammond warned us this day was coming. He said that greedy legislators would not be able to keep their hands off the Permanent Fund, and the only way to protect it was to pay a dividend to the voters to ensure they have ownership of it. On this issue, Hughes is tone deaf and sounds like she is channeling the former legislator that she once was.

If candidate Hughes wants an example of leadership on difficult legislation, she should look at the actions of our current president. The SAVE America Act is important to President Trump. He believes it safeguards the integrity of our election system. The US Senate is unwilling to pass this legislation, but it wants to advance other legislation instead. President Trump is playing hardball. He said yesterday he will not sign either the Senate’s FISA extension bill or housing bill until they pass the SAVE Act.

President Trump is attempting to get recalcitrant legislators to act on his legislation. He may not succeed, but at least he is taking on the tough fight for legislation he believes in.

Hughes, by contrast, sounds like someone looking for a reason to fail. She claims that since the legislature will override her veto anyway, why bother trying to get a full PFD? That is the wrong attitude to take. The willingness of candidate Hughes to give up the battle before the fight even starts is astounding and disqualifies her for the job of governor.

If I were Edna DeVries or Bernadette Wilson, I would take advantage of Hughes’s mistake today. I would write an Op-Ed and send it to every political website and newspaper in Alaska, explaining not only why a full PFD is possible, but also why Shelley Hughes is wrong on the issue.

Hughes just made the biggest political blunder of her career, and her opponents are sure to capitalize on it. Voters will pay attention to Hughes’ faux pas; she had better rethink her position on this issue soon, or it may cost her the election.

Greg Sarber is a lifelong Alaskan. He is a petroleum engineer who spent his career working on Alaska’s North Slope. Now retired, he lives with his family in Homer, Alaska. Greg is a former board member of Alaska Gold Communications, Inc., the publisher of Must Read Alaska.

Opinion: Tired of the Familiar Rhetoric, Familiar Empty Answers of the PFD Debate

By Shelley Hughes, former State Senator and 2026 Candidate for Governor

I have heard the same promises about the Permanent Fund Dividend for years. Every election cycle brings bold declarations, sweeping guarantees, and applause lines about “full PFDs” or “a final payment.” We are hearing it again this cycle, more of the same rhetoric, but emptier than ever. 

One candidate promises to veto the entire state budget unless a full Permanent Fund Dividend is approved. It sounds strong. It sounds principled. It sounds like a fight worth having. But it ignores basic facts: there is no legislative majority supporting a full PFD. And where is the budget to support it? 

That is not a new problem. The current governor has requested a full PFD the last eight years. The previous governor did as well. In both cases, the legislature declined. The issue has never been about a governor’s willingness. It is about the votes in the legislature. 

So, what happens if a governor repeatedly vetoes the entire budget in pursuit of something the legislature will not pass? The legislature overrides the veto, governance becomes chaotic, and the state lurches from crisis to crisis without a credible fiscal plan. 

I am willing to debate PFD funding directly with every other candidate. First, I want to make something clear: if you want that debate, bring the plan. Show the list of legislators who will change their votes. Show where the money comes from to sustain a full PFD alongside core services. Lobbing out a platitude without a clear plan is not leadership and will not magically produce a full PFD. It is political theater to manipulate emotions and win votes; it is not honest leadership. 

Another candidate offers a different kind of promise: an 8 percent payout of the total Permanent Fund to Alaskans as a final dividend. 

That idea faces an even higher hurdle. A one-time distribution of that magnitude may require a constitutional amendment, and there has never been sufficient legislative support to pass one. 

And even if that barrier could somehow be cleared, would there be the votes to take the PFD out of statute? There have not been the votes the last ten years to rewrite the formula to a lower PFD; why would there suddenly be the votes to get rid of the PFD altogether?  

In addition, Alaskans and lawmakers are already asking the deeper questions: is cashing out a small portion of Alaska’s long-term asset in a single payment really the right answer? Why does this candidate want to shortchange Alaskans in the long run? Will this really take care of the budget problem? Will they come after my wallet next? 

A one-time payout risks becoming something else entirely. Instead of strengthening the state, it could accelerate outmigration, acting more like a “leave Alaska” fund than an investment in its future. 

I am willing to debate that proposal as well. But again, the requirements are simple. Show the two-thirds of legislators who will vote for a constitutional amendment. Show the majority vote to repeal the PFD law. Show how the state replaces the economic role the dividend plays in communities across Alaska. If the votes and the plan are not there, neither is the idea. 

For me, the PFD is not an abstract policy debate. I fought for the dividend for years in the legislature, often at personal and political cost. Multiple times I lost committee chairmanships and assignments, staff, and office space for standing my ground for Alaskans. No gubernatorial candidate fought as hard or took the hits like I did for the PFD. I understand how these spending decisions are actually made, where they succeed, and where they fail. I know the proposals by the other two candidates will get nowhere fast. 

More importantly, I understand what the PFD means to real people because I have lived it. I have lived below the poverty line. I know firsthand that for many Alaskans, the dividend is not a bonus. It is what fills the gap between getting by and falling behind. It supports families, sustains entreprenurs and local businesses, and keeps communities viable in a high-cost state. 

That perspective matters because it leads to a different kind of solution. 

Instead of offering rhetoric or one-time payouts, I focus on the only question that matters: how do you make the PFD sustainable as state budgets get tighter? 

My answer is the only serious idea on the table. 

I propose a two-budget approach that separates mandatory spending from discretionary spending. Today, the PFD is constantly forced to compete against essential services like education and public safety. In recent years in that framework, it has been losing. 

By separating the budgets, Alaskans can finally see where flexibility exists and where it does not. It allows a real debate over discretionary spending, where the PFD currently resides due to the Supreme Court ruling under the Walker administration, instead of pitting it against core services in a way that guarantees its elimination. 

Just as importantly, my budget is about finding the funds. It emphasizes spending discipline, modernization, and eliminating inefficiencies across government. The goal is to uncover savings and develop our vast resources that will allow Alaska to preserve the dividend without imposing broad-based taxes.   

That is the difference between rhetoric and reality. 

Anyone can promise a full PFD. Anyone can promise a massive payout. But unless you can show how it passes the legislature and how it is funded, those promises mean very little. 

I am offering something different. I am offering to have a hard conversation. I am willing to debate any candidate on the future of the PFD, line by line, vote by vote. But the condition is simple: bring your list, bring your legislative votes, bring your numbers, and bring a budget that actually works.

Because Alaska’s future must be built on realistic solutions, not empty rhetoric.

This op-ed was voluntarily submitted by the Hughes-Gettys campaign and not solicited by Must Read Alaska. All candidates running for elected office are welcome and encouraged to submit articles for publication. Must Read Alaska unequivocally supports the election of a conservative candidate to the Office of Governor but does not endorse a particular candidate.

Opinion: Integrity, Accuracy, Public Confidence— the Standard Ranked-Choice Voting Fails to Meet

By Blake Gettys, Candidate for Lieutenant Governor, retired Air Force Brigadier General, and retired airline pilot

Alaska deserves elections that are simple, transparent, and trusted. That is not a partisan statement. It is a basic promise we make to every voter in this state. 

In recent years, Alaska adopted a system that combines a nonpartisan top-four primary with ranked choice voting in the general election. It was presented as a reform. But after multiple election cycles, it is increasingly clear that the system has come with real tradeoffs, especially for voter confidence, clarity, and accountability. 

Before this change, Alaskans understood how their elections worked. Political parties nominated their candidates. Voters chose the strongest representatives to carry their values into the general election. That process was clear, predictable, and gave voters a meaningful role in shaping their choices. 

Today, that clarity is gone. 

Instead of party primaries, every candidate competes on one ballot. The top four move forward, regardless of party. That means voters no longer help select their party’s nominee. It changes how campaigns are run and how candidates are chosen, often in ways that voters do not expect. 

This shift also affects how we choose our executive leadership. Candidates for governor must now select their lieutenant governor before the primary even begins. That removes a layer of input that voters once had in shaping the leadership team that governs Alaska. 

As Lieutenant Governor, I am responsible for overseeing elections. My focus is ensuring integrity, accuracy, and public confidence. Those principles are not optional. They are essential. 

Ranked choice voting raises concerns in each of these areas. 

First, the system is more complicated. Voters are asked to rank candidates, often including individuals they do not know well. Some voters choose to rank only one or two candidates, while others attempt to rank them all. This creates a wide range of ballot outcomes and increases the chance of confusion or error. 

Second, the idea of a majority winner is not always as simple as it sounds. When voters do not rank additional candidates, their ballots can drop out in later rounds. That means the final result reflects only the ballots still in play, not necessarily all the voters who participated. For many Alaskans, that raises legitimate questions about representation. 

Third, transparency matters. Elections work best when voters can clearly understand how results are determined. A single-round election is easy to explain and easy to follow. A system that requires multiple rounds of redistribution is inherently harder for the public to track, even when it is conducted correctly. 

Elections are not just about counting votes. They are about confidence. When voters feel unsure about how their ballot is counted, trust begins to erode. 

We should always be willing to improve our systems. But any change must meet a simple standard. It should make voting easier to understand. It should strengthen trust. And it should ensure that every voter feels their voice is fully heard. 

Alaska has always valued straightforward, commonsense solutions. Our elections should reflect that same principle. 

With four candidates advancing past the open primary, there are 64 different ways a voter can fill out the general election ballot if a voter chooses to rank choice all candidates. That is not simplicity. When elections become this complicated, transparency and trust inevitably take a hit. 

This op-ed was voluntarily submitted by the Hughes-Gettys campaign and not solicited by Must Read Alaska. All candidates running for elected office are welcome and encouraged to submit articles for publication. Must Read Alaska unequivocally supports the election of a conservative candidate to the Office of Governor but does not endorse a particular candidate.

HEX Strengthens Cook Inlet Operations with New Alaskan-Owned Support Vessel

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On June 23, 2026, HEX LLC announced the addition of Atlantis, a 190-foot offshore supply vessel owned by its subsidiary Atlantis LLC, increasing the marine support capacity for Cook Inlet’s critical infrastructure and reinforcing the region’s role as the critical energy basin for the Railbelt’s natural gas needs. This marks another step in HEX’s efforts to strengthen the local supply chain and continue regional natural gas security.

“Reliable marine services are essential to safe and responsible operations in Cook Inlet,” said John Hendrix, President and CEO of HEX LLC. “We’re excited to work with a fellow Alaskan-owned business, Fortune Sea Management, whose vessel management expertise will help ensure continued, dependable service to Cook Inlet’s critical infrastructure that keeps natural gas flowing for Alaskans.”

Atlantis recently transited the Panama Canal carrying key supplies for natural gas drilling operations and is currently en route to Alaska. The vessel will be homeported in Homer and managed by Homer-based Fortune Sea Management, LLC through its newly established Maritime Division. The vessel is expected to arrive in Cook Inlet in mid-July and may be visible to coastal communities along its route.

The addition of Atlantis expands large-vessel operating capability in the Inlet and reflects continued private investment by Alaska-based companies. In addition to supporting HEX’s offshore operations, Atlantis is expected to create opportunities for local employment, strengthen Alaska’s maritime infrastructure, and provide additional service capacity for other industries across the state.

Key highlights include:

  • Local investment by Alaskan-owned companies supporting natural gas critical infrastructure
  • Expanded marine support across Alaska, with a focus on Cook Inlet
  • Direct employment, maritime capacity, and economic opportunities for Alaskans
    Vessel specifications sheet is attached:
  • Year Built: 2000
  • Built and Modernized by: Edison Chouest Offshore and subsidiary, North American Shipbuilding
  • Feature: Dynamic positioning
  • Registration: Hull #189
  • Vessel Type: Offshore Supply Vessel
  • Dimensions: 190’ X 44’ X 19’
  • Cargo Deck Area: 4,515 sq. ft.
  • Speed: up to 13.2 knots

About HEX LLC and Atlantis LLC:

Atlantis LLC is a subsidiary of HEX LLC (HEX). Atlantis owns the vessel C-Atlantis. HEX is Alaska’s only 100% locally owned oil and gas producer and operator. The company operates strategic assets and critical infrastructure in the Cook Inlet and is pursuing disciplined growth opportunities across Alaska to support long term in-state energy security and responsible resource development. In 2025, the company doubled its natural gas production. Alaskans consume a small volume of natural gas, roughly 190MMcf a day on average based on 70Bcf annual demand for the Railbelt. Currently, HEX is meeting 10% of Railbelt natural gas demand by producing from only 1.4% of HEX’s Cook Inlet Kitchen Lights Unit acreage (1,200 acres of its 84,000 acres). There is significant potential for further development. HEX is headquartered in Anchorage, Alaska.

What Legal Counsel Actually Said About HB 195 Granting Pharmacists Ability to Prescribe Chemical Abortion (And It Isn’t What ADN Told You)

Editor’s note: this analysis was updated on June 23, 2026 to correctly attribute the memorandum referenced in the analysis to Legislative Legal Services, not the Department of Law.

After Governor Dunleavy vetoed 9 bills, the Legislature successful overrode two of those vetoes, one of which was for HB 195. State legislators sold HB 195 as a compassionate bill that allows pharmacists to prescribe common medications without waiting for a physician’s order. Proponents said the bill would increase patient access to basic healthcare, especially during crisis times caused by natural disasters. Pro-life opponents to the bill raised concerns about the bill’s potential to grant pharmacists

According to an article published by the Anchorage Daily News on May 22, 2026: “The state Department of Law has explicitly stated that the bill would not increase access to medication abortions, but some conservative lawmakers and anti-abortion advocacy groups mounted a campaign claiming otherwise.” The article was written by Juneau-based ADN reporter Mari Kanagy.

But that is not what the Department of Law said. What the Department of Law actually said was that the bill itself does not change current abortion statutes. A memorandum from the legislature’s legal services explains why that is not quite the same thing.

Representative Jamie Allard (R-Eagle River) inquired of the Legislative Legal Services whether HB 195 grants pharmacists the ability to prescribe chemical abortion. The answer was not an explicit statement assuring the bill “would not increase access to medication abortions.”

Here is the legal counsel’s response to Rep. Allard in a memorandum published April 1, 2026: “HB 195 expands the prescription and administration authority of pharmacists by amending AS 08.80.337 to allow pharmacists to prescribe and administer a drug that is ‘intended to achieve outcomes related to the cure or prevention of a disease, elimination or reduction of patient’s symptoms, or arresting or slowing of a disease process.’ However, before prescribing such a drug, the pharmacist would need to enter a ‘collaborative practice agreement with a written protocol approved by a practitioner who is not a pharmacist….’ If that written protocol included prescribing or administering an abortion drug for one of the reasons described above, then the pharmacist would be permitted to administer a drug that induces an abortion to a patient.”

The legal opinion does recognize a caveat: “One caveat, however, is that all health care professionals must confine the care they provide to their scope of practice.” Then the legal opinion acknowledges that current State law (As 18,16.010) “states that abortions performed in the state must be performers by a physician licensed by the Medical Board.” However, advance practice clinicians (APCs)— who are not licensed physicians— won a superior court case in which the judge ruled that AS 18.16.010 (a)(1) is unconstitutional when limiting a medical professional from acting within their scope of practice. The court “entered an injunction that prohibits the state ‘from enforcing AS 18.16.010(a)(1) against otherwise qualified APCs whose scope of practice includes medication … abortion.'” The case is currently on appeal to the Alaska Supreme Court, “but the injunction remains in effect.”

According to the legal opinion, “If abortion care falls under the scope of practice of pharmacists and HB 195 gets enacted into law, pharmacists would likely make the same argument APCs made in that case and argue that AS 18.16.010(a)(1) unconstitutionally prohibits them from practicing within their scope of practice.”

So, in summary, HB 195 does not explicitly grant pharmacists the ability to prescribe abortion drugs, but it does give pharmacists a footing to challenge AS 18.16.010(a)(1) in court. Considering the court’s decision regarding APCs, it is possible the court would rule in favor of allowing pharmacists to prescribe abortion drugs. This would increase abortion access in the State of Alaska.

Now that HB 195 is law, can a woman walk into her local pharmacy and get a chemical abortion? No, not according to current law, but pharmacists may challenge that law as unconstitutional under similar reasoning as used by APCs.

Can a woman staying in a hospital be prescribed and administered a chemical abortion by a pharmacist? Yes, a pharmacist would be able to provide abortion in a hospital, but only if that pharmacist has a collaborative agreement with that patient’s doctor that explicitly grants the pharmacist ability to prescribe and administer abortion.

Read the full memorandum from Legislative Legal Services here: