Wednesday, October 14, 2026
Home Blog Page 5

Kodiak prepares for icebreaker homeporting with new cutter mooring and fuel pier

1

On September 23, 2026, the U.S. Coast Guard awarded a $315 million contract for the design and construction of a cutter mooring and new fuel pier at Coast Guard Base Kodiak. The project includes waterfront improvements such as grading work to improve ground stability; construction of a new fueling utility building; installation of utilities, cutter shore ties, and other site amenities, including information technology, water and sewage and safety equipment; and unexploded ordnance removal. The infrastructure improvements will help prepare Kodiak for the homeporting of two Arctic Security Cutters, bolstering U.S. national security in the Arctic.

According to a press release from the Alaska congressional delegation, Senators Dan Sullivan and Lisa Murkowskia and Rep. Nick Begich helped secure the funding necessary for the projects in three critical pieces of legislation: Working Families Tax Cuts Act (2025), Major Acquisition Systems Infrastructure (FY 2023), and Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act (2022).

“Base Kodiak is critical to America’s long-term Arctic strategy,” said Congressman Begich. “As we bring new cutters and personnel to Alaska, we must have the strategic infrastructure in place to support them. Congress made a historic commitment to rebuilding and modernizing the Coast Guard, and this project represents the next phase of that investment. This new fuel pier and major cutter mooring will strengthen force readiness and ensure our Coast Guard has the infrastructure necessary to carry out its mission across Alaska and the Arctic.”

In May of this year, the U.S. Coast Guard awarded an $81.8 million contract for the design and construction of family housing and a water tank at Nemetz Park Site, US Coast Guard Base in Kodiak, Alaska.

About a month later in June, the Coast Guard officially announced that the first two icebreakers under construction will be committed to Kodiak with another slated for later homeporting in Seward. An existing icebreaker, the Storis, was commissioned in Juneau in August 2025. The new icebreakers are being built in Finland as part of a U.S.-Finland agreement to fast-track American icebreaker production. China and Russia currently outpace America’s icebreaker fleet, prompting particular focus on icebreaker capacity as a national security concern.

“Alaska is a cornerstone of American defense; investments like this from the Coast Guard are critical as we work to improve infrastructure on bases across the state to maintain our national security,” said Sen. Murkowski. “The construction of a new fuel pier, which will also allow for the berthing of two Arctic Security Cutters, bolsters Base Kodiak’s capability to carry out Coast Guard missions in the Arctic. I’m proud to have helped the Coast Guard leverage these historic investments to strengthen infrastructure and operations in Alaska as we support our Coast Guard men and women, as well as their families.”

Beyond icebreakers, the WFTCA included major investments across the Coast Guard’s fleet: $1 billion for approximately 10 Fast Response Cutters (FRC), $4.3 billion for approximately 9 Offshore Patrol Cutters (OPC), $2.2 billion for approximately 40 MH-60 helicopters, and $1.1 billion for approximately 6 HC-130 aircraft. Critically, these efforts are backed by over $3 billion for shoreside infrastructure to support the homeporting of these assets, including the $300 million for the homeporting of the Storis in Juneau.

“The historic build-up of the Coast Guard in Alaska and Kodiak continues today with $315 million coming for shoreside infrastructure projects in this great Coast Guard community,” said Sen. Sullivan, chair of the Senate Commerce Coast Guard, Maritime, and Fisheries Subcommittee. “My delegation colleagues and I worked hard in the Working Families Tax Cuts Act to deliver the largest investment in the Coast Guard in history—$25 billion—much of which is coming to our great state. These investments are great news for our Coast Guard, Alaska’s economy, and the hard-working families of Kodiak. I was glad to tour the site for this new berth and fuel pier this summer with the Coast Guard Commandant and the Homeland Security Secretary, both of whom understand the importance of Kodiak to the Coast Guard and our national security. I look forward to seeing these projects break ground as Kodiak prepares to welcome major new Coast Guard assets, including two new icebreakers, two offshore patrol cutters, and hundreds of new Coasties and their families.”

Opinion: The long quest for government realignment part IV

0

The Question Alaska Must Decide

The modern Eaglexit proposal cannot be understood merely as an attempt to reverse the 1975 Local Boundary Commission decision.

The community considered in 2026 is not the community considered in 1975. Its population is larger. Its schools, residential areas, businesses, transportation corridors, and civic institutions are more extensive. Its governmental and fiscal relationship with Anchorage is more developed and therefore more complicated.

The contemporary question is not whether Eagle River–Chugiak has any connection to Anchorage. It plainly does. Nor is the question whether every resident shares the same political views or supports detachment. No community is completely uniform.

The more appropriate question is whether the present municipal boundary continues to produce the most suitable alignment among community identity, geography, taxation, services, representation, and governmental responsibility.

That is a more subtle inquiry than asking whether Eagle River–Chugiak is “part of Anchorage.” Legally, it is. Economically, the communities are connected. Socially, residents move throughout the region. But none of those facts alone decides whether one unified municipal government remains the best governmental arrangement for both areas.

American communities frequently remain economically connected after governmental boundaries change. Cities share utilities, roads, emergency services, school programs, transportation systems and labor markets without surrendering their separate governments. Interdependence is not the same thing as governmental identity.

Realignment Rather Than Rupture

The most durable account of the Eagle River–Chugiak effort is therefore not a story of rebellion against Anchorage. It is a story of a boundary created during Alaska’s early borough-building period, questioned almost immediately, briefly altered, restored through judicial decision, carried into Anchorage unification, and reconsidered by successive generations as the community matured.

The modern petition does not require a finding that Anchorage has failed as a municipality. It does not require assigning bad motives to municipal officials or denying the genuine relationships that connect the Anchorage Bowl with Eagle River and Chugiak. It asks whether both communities might now be governed more coherently through two governments rather than one: an urban-centered Municipality of Anchorage and a locally accountable Chugach Regional Borough.

The proposed realignment is intended to replace, rather than duplicate, borough government within the detached territory. Anchorage would remain a substantial and viable home-rule municipality. The Chugach Regional Borough would assume borough responsibilities within its own boundaries. The purpose would not be to add an unnecessary layer of government, but to place responsibility for local taxation, schools, land use, roads, services, and long-term development closer to the people principally affected by those decisions.

That approach reflects the careful relationship between the two principles contained in Article X of the Alaska Constitution: maximum local self-government with a minimum of local government units. The minimum-units principle cautions against needless fragmentation and overlapping authority. It does not require the preservation of a large governmental unit when realignment may provide more meaningful self-government without creating duplicative layers.

The Continuing American Quest

At its deepest level, the history of Eagle River–Chugiak is part of a broader American conversation about the proper scale of local government.

Communities grow. Rural settlements become population centers. Metropolitan governments expand. Transportation corridors change. Service systems become more specialized. Political and fiscal priorities evolve. A boundary that once appeared practical may eventually place distinct communities inside a structure that no longer reflects how they live, organize themselves, or wish to be governed.

The American system does not treat local boundaries as sacred. It provides lawful processes for incorporation, annexation, consolidation, merger, detachment, and dissolution because government must occasionally be adjusted to the communities it serves.

Eagle River–Chugiak’s history illustrates how difficult that adjustment can be. The first borough was created through the wrong legal mechanism. The subsequent LBC petition was denied under the facts of its time. Later generations studied the fiscal consequences but did not complete the process. The modern movement has been required to transform a desire for greater local control into a detailed and defensible plan for governing.

The historical comparison is striking. Anchorage’s 1975 unification reflected a belief that overlapping governments, divided authority, service inequities, and jurisdictional complexity could be better addressed through a single metropolitan government. Later that same year, the Local Boundary Commission rejected Eagle River–Chugiak detachment in part because it found the community culturally, socially, and economically integrated with Anchorage. The contemporary argument does not deny those conditions as they existed then.

It asks whether, after fifty years of growth and institutional development, two non-overlapping governments might now provide a better alignment of local responsibility while preserving the regional cooperation that still connects the communities. The governing question remains remarkably similar: what governmental structure best fits the conditions of its time?

The movement’s persistence does not, itself, prove that detachment should be approved. It does establish that the question has never been fleeting.

For more than fifty years, the residents of Eagle River and Chugiak have returned to the same fundamental issue: whether the governmental boundary surrounding their community reflects the most effective balance between regional interdependence and local self-government.

The present effort is the most developed expression of that question. It is not simply a request to leave an existing municipality. It is a proposal to replace one governmental alignment with another through the generally applicable constitutional and statutory boundary process that the Alaska Supreme Court held was available and applicable to Eagle River–Chugiak from the beginning.

In that sense, the modern Chugach Regional Borough proposal is both new and familiar. It carries forward a long-standing aspiration, but it does so with a more complete understanding of the responsibilities that accompany self-government.

The history is therefore not principally about separation.

It is about the continuing effort to bring community, responsibility, and government into closer alignment.

Previous in Series

Part I: Eagle River–Chugiak: A Community Before the Boundary

Part II: The Vote We Missed and the Petition We Lost

Part III: The Modern Eaglexit Movement

Opinion: A dangerous election

3

I have had the fortune to vote in elections for 56 years now and I have been a frequent flyer regarding my record. I have always felt it is a sacred duty to be informed and participate. 

This upcoming election, both state and federal, is the most dangerous election I will experience to date. 

On a federal level, if the Democrats succeed in winning a majority in the House and Senate, the first order of business will an ongoing saga to impeach Donald Trump which is completely driven by their irrational hatred of anything Trump. 

It is a fact that Iran was immensely close to developing nuclear weapons and already had the capacity to deliver these weapons with religious zeal to create a catastrophe. This would have put not only the Middle East, but much of Europe in harm’s way as the Iranian regime already had the capacity to deliver these horrific weapons throughout the broader region. 

It would be immature to ignore this reality. Standing alone, Trump did not. The president has paid a heavy price for the decisions he has made, which no recent predecessor was willing to consider.

In 1979, when Iran breached the walls of our embassy in Tehran, they were actually invading a sovereign nation as an embassy is considered sovereign, exclusive territory of that respective country. President Carter did nothing. Subsequent presidents did nothing.

Unfortunately, due to these recent, difficult presidential decisions, energy and the basic costs of goods and services have elevated causing President Trumps ratings to decline which may have a detrimental effect on the balance of power at the federal level during this upcoming election. If Democrats win the federal majority, it is completely conceivable that they would cut off funding of the Iranian conflict, effectively handing Iran a victory and a green light to continue their path toward massive regional and global destruction through the development and deployment of nuclear arms.

If this were to happen, ironically, the Democrat Party and the Revolutionary Guard of Iran would embrace a common strategy, to effectively neuter President Trump. 

I now ask all conservatives, moderates and independent voters of Alaska to protect the GOP frog. Even with all his faults, he is still OUR FROG. We need to retain a majority in both the House and Senate. We can do our part by soundly rejecting the Democrat campaign of Mary Peltola and build on the importance of seniority of Senator Dan Sullivan. The decision is clear. 

The campaign of Democrat, Mary Peltola is a chess pawn for the Democrats in this confrontation. This election is less about “candidates” and more about directives. As Alaskans, we need to vote, not for the candidate, but for which party we choose to have controlling the helm of our American Ship. 

Although, through the years, I have assisted many Republicans in their bids to govern, I have never registered Republican. I have been a libertarian my entire political life, but I am politically experienced enough to understand when someone is attempting to boil the political frog. 

Stay tuned for Part 2: Our eminent political danger at the state level. Coming soon to your neighborhood!

Different race, same checkbook: billionaire who backed Mamdani also backs Bill Hill

5

A mailer circulating in Alaska claims independent House candidate Bill Hill “rails against billionaires while taking money from the top funder of socialist mayor Zohran Mamdani’s Super PAC.” Reports and FEC receipts reveal the same California billionaire who gifted a quarter million dollars to the Super PAC that backed Mamdani also donated the maximum legal amount to Bill Hill.

Bill Hill is running as an independent candidate for U.S. House of Representatives, challenging the Republican incumbent Rep. Nick Begich III. Begich has served one term in Congress, during which he set a record as the freshman with the most bills that passed the U.S. House.

The donor is Elizabeth “Liz” Simons of Atherton, California, heir to the Renaissance Technologies fortune and chair of the Heising-Simons Foundation. In August 2025 she gave $250,000 to New Yorkers for Lower Costs, the independent committee that spent millions to elect Zohran Mamdani mayor of New York. That gift was among the PAC’s three largest individual contributions, along with Omer Hasan ($250,000) and Mohammad Javed (~$250,200). In 2026, FEC itemized receipts for Bill Hill for Alaskans list Simons giving $7,000— the highest legal amount Simons can give directly to Hill. The same filing lists her brother, investor Nat Simons, also giving $7,000.

That is not money moving from Mamdani’s super PAC into Hill’s campaign account. Federal law bars super PACs from contributing to a candidate committee. However, it is the same progressive philanthropist treating two races as worth funding.

Hill’s campaign platform calls for “taxing the 1%,” taxing S-corps like C-corps, and making “billionaires and mega corporations pay their share.” In a March op-ed, he accused Rep. Nick Begich of “jacking up our health insurance prices to pay for massive tax breaks for billionaires.”

Although Hill criticizes billionaires, he has taken several large individual gifts from wealthy out-of-state financiers besides Simons and her brother. The Alaska Beacon reported those contributors include New York investors Dirk Ziff and Michael Novogratz. About three-fourths of Hill’s itemized donations come from outside Alaska. Asked about billionaires on his list, Hill said he had “no idea” about some of them and that “you’re not going to bring a knife to a gunfight.”

National Democrats are throwing their support behind Hill. The DCCC— the official campaign arm of the Democrats in the U.S. House of Representatives— put Hill in its Red to Blue program. Another major Democrat influencer, House Majority PAC, launched advertisements to support Hill.

When asked for comment from the Anchorage Daily News, Bill Hill’s campaign provided this statement from him: “I welcome the support from anyone in any party who wants to see better representation for Alaska. This is a big tent coalition that includes independents, Democrats, and Republicans who agree we need to see a change.”

The question facing conservatives is whether Bill Hill’s coalition for change will move Alaska in the right direction or closer toward the direction NYC has gone under Mamdani. A billionaire’s support of both Bill Hill and Mamdani does not mean Bill Hill is a socialist, but it does mean influential people see Hill as someone who runs in the same direction as Mamdani.

The Simons-to-Mamdani PAC gift and the Simons-to-Hill FEC line are not a coincidence. Voters must decide if the connection is of consequence.

Analysis: Closed Loop Part 1— Alaska’s Certificate of Need program impedes addiction treatment capacity

Addiction does not let go because a person finishes a program. It lets go only if it stays gone. Knowing whether that happened, for a policymaker, a funder, or a family, means looking at what a person’s life looks like years after treatment ends, not the day it does. This series is built around that question.

Alaska is not short on money for addiction and behavioral health treatment. The state channels tens of millions of dollars a year through Medicaid, the opioid settlement fund, and the Alaska Mental Health Trust into a treatment system that still cannot meet demand. Federal survey data puts the gap in stark terms: an estimated 131,000 Alaskans age 12 and older needed substance use treatment in 2022 and 2023, and roughly 101,000 of them, nearly 79 percent, did not receive it in any form, residential, outpatient, or otherwise.

This series argues that the shortage is not primarily a funding problem. It is a structural one, built into how Alaska regulates who may open a treatment facility and who gets to advise the state on where the money goes. Three mechanisms compound each other:

  • Alaska’s Certificate of Need (CON) program requires state permission before a new facility can open, and it gives existing providers a formal legal forum to object to new competitors. A documented Fairbanks case shows this process can take nearly two years and consume enormous resources even when the new provider eventually prevails.
  • Alaska’s Advisory Board on Alcoholism and Drug Abuse (ABADA), the body statutorily charged with recommending treatment policy and funding priorities to the legislature and the Alaska Mental Health Trust Authority, has no requirement that its members be free of financial ties to the organizations that benefit from its recommendations. A comparable state board, the Mental Health Trust Authority’s own board of trustees, already operates under exactly this kind of conflict bar. ABADA does not.
  • The federal Medicaid Institutions for Mental Diseases (IMD) exclusion caps Medicaid reimbursement for adult residential treatment at facilities with more than 16 beds, discouraging the kind of large-scale, efficient facilities that could bring per-bed costs down.

The series closes with a five-part reform framework: a targeted CON exemption for behavioral health facilities, conditional tax relief for any provider, for-profit or nonprofit, that adds licensed treatment capacity and accepts Medicaid patients, a statutory conflict-of-interest bar for ABADA modeled directly on language Alaska has already enacted for the Mental Health Trust Authority, a state resolution urging Alaska’s congressional delegation to act on the 16-bed rule, and Medicaid rate reforms already recommended by the state’s own contracted rate consultant.

The scope of the problem

Alaska’s overdose crisis is usually described as a fentanyl problem, and it is. Fentanyl was involved in 73 percent of Alaska’s overdose deaths in 2024. But methamphetamine is not a secondary story here. State epidemiology data shows that just over half of Alaska’s fatal overdoses between 2017 and 2023 involved methamphetamine, almost always alongside opioids rather than in place of them. Psychostimulant overdose deaths, the category that includes meth, rose to 202 in 2024, up from 198 the year before. The two drugs are compounding each other, not trading off.

Against that backdrop, the treatment access numbers are sobering. The 2022 to 2023 National Survey on Drug Use and Health estimates that 131,000 Alaskans aged 12 and older needed substance use treatment in a given year, and that only about 27,000 received it. That leaves roughly 101,000 Alaskans a year, nearly four in five of everyone who needed help, without treatment of any kind, not just a residential bed but outpatient counseling, medication-assisted treatment, or telehealth. Even accounting for new capacity coming online in the next several years, discussed below, the scale of unmet need dwarfs anything currently planned or under construction.

Root cause one: Certificate of Need as a competitor’s veto

What CON does

Alaska’s Certificate of Need program, codified at AS 18.07.031, requires state approval before a health care provider can spend more than $1.5 million on a new facility, an expansion, or certain equipment. Alaska adopted the program in 1976, becoming the 31st state to do so, at a time when the federal government tied health planning funds to states establishing exactly this kind of review. Congress repealed that federal mandate in 1987 after the Federal Trade Commission’s 1988 economic analysis concluded CON laws raised health care costs rather than lowering them. Alaska kept its program anyway, and it remains in effect today for behavioral health facilities, psychiatric hospitals, and residential treatment centers.

The defining feature of Alaska’s CON process is that it gives existing providers a formal, legal opportunity to object to a new applicant’s certificate, on the theory that the state should avoid an unnecessary duplication of services. In practice, this converts market entry into litigation.

The Fairbanks precedent

In 2006, two physician-organized companies, Kobuk Ventures LLC and Alaska Medical Development-Fairbanks LLC, applied separately for certificates to build ambulatory surgery centers in Fairbanks. Fairbanks Memorial Hospital, which held every existing licensed operating room in the city, filed its own competing application and formally appealed the certificates issued to both new entrants, even after its own project had already been approved.

The resulting administrative case, consolidated under Office of Administrative Hearings docket numbers 06-0744-DHS, 06-0745-DHS, and 06-0746-DHS, ran for roughly twenty months. The hearing record includes about fifty hours of testimony from twenty-five witnesses and runs to sixteen hundred pages. A staff calculation error that inflated the projected need for new capacity by nearly 21 percent was not discovered until December 2006, well into the review. The commissioner’s final decision, issued October 9, 2007, ultimately awarded a certificate to Kobuk Ventures over its competitor and upheld a smaller version of the hospital’s own surge-capacity application.

The new providers eventually got in. But the case shows what “eventually” costs: nearly two years of litigation and, based on the volume of expert testimony and legal filings from three parties, a substantial sum spent on lawyers, consultants, and expert witnesses rather than patient care. The same competitor’s-veto dynamic has surfaced elsewhere in Alaska, including a Kenai ambulatory surgery center whose certificate was denied and fought through the courts, and an Anchorage case in which a competitor sought a hearing to block a facility that had, by the time of argument, already been built and was operating.

A more precise version of the argument

It would overstate the case to say CON blocks all behavioral health capacity in Alaska. It does not. Providence Health and Services received approval in 2026 for a sixteen-bed youth residential psychiatric facility in Anchorage, and Mat-Su Regional Medical Center’s forty-five-bed freestanding behavioral health hospital, now under construction in Palmer, moved through CON review without any recorded objection. The difference between those cases and the Fairbanks fight is instructive: in both the Providence and Mat-Su Regional cases, the applicant was already the dominant or sole provider in its market. There was no incumbent competitor with legal standing to object.

The more defensible claim, and the one this paper makes, is that CON approval moves smoothly when the applicant is already an incumbent, and turns into a prolonged adversarial fight specifically when an independent or new-entrant provider tries to build capacity that would compete with an established player. That is precisely the population of providers Alaska needs most if it wants to add capacity quickly: independent physician groups, smaller nonprofits, and out-of-state operators willing to invest in a difficult market, none of whom can easily absorb a twenty-month legal fight the way a hospital system or an established nonprofit with tens of millions in annual revenue can.

National evidence

Alaska’s experience matches the broader research record. States that maintain CON restrictions on behavioral health facilities have 20 percent fewer psychiatric hospitals per million residents and 56 percent fewer inpatient psychiatric clients per ten thousand residents than states without such restrictions, and their facilities are meaningfully less likely to accept Medicare, according to a 2022 study cited in the Cicero Institute’s 2025 CON repeal research. Nationally, CON laws are associated with roughly 10 percent higher hospital costs, and hospital charges fell 5.5 percent in the five years following CON repeal in states that eliminated their programs.

There is also a live financial argument for reform that did not exist a few years ago. The federal Rural Health Transformation Program is distributing fifty billion dollars to states over five years, with part of each state’s award tied to a technical score that includes CON reform. A state can improve that score by a full 35 points simply by repealing CON requirements for behavioral health beds, services, and facilities. Alaska is leaving federal money on the table by keeping its behavioral health CON requirements in place.’

Closed Loop Part 2 will discuss the advisory board lacking a conflict-of-interest firewall, the federal 16-bed rule, and Medicaid reimbursement structure— all contributing to Alaska’s addiction treatment resources falling short of the demand.

Sources 

Alaska Statutes: AS 18.07.031, AS 44.25.200-.295, AS 44.29.100-.140. 

Alaska Office of Administrative Hearings, In the Matter of Alaska Medical Development-Fairbanks, LLC; Kobuk Ventures, LLC; Fairbanks Memorial Hospital, OAH Nos. 06-0744-DHS, 06-0745-DHS, 06-0746-DHS (Decision After Remand, Oct. 9, 2007). 

Alaska Department of Health, Division of Public Health, 2024 Drug Overdose Mortality Update and related epidemiology bulletins. 

Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, 2022-2023 National Survey on Drug Use and Health, Alaska state tables. 

Cicero Institute, 2025 Playbook for Certificate of Need Repeal (Dec. 2025). 

Guidehouse Inc., Alaska Behavioral Health Rate Evaluation, prepared for the Alaska Department of Health (Sept. 30, 2025). 

IRS Form 990 filings, Set Free Alaska Inc. and Akeela Inc., most recent available years. 

42 U.S.C. Section 300x-4(b) (Public Health Service Act Section 1914(b)). 

42 CFR Part 2 and 42 CFR 2.54, Confidentiality of Substance Use Disorder Patient Records, final rule (89 Fed. Reg. 12472, Feb. 16, 2024). 

Governor’s forum by Commonwealth North focuses on economy, energy, outmigration

1

On Thursday, September 17, Commonwealth North hosted its Final Four gubernatorial forum in Anchorage, sponsored by GCI and moderated by board member Moira Smith. Republicans Treg Taylor and Dave Bronson and Democrat Jonathon Kreiss-Tomkins participated. The discussion focused on how to pay for the state, how to keep the lights on, and how to stop working families from leaving.

Taylor said state systems are failing children. More than 23,000 kids have fallen off Medicaid in three years, he said, not because they left poverty but because paperwork sat for months. He pointed to OCS and to schools where only 4 percent of Western Alaska students read at grade level and Anchorage and Fairbanks set a goal of 48 percent. Resource development, he argued, is “Alaska’s ESG”: poverty near Red Dog fell from 75 percent to 21 percent, on the North Slope from 50 percent to 12 percent, and life expectancy there rose 12 years after development. He wants more land in private hands, permitting that moves at the speed of business, a balanced budget, public safety, more infrastructure, and the gas line.

Bronson, a retired Air Force and airline pilot, put up a chart from the ACES tax era and called the gap between inflation-adjusted spending and actual appropriations a $25 billion overspend. A full statutory dividend of roughly $3,800–$4,000 is no longer math, he said; wiping out every state payroll still covers only about half of one year’s full PFD. He proposes protecting the $90 billion Permanent Fund with a constitutionally locked single-account endowment, taking royalties instead of new taxes, and building Ambler, West Susitna, and especially the gas line. He opposed taxing S-corps as C-corps and a statewide sales tax. He emphasized poor public education as a driving factor for out-migration.

Kreiss-Tomkins, who represented Sitka in the House, identified a constitutional single-account endowment as his first priority so a simple majority cannot raid the earnings reserve. He backs a “sustainable” dividend, taxing S-corps like C-corps, collecting the online sales tax Dunleavy vetoed, and a studs-out review of agency statutes—possibly with a McKinsey-style consultant—to find inefficiencies. On energy he pointed Bradley Lake, an integrated Railbelt grid, and more Cook Inlet gas, including targeted royalty relief. Trails, public-use cabins, and an alpine hut system, he said, would help families stay.

In the moderated Q&A all three said the budget must be balanced. Taylor’s hard truth was child protection and literacy. Bronson emphasized that the full PFD is mathematically impossible and the gas line is overdue. Kreiss-Tomkins said the idea that the State can afford a $4,000 dividend, no additional taxes, and full services is “intellectually dishonest.”

Watch the full forum:

Commonwealth North provides a full transcript of the debate, which has been lightly edited for clarity and length, here: The Final Four Candidate Forum: Alaska’s Next Governor, On the Record | Commonwealth North

“Just too damn high:” Sen. Sullivan seeks pause of diesel exports to lower domestic prices

5

On September 22, 2026, U.S. Senator Dan Sullivan (R-Alaska) called for a temporary moratorium on the export of diesel products from the United States to help bring down prices for Alaskan and American consumers due to global supply disruptions. The senator proposes that the moratorium remain in place until the conflict in Iran comes to an end and energy exports are flowing unimpeded through the Strait of Hormuz.

“American workers are producing more diesel than they have in years, yet Alaskans are paying higher prices at the pump,” said Sen. Sullivan. “American fuel should stay home with Americans. The cost of diesel is just too damn high. I’m calling for a temporary pause of American diesel exports so that we can rebuild our reserves ahead of winter and put American and Alaskan families first. The best way to bring down energy prices for Alaskans is to produce more energy in Alaska, by Alaskans, for Alaskans.”

Sen. Sullivan has led efforts to provide relief for Alaskans from the recent period of higher energy prices. In May, at Sen. Sullivan’s urging, Secretary of the Interior and National Energy Dominance Council (NEDC) Chairman Doug Burgum announced a White House Alaska Energy Security Task Force to help address supply disruptions and energy costs in the state.

On July 17, 2026, Sen. Sullivan and the NEDC Alaska Energy Task Force worked with Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) Administrator Lee Zeldin to deliver an emergency fuel waiver under Section 211 of the Clean Air Act as a way to help relieve supply pressures in Alaska. The waiver temporarily relaxes federal diesel-fuel sulfur requirements for qualifying sales of Arctic-grade diesel above the Arctic Circle in compatible engines and equipment. 

On August 7, 2026, Sen. Sullivan and the NEDC Alaska Energy Task Force worked closely with the White House Office of Management and Budget (OMB) and the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) to secure $10 million in federal funding to address high energy costs for Alaskans—in addition to the state’s existing Low-Income Home Energy Assistance Program (LIHEAP) allocation of $12,158,876.

Also throughout his tenure in the Senate, Sen. Sullivan has consistently and successfully led efforts to increase domestic energy production, especially from Alaska, and push back against Democratic administrations and members of Congress attempting to lock up Alaska and shut down the American oil and gas sector.

In the 2025 Working Families Tax Cuts Act, Sen. Sullivan secured provisions mandating at least four new area-wide lease sales in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge (ANWR) Coastal Plain over the next decade, directing the Secretary of the Interior to expeditiously resume at least five lease sales in the National Petroleum Reserve of Alaska (NPR-A), and mandating a minimum of six lease sales over 10 years in Cook Inlet.

On December 5, 2025, the President signed a Congressional Review Act (CRA) resolution—led by Sens. Sullivan and Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska) and Congressman Nick Begich (R-Alaska)—overturning the Biden administration’s restrictive 2022 Integrated Activity Plan (IAP) Record of Decision (ROD) for NPR-A.

On December 11, 2025, the President signed a CRA resolution—led by Sens. Sullivan and Murkowski and Congressman Begich—overturning an unlawful and restrictive Record of Decision (ROD) for the ANWR Coastal Plain oil and gas program that the Biden administration imposed in December 2024.

Sen. Sullivan’s efforts have led to a resurgence of oil production on Alaska’s North Slope, including the most successful oil and gas lease sale ever held in NPR-A.

Press release provided by the Office of U.S. Senator Dan Sullivan.

A First Retreat at Sea: Gratitude, Confusion, and a Simple Call to Christ

0

The first annual Pillars of Faith Retreat at Sea sailed from Whittier, Alaska, to Vancouver, British Columbia, August 22–29, 2026, aboard Princess Cruises’ Discovery Princess. The week was organized by Pillars of Faith, the apostolate founded by Bishop Joseph E. Strickland, Bishop Emeritus of Tyler, Texas. Bishop Strickland was the principal speaker and celebrant. Michael Hichborn of the Lepanto Institute was the second scheduled speaker.

People boarded with real hope because the invitation had promised a week of fellowship and spiritual renewal: daily Mass, the rosary, Holy Hour, confession, and talks, set against the glaciers and ports of the Inside Passage. Many came wanting a concentrated retreat. Others came ready for a Catholic week that also left room for Alaska. Both groups were sincere. Both were on the same ship. They did not always experience the same event.

Pillars of Faith takes its name from St. John Bosco’s vision of the Church as a ship finding safety between two pillars: the Holy Eucharist and the Blessed Virgin Mary. In his first talk, Bishop Strickland presented that work and invited people into it. Later he explained the partnership in personal terms. The apostolate was looking for a bishop; he was a bishop looking for a community. To him, the fit was natural. That remark helped some travelers understand why the cruise existed. It also left others wondering whether they had joined a retreat, a gathering meant to form a new community, or a voyage that would close with a strong appeal for support.

The spiritual core of the week was not in doubt. Daily Mass and Eucharistic adoration were offered on most days. Those who kept those hours generally found them to be the heart of the journey. Bishop Strickland’s message was pastoral and steady. He urged the faithful to keep their focus on Christ, to take part in adoration whenever possible, and to continue praying for the Church. He did not spend the week stirring controversy. He spent it pointing people back to Our Lord in the Blessed Sacrament. That counsel was received as a gift.

What divided the company was the use of time. Large parts of each day were left open for shore excursions, ship activities, and rest. Some retreatants loved that freedom. They went ashore, joined the ship’s entertainment, and still returned for Mass and adoration. For them, the week was restful and generous. Others were puzzled. They had heard the word “retreat” and expected a fuller common schedule of talks, silence, and shared prayer. By the end of the voyage, a number of them were asking, without bitterness but with real confusion, what the purpose of the gathering had been.

Mr. Hichborn’s session illustrated how small practical failures can affect a retreat. A computer printout of his talk was hard to follow. He had to pause and guess at the wording, and he explained the problem with the printer as he went. The difficulty was human and understandable, but it also broke the pace of the address. In a week that already left much of the day unstructured, a featured talk that could not move cleanly from point to point left some listeners disappointed.

The Juneau port day gave the voyage one of its clearest pilgrimage moments. A group went to the National Shrine of St. Thérèse, north of the city on Glacier Highway, on a small island looking out on Lynn Canal. St. Thérèse of Lisieux is the patron saint of Alaska. After her canonization in 1925 she was named Queen and Patroness of the territory; Bishop Joseph Crimont, Alaska’s first bishop, had a particular devotion to her. The stone chapel, built of beach rock by volunteers in the late 1930s, stands with a labyrinth, a rosary trail, gardens, and the Stations of the Cross. Time in port was limited, so the visit was a day excursion rather than a long stay. Still, it placed the group on Catholic ground in the land of Alaska’s patroness, and those who went generally spoke of it with gratitude.

Not everyone remained in the common life of the ship. A few passengers were quarantined after showing flu symptoms. That isolation was a hard and ordinary fact of shipboard life; illness travels quickly in close quarters. A handful of others simply withdrew to their rooms and kept a private retreat of prayer, reading, and rest. Some of that withdrawal was fatigue or caution about health. Some of it seemed to be a quiet attempt to recover the intensity they had hoped the official program would provide.

Near the end of the cruise, organizers made a strong appeal for financial support. Pillars of Faith is a nonprofit apostolate. It cannot continue without gifts, and there is nothing improper in asking the people who have just spent a week with a bishop to help sustain the work. Even so, the size of the closing push surprised some participants. Coming after the bishop’s account of an apostolate seeking a shepherd and a shepherd seeking a people, the appeal made organizational sense. As the final note of a week advertised as prayer and renewal, it felt, to some, heavier than the formation they had received.

The honest summary is mixed, and it should be stated without scorn. The voyage gave Alaska’s waters, a bishop at the altar, the Blessed Sacrament aboard ship, and a visit to the shrine of the state’s patroness. Bishop Strickland’s words were encouraging and clear: stay with Christ, adore the Eucharist, pray for the Church. Many guests left thankful for the sacraments, the scenery, and the freedom of the schedule. Others left still asking what they had come to do.

That question is not an accusation but the natural fruit of a first-year event that tried to be both retreat and cruise. A printer failure, a few cases of flu, and an open calendar are not moral failures. They are signs that the balance between common prayer and personal liberty was not yet settled. If there is a second retreat at sea, the kindest service organizers can offer is a clearer daily plan: Mass and adoration protected, talks prepared and paced, and enough shared purpose that people need not invent the retreat alone in their cabins.

Until then, the best of the week remains simple. Christ was present in the Eucharist. A bishop asked the faithful to keep their eyes on Him. That invitation does not depend on glaciers, printers, or fundraising. It remains, as it was meant to be, the reason anyone came aboard.

Opinion: Wilson, please reconsider your strategy

6

Yogi Berra once said during a drill at his baseball team’s spring training camp, “pair ‘em up in threes!” This could be the mantra needed to win in Alaska’s current Ranked Choice Voting (RCV) quagmire.  

On September 18, the day that the first round of ballots went out for military and overseas voters, Republican candidate Bernadette Wilson in a press release and recorded statement called for candidates AG Treg Taylor and Mayor Dave Bronson to suspend their campaigns and get behind her campaign for governor.  

This announcement came the day after a poll by the AARP was released showing that there is a statistical possibility of Democrat candidate Jonathon Kreiss-Tomkins winning the governor’s race. I will give Wilson credit for being bold and doing as she has done many times in this campaign of being first to make a move on something of consequence. However, it would be wise to reconsider the strategy.  

While Wilson interprets the poll as presenting her as the only viable conservative candidate, the poll indicates a significant percent of undecided voters that could swing the election in any of the three Republican candidates’ favor. Wilson knows that the main issues are the same among every voting constituency but by trying to take players off the field she is in fact limiting her own chances to win. The primary is done. The ballot is set with four names, three of which are on the same team. It is time to start thinking as a team and showing leadership that knows how to win the game being played. 

There is a clear path to victory for Wilson using the ranking method. By the same statistical method, paths to victory also exist for AG Taylor and Mayor Bronson. By encouraging her supporters to rank her first and Taylor and Bronson in whatever order thereafter, she keeps her voters’ ballots in play to the very end. Taylor and Bronson also need to tell their voters to rank Wilson to keep their ballots in play. Wilson needs to win in the final round because she will not win in the first round. She has not convinced enough people that she is the standard bearer for the Republican party or the independent voter bloc (which makes up approximately 2/3rds of Alaska’s voters). If voters put Bronson or Taylor ahead of her in the general election— which is statistically possible using data from the AARP poll— Wilson needs to be willing to keep her voters’ ballots in play by encouraging them to rank Bronson and Taylor, so conservatives can win. Undecided and independent voters are the key to this race and need to be brought on the field with a position to play, to win. 

Wilson is risking alienating younger voters who are undecided at a higher rate than older voters, according to the AARP poll. The number of undecided under age 50 outnumber the undecided voters over age 50 by nearly 2:1. Even with a small sample size, current events would tell you to pay very close attention to this ratio and work hard to win them.  

A conservative Republican can win with the ranking strategy because you are not trying to convince your own team. It is the independent undecided voters that need to see this coalition unite around common sense. Most families are seeing their savings disappear with rising fuel and grocery prices, their PFD stolen, their jobs being outsourced, their schools overrun with cultural activists, and their food and water poisoned. Wilson along with AG Taylor and Mayor Bronson have all championed policies to address these issues head on. Combine the platform. Unite the message. Aggressively campaign in the demographic areas where you need to make up ground. You have a three times better chance of covering more ground than the one Democrat candidate has. Use this to your advantage.  

Statistics and polling being what they are can only give a snapshot of the best information we can ascertain given participation and available data. Going back to Yogi Berra, “baseball is 90% mental, the other half is physical.” While the polls show JKT winning, the statistics also show a real chance for conservatives. However, Wilson’s message painting Taylor and Bronson as “spoilers” could discourage independents from even showing up to vote. Whether a voter favors Wilson, Taylor, or Bronson— we need every conservative vote to win. Ranking all three makes sure every conservative vote remains in play. We have to get in the game, and Wilson needs everyone to be on the field rather than trying to win the game for herself. Ranking the Republicans is playing all nine innings with the Republicans having home field advantage. 

What Wilson’s voters need to know is this: if you bullet vote for Bernadette Wilson and Mike Shower, your ballot could be exhausted. An exhausted ballot not only means your vote does not impact the final tally, but that you are no longer counted as a voter, rendering you a citizen without a voice. Same goes for Bronson’s and Taylor’s voters.

To Wilson: I am not convinced you are the right person to be our next Governor, but I will rank you on my ballot. I will help your supporters by encouraging them to rank you first followed by their ranking of AG Taylor and Mayor Bronson. My message is the same to the other Republican candidates. Convince me that you can think strategically while acting boldly to build the coalition we need to win in November. 

Pair ‘em up in threes and rank the Republicans. 

Must Read Alaska unequivocally supports the election of a conservative to the Office of Governor but does not endorse a particular gubernatorial candidate. MRAK encourages voters to rank all three Republicans in their preferred order.

More Conservatives Speak on the Winning Strategy

Greg Sarber, conservative writer and former board member of Alaska Gold Communications, Inc.: Opinion: Conservative Alaskans need to vote strategically for Governor

Jim Minnery, President of Alaska Family Council: Opinion: Alaska Family Council speaks on governor’s race, invites Christians to prayer gathering

Rep. Kevin McCabe (R-Big Lake): Opinion: Use their own weapon to beat them

Shelley Hughes, former 2026 candidate for Governor and Senate Majority Leader: Hughes endorses Treg Taylor for Governor (plus rank the other two Republicans)

Blake Gettys, former 2026 candidate for Lt. Governor: Hughes endorses Treg Taylor for Governor (plus rank the other two Republicans)

Dr. George B. Hightower, former 2026 candidate for Lt. Governor (ran with Edna DeVries): Opinion: The governor’s race is a fight for freedom; here’s how to win

Jon Faulkner, President of Alaska Gold Communications, Inc.: Opinion: An Obi-Wan Kenobi moment for the Taylor/English campaign

Todd Lindley, Vice President of Alaska Gold Communication, Inc.: Opinion: We can win with the right mindset— policy over person