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Sharon Walls: AG Taylor puts the truth in a chokehold

By SHARON WALLS

“The rule of law doesn’t work unless it applies to all of us.” That was the ironic, and frankly hypocritical, headline chosen by Attorney General Treg Taylor in Must Read Alaska.

Treg Taylor: The rule of law doesn’t work unless it applies to all of us

Taylor’s article was not a defense of equal justice, but rather an attempt to discredit a man he dismissed as a “progressive activist, associated with the California Innocence Project.”

But what exactly made David Ignell “progressive”? Was it his work to fight for justice, expose corruption, and challenge malicious prosecutions? If so, then perhaps “progressive” simply means refusing to ignore injustice. In that case, I proudly stand in the same camp. More likely, the label was meant only as a cheap attempt to discredit.

This kind of rhetoric is dangerous. Our president has spoken forcefully against corrupt prosecutors, biased judges, and politically motivated cases. Suggesting that anyone who holds such views must be “progressive” trivializes a serious issue — one the American people care deeply about. Justice is not partisan. The rule of law must apply equally, or it fails us all.

Gross Misrepresentation of Facts

Taylor’s version of “what actually happened” relied almost entirely on a single witness: the bar manager. This was the same employee who failed to remove a drunk man after the first attack — and who later admitted he “had a good thing going with his job and didn’t want to lose it.” His former employer confirmed he had been fired for embezzlement. Yet Taylor chose to build his account around him.

Meanwhile, other evidence and witnesses directly contradicted that account. The attacker himself admitted he was never placed in a chokehold — something confirmed by recorded evidence. Two other state witnesses testified that it was the bar manager, not my husband, who applied a chokehold while my husband restrained the attacker. These statements, from Taylor’s own witnesses, were entirely omitted from his article.

Taylor claims this was “violence, not policing.” But how exactly should one detain a man — after two attacks, outweighing my husband by 60 pounds — without using force? The force was necessary, proportionate, and corroborated by a state witness. Waiting for a third attack would have been reckless.

The so-called “rock wall” never happened. No witnesses corroborated it, and the only video Alaska State Troopers obtained doesn’t support it. I can be heard on trooper audio asking whether they would obtain a warrant for all the surveillance video. I even warned the footage might be destroyed. The trooper told staff they were liable and soon after, multiple recordings vanished. Only a partial video survived.

Why were we pleading for video evidence? Because it could have told the truth, free from bias and omission. Its disappearance left the record shaped by selective testimony and contradictions.

Repeated Prosecutorial Failures

Taylor portrays the dismissed indictments as “procedural.” In reality, the judge explicitly described the state’s testimony as false, misleading, inaccurate, and incomplete — and faulted prosecutors for failing to correct it.

Even after two dismissals, the same trooper was brought back before the grand jury a third time, despite his credibility already being discredited in open court. This was not justice. It was a refusal to take responsibility, and a reckless abuse of the grand jury process.

Misconstruing “The Settlement”

Taylor further misrepresented “the settlement.” My husband retired so we could leave Alaska after years of harassment from Taylor’s office and this trooper. We communicated that we would continue legal action from outside the state.

At that point, Taylor’s prosecutors offered to drop all charges with prejudice, on the condition that my husband not return to Alaska law enforcement. That was never in question; we had no desire to stay. The prosecutors also promised to leave me alone, ending their repeated threats of new charges.

We left with everything we wanted: all charges dismissed with prejudice. What did Taylor’s office get? Nothing. So why drag this case through three grand juries, built on false and incomplete testimony? The answer is simple: to force us out of Ketchikan Alaska, where his leadership in the war against fentanyl was generating huge wins.

The Real Credibility Problem

Taylor speaks of law enforcement credibility. But credibility is his office’s biggest problem. He dropped all charges against the man who attacked me — yet pursued us for years, at immense public expense, despite the judge’s repeated warnings.

This isn’t leadership. At public meetings, Taylor blames troopers, judges, even the Supreme Court. Real leaders take responsibility. They face facts, even when uncomfortable.

Closing: Truth and Accountability

I write this not to rehash old wounds but to set the record straight. My husband and I are private citizens now, with zero convictions. Taylor’s article was unethical, dishonest, and malicious — much like his prosecution. His refusal to ever admit error mirrors a broader problem within Alaska’s justice system.

The truth is not negotiable. No amount of selective testimony, missing video, or repeated grand juries can change what actually happened. Alaska deserves better leadership than this.

Sharon Walls is the wife of a former Ketchikan police chief, was formerly law enforcement and private investigation.

David Ignell: How Attorney General Treg Taylor ran a decorated police chief out of Ketchikan

David Ignell: How the Alaska attorney general tried to destroy a cop who fought fentanyl, Part II

David Ignell: With Trump gone, the arrival of Bondi and Patel is urgently needed in Alaska

Treg Taylor: The rule of law doesn’t work unless it applies to all of us

David Ignell: To reform Alaska OCS, we must first reform the judiciary

NEA pushes transgender agenda and ‘inclusive’ sex ed with new teacher kits for school year

The nation’s largest teachers union, the National Education Association, is once again leaning into political and cultural battles rather than focusing on its core mission of representing educators in collective bargaining.

This fall, as students return to classrooms, the NEA has rolled out a new program called Everyone Is Welcome Here. The initiative, launched in partnership with Planned Parenthood, Advocates for Youth, and other activist groups, provides free “welcome kits” to teachers who sign up.

Each kit includes a tote bag, LGBTQ-themed stickers, lanyards, lapel pins, bracelets, and an “I’m Here” badge from the NEA’s LGBTQ+ caucus. The items are meant to serve as visible symbols that a classroom is “inclusive,” particularly for students identifying as LGBTQ or transgender.

NEA sticker for teachers to hand out includes encouraging children to “read banned books” and encourages teachers to teach “inclusive sex ed,” without guardrails.

The NEA frames the program as a way to ensure schools are “safe and affirming,” but it crosses the line into political indoctrination and sexual grooming. By teaming up with organizations that promote sexual education and radical gender ideology, the NEA is inserting itself into highly controversial territory — territory many parents believe does not belong in K–12 classrooms.

Planned Parenthood’s involvement adds to parent concerns. Long known as the nation’s largest abortion provider, the group also promotes expansive definitions of “inclusive sex education,” often encouraging teachers to introduce students to gender fluidity, sexual identity exploration, and topics far removed from reading, writing, and arithmetic.

Planned Parenthood is now one of the biggest providers of “gender affirming care,” which is the term used to refer to transgender procedures and drugs.

Instead of improving academic standards, addressing plummeting test scores, or focusing on the needs of students struggling to recover from pandemic-era learning loss, the NEA is devoting its resources to cultural activism. The organization insists that children must be “affirmed” in their gender identity in order to thrive. But the very branding of “Everyone Is Welcome Here” suggests the opposite: students, teachers, and parents who hold traditional beliefs may find their values are anything but welcome.

Opponents say that parents, rather than unions or activist groups, should decide what values are taught to children. “This is not about safety. It’s about sexualizing classrooms,” one education advocate told Must Read Alaska. “The NEA has strayed so far from its original mission of supporting teachers and negotiating for better wages and working conditions. Now, it’s just another political machine.”

The Everyone Is Welcome Here kits are available to the first 1,000 teachers who sign up, with shipments expected within two weeks. The message is clear: Classrooms across America are being transformed into ideological battlegrounds, with the NEA leading the charge.

Spurr of the moment: Back to sleep

After more than a year of heightened volcanic activity, the Alaska Volcano Observatory has lowered the aviation color code for Mount Spurr to green and the Volcano Alert Level to normal, signaling that the immediate threat of an eruption has passed.

Since early 2024, the volcano about 80 miles west of Anchorage had shown signs of unrest, including increased earthquakes, gas emissions, melting ice, and surface changes near its summit. Scientists say those indicators began tapering off this spring, and no ground deformation has been recorded since March 2025.

“Taken together, these observations indicate that the upward movement of magma has stopped,” AVO reported. “The chance of an eruption in the near-term is now considered extremely low.”

While the volcano has quieted, some activity remains. Small earthquakes are still occurring more often than before the unrest began, and volcanic gases continue to vent from both the summit crater and Crater Peak on the south flank. According to AVO, such activity is normal for a volcano where magma has risen but not erupted, and minor emissions could continue for months or even years.

Hazards still exist for those venturing onto the mountain. volcanologist have detected high levels of carbon dioxide gas along the rim of Crater Peak. The gas, which is both odorless and colorless, can be dangerous in enclosed areas and poses a potential risk to climbers and other recreators. AVO emphasized, however, that the emissions are not affecting surrounding communities.

Mount Spurr is the highest volcano in the Aleutian Arc, standing at 11,070 feet. Its most recent eruption occurred in 1992, when ash fell on Anchorage and disrupted air travel.

Ben Carpenter: The people’s power vs. the government’s gatekeepers with grand juries

By BEN CARPENTER

For years, I have argued that Alaska’s Department of Law has stood in the way of Alaskans exercising their constitutional right to use the grand jury as an investigative tool.

Our state Constitution is explicit: “The power of grand juries to investigate and make recommendations concerning the public welfare or safety shall never be suspended.” (Alaska Const. Art. I, §8). Yet in practice, the public has been blocked. Complaints of corruption or threats to public welfare too often die at the door of bureaucracy.

That is why I have pressed — both in the Legislature and in print — for reforms that would remove government gatekeepers from the process. The grand jury belongs to the people, not to the Attorney General, not to the courts, and not to the executive, legislative, or judicial branches. Article I, Section 2 reminds us: “All political power is inherent in the people. All government originates with the people, is founded upon their will only, and is instituted solely for the good of the people as a whole.” (Alaska Const. Art. I, §2).

What AG Taylor Now Says

In a recent conversation on the Must Read Alaska Show, Attorney General Treg Taylor acknowledged what many of us have been saying all along: the system has been broken. He admitted there are “definite constitutional issues” with the Alaska Supreme Court assigning him the role of gatekeeper. He even went so far as to say, “I intend to be a very poor gatekeeper.”

Taylor explained that his office has published new written procedures allowing citizens to submit requests for investigative grand juries through the Department of Law website. He emphasized transparency, promising that requests and outcomes would be made visible to the public, minus identifying details. He also admitted that it is likely that a constitutional amendment is needed to secure the people’s right to see grand jury reports made public.

Entire interview here:

Where We Agree

I welcome the Attorney General’s recognition that Alaskans need more access. His pledge to err on the side of letting complaints go forward is a positive development. He is right that public distrust runs deep, and that transparency is necessary to rebuild confidence in our justice system. He is also right that the Constitution gives the grand jury—not government officials—the authority to investigate and indict.

Where We Diverge

The difference lies in who ultimately controls the process. Taylor accepts the Supreme Court’s rules and says he will work within them. My position is that those rules themselves are unconstitutional when they assign the Attorney General the role of gatekeeper. We cannot simply rely on the goodwill of one officeholder who promises to be “lenient.” The rights of Alaskans must never hinge on the personality, discretion, or politics of a single official.

Taylor worries about abuse of the process—citizens repeatedly shopping complaints to multiple grand juries, or grand juries being “hijacked” from their regular indictment duties. My view is that those concerns pale in comparison to the constitutional guarantee that grand juries shall never have their power suspended. And yet, suspension has already happened—multiple times—when the courts or the Department of Law have prevented grand juries from investigating matters brought to them. Worries of abuse can be managed with statutes enacted by the legislature that both the courts and the executive branch must follow. Legislative action is necessary to resolve this constitutional crisis.

When the courts establish the Attorney General as a gatekeeper, or when the Attorney General implements procedures that limit access, the people’s rights are suspended in practice. Bureaucratic control of grand jury access erodes the very foundation of self-government.

A statute change could clarify this balance: the Department of Law’s role should be limited to maintaining a calendar and providing continuity between grand juries, including a record of prior decisions germane to identifying for the grand jury potential abuse by members of the public. Beyond that facilitative function, the Department of Law should have no discretion to block or filter what the grand jury itself may hear. If we can trust grand jurors to indict and thereby deprive us of liberty, we can trust those members to decide what they want to investigate on our behalf.

The Kenai Grand Jury Report

The recent example from Kenai underscores the danger of allowing government gatekeepers to control the process. In 2022, a grand jury in Kenai investigated allegations of judicial misconduct and even issued a felony indictment. That same grand jury produced a formal report and recommendation—intended to be released to the public. Yet a Superior Court judge dismissed the indictment and declared that the report would never be made public. Despite petitions, public records requests, and mounting civic concern, the people of Alaska remain barred from seeing what their own fellow citizens uncovered after months of service.

This episode demonstrates why public distrust has grown so strong. When grand juries act within their constitutional authority, but their findings are buried, the people’s power is undermined. If reports about corruption within the judicial system itself can be blocked by the very institution under scrutiny, then the promise that grand jury power “shall never be suspended” becomes meaningless.

The Larger Conflict

It is important to note that under normal circumstances the Attorney General is required to abide by court rules as if they were law, unless those rules are successfully challenged in court or overridden by the legislature. This obligation flows from both the constitutional authority granted to the Alaska Supreme Court to make rules, and the AG’s professional responsibilities as a member of the Bar. Yet both institutions—the courts and the AG—risk overstepping when they insert themselves as gatekeepers over a people’s institution. The Constitution’s design is that the grand jury itself should decide what to investigate, not officials acting in its stead.

Here the governor’s constitutional authority under Article III, Section 16 comes into focus. That provision empowers the governor to enforce compliance with any constitutional mandate and restrain violation of any constitutional right by any officer or agency of the state. The Attorney General works for the governor, and the Department of Law is the governor’s instrument. If the courts impose a rule that violates the Constitution—such as making the AG the gatekeeper of grand juries—the governor has both the power and the duty to direct the AG to ignore that unconstitutional mandate. In this way, the governor should defend the independence of the grand jury and protect his attorney general from a judiciary intent on shielding itself.

The unresolved Kenai grand jury report is the clearest evidence of this conflict. That report, the product of months of citizen service, remains sealed because the courts have granted themselves, through Criminal Rule 6.1, a veto power over grand jury reports. The effect of this usurpation is that a grand jury report on judicial corruption remains locked in the courts’ vault rather than released to the public as the grand jury intended. The courts have therefore committed two violations against the people: first, by appointing the AG as gatekeeper in violation of Article I, Section 8’s command that grand jury power shall never be suspended; and second, by refusing to release the Kenai grand jury report on judicial corruption thereby nullifying the people’s watchdog function.

The larger conflict is not just about control but over the role of the grand jury. The judicial branch and AG’s approach to an “investigative” grand jury is more than simple word choice. The label “investigative” denotes purpose. I have spoken to many lawyers in positions of government power who believe that grand juries should only be able to indict whoever a prosecutor asks them to indict. A new Attorney General with a new set of rules for district attorneys could simply determine that an “investigative” grand jury doesn’t have the right to investigate and indict but only to issue reports. The long-term solution for the grand jury lies in legislative action or constitutional amendment to restore an “independent” grand jury and prevent either branch from controlling access. We should be calling it an independent grand jury because words matter.

The Path Forward

We agree that Alaskans need clarity, transparency, and trust. But let us be clear: the grand jury exists as an expression of the people’s political power. It is not the tool of the Department of Law or the courts. The oath administered to grand jurors under Criminal Rule 6 states: “You and each of you do solemnly swear (or affirm) that you will diligently inquire and true presentment make of all such matters as shall come before you, and you will keep secret the proceedings of the grand jury, except as authorized by law.” (Alaska Criminal Rule 6(e)). This oath binds jurors to serve justice—not government officials.

Alaska statutes reinforce these duties. Under AS 12.40, a grand jury may indict when a majority of jurors concur. AS 12.40.060 affirms their power to subpoena witnesses and records. And AS 12.40.040 permits jurors with personal knowledge of a crime to present it to their fellow jurors. These laws recognize that grand jurors are not passive participants; they are active guardians of public integrity.

Reforms that rely on promises from the Attorney General’s office are not enough. We need structural change—through statute, and if necessary, through constitutional amendment—that reaffirms the people’s ownership of the grand jury process. We need Governor Dunleavy to provide immediate relief and to defend the independence of the grand jury. Form an independent commission if you must have assurances. The simplest path is to direct the Attorney General to enact a less restrictive process and underwrite his opposition to being appointed the gatekeeper. The people of Alaska must never surrender their watchdog—the independent grand jury—to the very institutions it was designed to oversee.

Ben Carpenter is a former Alaska legislator, US Army combat veteran, and host and producer of the Must Read Alaska Show. 

Sandy Szwarc: Pebble paradox, puzzling evidence and a sham permitting council, Part II

By SANDY SZWARC

The most glaring contradictions of President Donald Trump’s seeming support for developing America’s energy independence lies in his failure to shutter Barack Obama’s Permitting Council.

Instead, Trump even created an additional council − National Energy Dominance Council − to advise him on permitting, production, generation, distribution, regulation and transportation for American energy. Its members are nearly identical to the pre-existing permitting council that has worked with previous administrations as arms of the EPA to block development of mining and energy projects as part of Obama-Biden’s climate change agenda.

The Federal Permitting Improvement Steering Council was established in 2015 under Barack Obama as part of the “Fixing America’s Surface Transportation Act (FAST-41)” of Title 41 Code of Federal Regulations. It created a 15-member agency under the executive branch, supposedly to improve the EPA permitting process. Permitting Council members include the same agencies and personnel that have played active roles in impeding energy development for years under the guise of environmentalism. The agency oversees any activity that requires environmental review or authorization concerning energy production and storage, renewables, electricity transmission, waterways, pipelines, manufacturing, computer technology; or sponsored by an Indian tribal organization; and is subject to the National Environmental Policy Act.

The Deputy Executive Director under former President Joe Biden and currently also under Trump, is Manisha Patel. She has a long history with NEPA and extensive roles at the White House Council on Environmental Quality, leadership positions at the EPA, and oversaw FAST-41’s initiatives and US Army Corps of Engineer’s red book of environmental reviews. Under Biden’s directives, her positions worked to revoke Trump-era environmental policies and enforce Biden’s climate change agenda, push EPA’s sweeping clean air and water regulations and net-zero renewable energy future, and restrict fossil fuel and mining development.

She proudly reviewed the extensive environmental overreach of NEPA in nearly every federal department during a seminar at the June 2023 Environmental Law Institute. Her Power Point illustrated its central goal of enforcing “environmental justice.” 

The Permitting Council’s FY2025 budget request included $9 million, in addition to $10 million for FY1024.  FAST-41’s portfolio of active projects in its 2025 budget (page 13) included 15 offshore wind projects, a solar project, three other renewable energy projects, one carbon capture and sequestration project and only one mining project. That mining project, South 32 Hermosa, had none of three environmental review and permitting processes completed, with an estimated date of July 7, 2027. Hermosa mining project is located on private lands in the historic Patagonia Mountains of southern Arizona, with manganese and zinc reserves, as well as silver and lead.

Why didn’t Trump shutter the Permitting Council as part of DOGE and choose a team that would support his new energy policies?

Why did President Trump create another council − National Energy Dominance Council  − with nearly the same members who’ve worked to block energy development and promote the climate change agenda?

Immediately upon coming into office, on Jan. 20, Trump declared a national energy emergency, stating that the development, production and generation of energy and critical minerals were far too inadequate to meet our nation’s needs. He called for expediting the completion of all appropriated and authorized energy infrastructure; and identify all permitting projects that could be threatened by the Clean Water Act and other statutes under EPA and Army Corps of Engineer regulations and other environmental policies.

Trump called to repeal unconstitutional regulations that violated people’s rights, attempts by the EPA Clean Water Act against property owners or to adopt unscientific and overly costly and detrimental regulations and procedures. Trump called out overbearing Federal regulations for eroding our nation’s mineral production, which has threatened our national and economic security and left us reliant on hostile foreign countries for critical minerals.

Trump specifically ordered the unleashing of Alaska’s extraordinary resource potential. That move was seen as setting the stage to advance dozens of critical mining projects.

He ordered every executive department and agency involved in mineral production permitting to provide a list of priority projects within ten days to his newly created National Energy Dominance Council for immediate approval review and expedited permitting. Within 15 days, the Permitting Council’s executive director was to publish the projects selected and establish schedules for expedited review. 

That was eight months ago.

On April 18, the Trump White House announced the Permitting Council had released the first wave of critical mineral production projects in response to his executive order. But a close look at the selected Fast-41 Projects show that it currently includes primarily initial exploratory projects, few involving critical energy minerals, such as Michigan Potash’s fertilizer-grade potash project. And almost none had environmental reviews and permitting processes completed, let alone started. Only two were even in Alaska − a surface exploration project and an expansion of an existing zinc pit mine. No one would oppose consideration of any potentially valuable energy project, but do these selected projects really represent the most important projects for our country?

The richest reserves and resources in the world are located in Alaska, according to the Department of Natural Resources. Alaska’s minerals and metals are essential for a sustainable world, according to Alaska Metal Mines. Not one of Alaska’s mining projects that have completed advanced exploration (Bokan Mt, Graphite Creek, Livengood, Niblack, Palmer or Upper Kobuk), according to Alaska Miners Association, appear on Trump’s  Fast-41 list. 

AMA also reported that Alaska’s two mines that have completed exploration and environmental studies (Donlin Gold and Pebble Project) have been stuck in the permitting process since discovered in the 1980s – and neither of them appear on the Fast-41 list, either.

New US mines take an average of 29 years to develop from discovery, permitting to production, according to the latest S&P Global mining study. The US has the second longest permitting time in the world for new mines, yet is sitting on over $100 billion in critical minerals copper, gold, lithium and zinc and others, the study reported. Only three mines have come into production in America since 2002. 

The mining study also noted that of the five identified notable projects in the US, all have been blocked from going into production since their development applications, submitted as long ago as 1978. Pebble Mine, the only one in Alaska, has continued to be blocked since 1990. 

Despite the apparent support of the new Trump administration, as of Aug. 7, Pebble Limited Partnership reported it was still trying to negotiate with the White House to reverse the illegal Obama/Biden-era veto, while also pursuing necessary court action (plaintiffs include the state of Alaska, Pebble Partnership and Illiamna Natives, Ltd.). The present court schedule appears it will be well into next year before their case is heard.

Why is media silent about Pebble Mine? Pebble Mine and these other notable US projects long ago completed comprehensive scoping, explorations and environmental studies and are decades ahead of the Fast-41 projects selected to prioritize under the Trump and Biden administrations. 

Why is no one asking:  “Why have none of those projects appeared on Trump’s FAST-41 Transparency Projects list?” 

Or more to the point: “Why are viable mining projects still being obstructed by the EPA− an independent agency within the Executive Branch of our government and directly under President Trump?” 

Sandy Szwarc is a researcher and writer on health and science issues for nearly 40 years. Her work focuses on the scientific process and critical investigations of research and evidence, as well as the belief that people deserve the most credible information available, and that public policies should be based on sound science and reasoned risk-benefit analyses. No mining project contributed to, or had any role, in this submission.

Special report: Pebble, and the reality of life in the region for those without commercial fishing permits

Special report: Pebble Mine, the people’s story spanning more than two decades

Special Pebble report: A permitting process favoring mining opponents

Man arrested for sexual assault within yards of Anchorage City Hall — in broad daylight

A woman was seen being sexually assaulted in the parking lot of Anchorage City Hall late Wednesday morning, just another instance in the rapidly disintegrating public safety profile of the downtown core.

According to witnesses, the assault took place before 11:30 am in broad daylight. A passerby who witnessed the attack from her vehicle said she repeatedly honked her horn in an attempt to stop it, but several men walking nearby did not intervene in the crime. She also called 911 and said it took officers approximately seven minutes to arrive. Meanwhile, the man was penetrating the woman sexually without stopping, but occasionally glanced in the direction of the honking horn.

When police arrived, they pulled the man off the woman and placed him under arrest, the witness said. A photo provided to media shows officers pinning the man to the ground as the woman lay nearby.

The witness, who shared video evidence with police, said that after she was on hold with 911 for about 30 seconds, dispatchers asked her a series of questions about where she was and what the description of the perpetrator was, as she pleaded for them to send help.

Police were heard asking the woman whether she knew the suspect. The witness reported that the woman told them she “didn’t want this.”

After the suspect was taken into custody, the officers left the woman at the scene. The witness approached her and learned she was from Bristol Bay and had come to Anchorage for medical appointments but was staying on the streets. She appeared to be heavily intoxicated. Police later took her to the Alaska Native Tribal Health Consortium in the back of their squad car.

The attack comes as Anchorage struggles with ongoing issues related to vagrancy, drug abuse, public intoxication, and crime in the downtown area. Under Mayor Suzanne LaFrance’s administration, the Anchorage Police Department has been restructuring its workforce, converting some sworn officer positions into unarmed “community safety officer” roles, and reducing law enforcement throughout the city in a stealth “defund the police” move.

This latest incident in one of the city’s most visible civic spaces — a parking lot between City Hall and the Dena’ina Convention Center — has raised alarm among residents about the level of disorder and safety downtown.

Police have not yet released the name of the suspect. The case number is 25-025468.

Anchorage trying to get little kids to pioneer playing in one of the least safe places in downtown

Glamping in the greenbelts: Anchorage’s luxury lawlessness, with free tents for vagrants

Parks-and-Wreck photo tour: LaFrance celebrates Davis Park cleanup, as vagrants relocate downtown

Encampment at Davis Park to be cleared, but where will the vagrants go next? SLAZ South

Anchorage Fire Dept. blames the victim for fire started by vagrants at Spenard building

Anchorage mayor fails to order downtown cleanup ahead of Trump visit

Police on hunt for man who smashed stained glass windows on historic Catholic cathedral in Anchorage

As snipers scout rooftops, Anchorage’s streets remain littered with bodies before diplomats arrive

Another work day in Anchorage: Arson edition

Photo tour: Step carefully in urban Anchorage

Anchorage launches ‘Crampground’ neighborhood

Assembly to award multi-millions in grants for congregate shelter services

Photo tour of a vagrant TarpMart, where everything must go (because it’s probably stolen)

Breaking: Anchorage Assembly passes tougher encampment ordinance to restore law and order

Video: As Anchorage begins to abate vagrant encampments, the squatters set protest fires

New Anchorage law targets illegal fires amid rising wildfire risk and vagrant camp sprawl

Welcome to La Franckorage: A multi-media tour of summer in Alaska’s largest vagrant encampments

Chugach Electric customers are charged up over automatic “Round-Up” charges

Chugach Electric Association is facing backlash from members after announcing that its new “Cents of Community” program will automatically round up electric bills to the nearest dollar unless customers take the time and effort to opt out.

The program, set to launch in October, will add an average of 50 cents per month to each account — about $6 per year per member, the association said. With more than 92,000 members, that adds up to over half a million dollars annually. The money will be pooled into a grant fund and distributed to 501(c)(3) charities through a Chugach-appointed board. Chugach Electric Association’s board is dominated by Democrat- and union activists.

What has many members upset is not the amount, but the process. When Chugach first floated the program, it was described as voluntary. Members say they were told it would be opt-in, meaning they could choose to participate. Instead, every member has now been automatically enrolled, and those who don’t want to take part must call a Chugach hotline, provide their account number and service address, and ask to be removed. Normal people don’t have their electric account numbers handy, so this is a burden of time that not all will commit.

Chugach Consumers, a member watchdog group, has been warning against the program since before the vote. The group points out that Chugach already donates money to charities out of ratepayer revenue, and argues the round-up program forces members into giving under the utility’s terms. “This bylaw is further inducing members to donate their own moneys for Chugach image building,” the group stated.

Members voicing frustration say they feel misled by the shift from an opt-in to an opt-out system. Some see the program as a distraction from Chugach’s core responsibility of keeping power affordable. Others resent being automatically committed to charitable donations without their explicit consent.

Customers who wish to decline the program must call (907) 762-4129 with their account details to opt out.

Linda Boyle: Pediatric professional group puts profits above patients

By LINDA BOYLE

When the nation’s top health agency pulled back its Covid shot recommendations for healthy children and pregnant women this spring, it didn’t just alter medical guidance — it touched off a firestorm in the pediatric establishment.

Health and Human Services Secretary Kennedy announced in May that the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention is no longer recommending healthy children and pregnant women routinely get the Covid shot. Several medical associations came unglued. They maintained such an action would lead to illness and death.  

The American Academy of Pediatrics stated they would come up with their own recommendations despite CDC guidance. 

Bear in mind the CDC did not say you couldn’t get the Covid shot if you wanted it. It was just not recommended for healthy children and pregnant women. Covid jabs should still be used in high risk individuals and those over 65. The guidance further stated that the decision to vax or not vax should be between the parent and the doctor. The idea of shared decision making.

Secretary Kennedy also fired the 17 members of the Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices and brought on replacements. Most of these replacements, although well respected in their field, were viewed to be anti-vaxxers.  

The ACIP changeout and the new Covid recommendations for infants and pregnant women led to a melt down by various medical groups and mainstream media.  The new ACIP met in June and made recommendations on flu and  respiratory syncytial virus that were similar to previous recommendations except it recommended the use of  thimerosal-free (mercury-free) single-dose formulations.

In addition, Secretary Kennedy also decided to exclude medical associations such as the American Pediatric Academy, the American Medical Association and other top medical organizations from working with the advisers to establish vaccination recommendations.

In July, the American Academy of Pediatrics, American College of Physicians, American Public Health Association,  Infectious Diseases Society of America, Massachusetts Public Health Alliance, Society for Maternal-Fetal Medicine, and a pregnant physician, filed suit in American Academy of Pediatrics v. Robert F. Kennedy, Jr. in the US District Court.  The suit was to defend the vaccine policy as it had existed pre-Secretary Kennedy.

For the first time in 30 years, the AAP dramatically diverged from federal vaccine recommendations. 

The AAP released its vaccine recommendations this week and strongly recommended Covid-19 shots for children ages 6 months to 2 years. AAP also said that if parents wanted older children vaccinated, they should be.  

Dr. James Campbell, the vice chair of the AAP infectious disease committee, stated it’s going to be confusing for people with two different recommendations out there. But AAP believes it is necessary to protect our children. AAP also said in its statement that by strongly recommending the jab they hope insurance companies will cover payment.  

The AAP represents 67,000 pediatricians and guess what? It gets substantial funding from Big Pharma including vaccine makers. It also received tens of millions of dollars in funding from the federal government to push vaccines and quell “misinformation.” Can you say, “conflict of interest”?  

Secretary Kennedy believes the shot presents a greater risk than Covid itself for most children. There have been many studies on vaccine injuries — most notably in the area of myocarditis and pericarditis in young men. And the number of children who die from Covid infection is extremely low, with none in Alaska.  

The Covid virus continues to morph, with no guarantee the “current” shot will “protect” against the current strain.  

The only good thing I saw in this whole discussion is that the decision to vax or not vax needs to be made between the doctor and the parent. However, will there be true informed consent if the pediatrician is just following what its medical association tells him or her to do? 

Will there be true informed consent if a physician’s bonus is dependent on the percentage of children vaccinated?  

Yep. Once again follow the money.

Linda Boyle, RN, MSN, DM, was formerly the chief nurse for the 3rd Medical Group, JBER, and was the interim director of the Alaska VA. Most recently, she served as Director for Central Alabama VA Healthcare System. She is the director of the Alaska Covid Alliance/Alaskans 4 Personal Freedom.

Linda Boyle: RFK Jr. in Alaska talks tribal sovereignty, Medicaid rules, and a shift on mRNA vaccines

Linda Boyle: FDA’s Dr. Vinay Prasad, Big Pharma, politics, and the price of medical integrity

Linda Boyle: WHO Without America, and America without globalist health orders

Linda Boyle: FDA green lights Spikevax for young children, raising questions on safety, transparency

  

Alaska taxpayers to save an average of $3,485 under new federal tax law

Alaska taxpayers will see significant relief under the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, with average savings of $3,485 thanks in part to the Alaska delegation’s support for working-family tax cuts, according to a new analysis from the Tax Foundation.

All three members of Alaska’s congressional delegation — Congressman Nick Begich and Senators Dan Sullivan and Lisa Murkowski — voted for the OBBBA.

Signed into law in July, the bill represents the most sweeping federal tax reform since the 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act. The law locks in individual tax provisions from the TCJA that were set to expire in 2026, avoiding a tax hike on an estimated 62 percent of U.S. tax filers.

Beyond extending the TCJA provisions, the OBBBA introduces new benefits aimed at both families and businesses. They include an expanded child tax credit, higher standard deduction, and new deductions for tipped and overtime income. Businesses benefit from permanent 100 percent bonus depreciation and continued deductions for domestic research and development. The legislation also delivers targeted relief by eliminating federal taxes on tips, overtime, and Social Security income.

According to the Tax Foundation’s estimates, Alaskans will save an average of $3,485 on their federal taxes in 2026, compared with what they would have paid under prior law. Nationally, the average savings per taxpayer comes to $3,752.

The impact varies widely across states. Wyoming ($5,375), Washington ($5,372), and Massachusetts ($5,139) lead with the largest average tax cuts, while West Virginia ($2,503) and Mississippi ($2,401) see the smallest. Within individual counties, the largest benefits are concentrated in high-income resort areas, with Wyoming’s Teton County averaging $37,373 in tax cuts per filer.

The Tax Foundation projects that the OBBBA will generate long-term economic growth by creating nearly 938,000 full-time equivalent jobs nationwide. California is expected to see more than 132,000 of those jobs, while Texas may gain about 81,000. Alaska’s share of new employment has not yet been detailed but is expected to track with national trends.

Although some provisions, such as deductions for tips and overtime income, are set to expire by 2030, overall tax savings will remain significant in the years ahead. By 2035, the average tax cut per filer nationwide is projected to reach $3,301, as inflation increases the value of permanent provisions.