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Senate DPS Finance Subcommittee Reviews FY27 Budget, Highlights Crime Reductions and Rural Safety Gains

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The Senate Department of Public Safety Finance Subcommittee opened its FY27 budget review with a clear message of progress amid persistent challenges. Commissioner James Cockrell and Administrative Services Director Dianna Thornton delivered a concise yet comprehensive overview covering midyear FY26 status, supplemental needs, legislative intent follow-up, and the Governor’s proposed FY27 operating budget.

Commissioner Cockrell opened with statewide trends: “Statewide, we’ve seen crime decrease… approximately about 41%.” He noted violent crime remains a focus but credited targeted enforcement for measurable gains. Drug interdiction yielded “634 pounds of illicit drugs,” primarily seized near Anchorage’s airport entry points via USPS, airlines, FedEx, and UPS. Modest trooper staffing growth and improved retention have sustained momentum.

The Village Public Safety Officer (VPSO) program stood out as a “shining star.” Cockrell reported 87 of 90 funded positions filled, with 20 new VPSOs placed in previously uncovered villages. “Our ultimate goal is to provide a VPSO in any village that wants one,” he stated, acknowledging the program’s expansion despite cost pressures. The Missing and Murdered Indigenous Persons (MMIP) Unit, with four investigators across regions, has delivered results: two long-missing individuals located, three sets of remains identified, and additional cases advancing. “We’re the only agency in Alaska that’s focused directly on missing and murdered indigenous persons, including unidentified remains,” Cockrell emphasized.

Forensic improvements were equally notable. The crime lab has cleared backlogs on sexual assault kits, with turnaround times continuing to drop. Cockrell voiced strong support for HB 69, the sexual assault tracking kit legislation, noting it would empower victims with real-time status updates. Three Crimes Against Children investigator positions in Western Alaska are now filled, preventing patrol troopers from being pulled from other duties.

Administrative Services Director Dianna Thornton outlined budget mechanics. The FY27 request totals approximately $336 million, a 2% increase over FY26, with 58% allocated to personal services. Key increments include $1.3 million in general funds to sustain statewide body-worn and in-car camera operations—now fully deployed with over 600 body cameras and nearly 400 in-car systems feeding a unified digital evidence platform. Thornton explained the shift from capital deployment to recurring operations: “The increment covers ongoing operational cost for the system including licensing, storage, evidence management.”

A $1.25 million FY26 supplemental request for VPSO operations addresses an operating shortfall driven by improved retention (from 50% in 2017 to 80% last year), rural travel, and equipment costs. Without it, grant-funded positions would face reduction. An FY27 structural alignment of $1.65 million aims to prevent recurring gaps. Thornton noted internal efficiencies already implemented, including merged academies and eliminated recruitment advertising.

The Restorative Justice Fund dynamics drew scrutiny. Thornton detailed a $592,000 reduction in Violent Crimes Compensation Board authority to align with projected revenues and a $169,000 CDVSA reduction offset by equivalent general funds to stabilize shelter grants. “The reduction aligns the spending authority with the projected revenue of the fund,” she stated, ensuring no change in eligibility or services.

Senator Claman (D – Anchorage) requested a detailed breakdown of the 61% appropriation share between Alaska State Troopers and Wildlife Troopers, including position counts. Thornton committed to providing component-level data. Discussion also touched on the unfunded Talkeetna Post, with coverage now stretched from Palmer, Wasilla, and Cantwell. Cockrell described high visitor traffic and enforcement gaps along the Parks Highway, a known drug corridor.

Senator Wielechowski (D – Anchorage) inquired about tribal policing relationships. Cockrell described collaboration at two levels—village-based officers with limited training and more formalized forces like Chickaloon’s that meet state standards. A budget request would enable VPSO Division training in Bethel for both Village Police Officers and tribal officers.

On Anchorage public safety, Wielechowski asked about the governor’s State of the State remarks. Cockrell clarified DPS provides support rather than primary policing, citing surges like “Summer Heat” with APD, Marshals, and Probation. He advocated sustained presence over periodic operations: “If a quiet community means we’re doing our job, and we don’t have to arrest, that’s success.”

The subcommittee noted ongoing pressures on domestic violence shelters and the Violent Crimes Compensation Board, with House subcommittee amendments proposing additional increases.

Sarah Vance Advocates for the Preborn with Her Alaska Heartbeat Act

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By JIM MINNERY | ALASKA FAMILY COUNCIL

On February 23rd, Representative Sarah Vance of Homer shouted her support for preborn babies by introducing House Bill 357, the short title of which is the “Alaska Heartbeat Act.” This bill aims to save children from being aborted by emphasizing what should be, but is too often not recognized as, the inherently understood importance of a human heartbeat.

Cardiac cells within a preborn baby begin to collectively pulse at five weeks’ gestation, and a recognizable heartbeat is typically detected by week six. Vance’s bill would prohibit aborting a baby after a heartbeat is medically detected.

The bill will also require informed enhanced consent for pregnant women by mandating a sonogram before an elective abortion is performed, a practice that is current law in twelve other states. Half of those twelve states also require the medical provider to display and describe the sonogram to the pregnant woman.

It’s a bold step in Alaska, where abortions can be performed until the time of birth, and unmarried, unemancipated girls under 18 can get abortions without their parents’ approval, but Vance has some fellow legislators on her side.

Representatives Kevin McCabe, Frank Tomaszewski, Jubilee Underwood, Steve St. Clair, Garret  Nelson, Elexie Moore, Bill Elam, and Jamie Allard, joined in to co-sponsor the bill.

According to Focus On The Family, which runs a program called Option Ultrasound to provide pregnant women a view of the human lives inside them, nearly 60 percent of women considering abortion choose life after receiving an ultrasound and compassionate and science-based counseling.

Ending the life of a preborn baby is a difficult decision. Despite movements such as “Shout My Abortion” where women actually celebrate aborting their own babies, the decision to abort is often an emotionally difficult one. The pro-life movement does not often understand that, taking the view that women just saunter over to Planned Parenthood to get an abortion without giving it a second thought.

Granted, a callousness towards preborn lives exists; otherwise, American women would not have aborted 62 million babies over the past half century. But there are women who go to abortion clinics with doubts and fears. If those women are given the opportunity to hear the heartbeats and see the limbs and movements of the children in their wombs, there is a good chance they will have a moment of conscience that tells them to choose life for their babies.

Alaska Family Council applauds Representative Vance and her co-sponsors for introducing HB357 and we encourage conscientious individuals and groups to support the Alaska Heartbeat Act.

CLICK HERE to send a thank you note to Representative Vance for standing for what is true, good and beautiful.

CLICK HERE to encourage House Majority Leader Chuck Kopp, who has proclaimed to be pro life in the past, to use his influence to move HB357 forward.

Structural Chokepoints in Alaska K–12 Part 1: The Myth of School Choice

Part 1: Myth of School Choice 

By Michael Tavoliero

Alaska’s public education debate fixates on budgets, test scores, and ideology. None of that touches the machinery that actually governs the system. Beneath the rhetoric, three statutory designs make K–12 expensive, politically insulated, and structurally hostile to real, parent-driven school choice. 

The three chokepoints: 

1. School board structure and election timing. Borough and city school boards are locked into staggered three‑year terms that cannot be retimed to the high‑turnout elections when most Alaskans vote. 
2. The PERA carve‑out. Municipal school districts and REAAs alone are forbidden to opt out of the statewide public‑sector bargaining regime, even though other political subdivisions can reject PERA by ordinance or resolution. 
3. APOC’s campaign‑finance regulations. Registration, disclosure, and reporting rules fall heaviest on ad hoc citizen groups trying to challenge the status quo, while permanent insiders absorb compliance costs as routine overhead. 

Individually, each rule can be defended as administrative preference: continuity in governance, uniform labor relations, “clean” elections. Together, they form a tight web of constraints around Alaska’s single largest item of local public spending. Governance is locked into low‑participation electoral cycles, labor costs are locked into a single statutory model that local communities cannot change, and political competition is filtered through a system that favors repeat players who know how to navigate compliance burdens and fundraising in sleepy, off‑cycle contests. 

School board structure and election timing 

AS 14.12.030–.050 requires borough and city school boards to have five, seven, nine, or eleven members (depending on average daily membership), all serving staggered three‑year terms in fixed patterns (for example, 2‑2‑1 for a five‑member board; 3‑2‑2 for a seven‑member board). Once a district moves to seven members, the size and stagger are effectively frozen by statute. 

Election dates are set elsewhere in municipal law, but in practice school board races ride on low‑turnout local ballots, not the November general election. Because terms must be exactly three years and staggered in a fixed pattern, municipalities cannot realign all races to November or hold a one‑time “reset” election without shortening, lengthening, or overlapping terms in ways that collide with statute. 

The result is a built‑in democratic deficit: school boards are chosen in chronically low‑turnout cycles, often with extra administrative costs, and voters never get a chance to replace an entire board when public attention is highest. Local reformers are legally barred from the obvious fix: synchronizing school‑board elections with the elections in which most Alaskans vote. 

The PERA carve‑out for schools 

Under the Public Employment Relations Act (PERA), AS 23.40.070–.260, most organized boroughs and political subdivisions may reject PERA’s application under AS 23.40.255(a). School districts and REAAs cannot. AS 23.40.255(b) provides that, despite the general opt‑out in (a), a municipal school district or REAA may not reject PERA. Even though every other political subdivision can debate whether PERA is the right framework, school districts and REAAs are locked into it regardless of local preference or fiscal conditions. 

Because K–12 payroll and benefits dominate district budgets, this matters a great deal. Communities that want to experiment with non‑PERA models for charters, alternative pay structures, performance‑based staffing, or more flexible work rules have no way to do so. Labor structure is nailed down in state statute. School boards may negotiate within PERA’s boundaries, but they can never vote to change the boundaries themselves. 

APOC and the cost of political entry 

The third chokepoint is how Alaska’s campaign‑finance system interacts with these structures. APOC’s registration, disclosure, and reporting rules apply to all races, but they bite much harder in low‑turnout, off‑cycle school elections than in high‑profile statewide contests. Permanent players—public‑sector unions, vendors, statewide advocacy groups—spread APOC compliance costs over many cycles, hire professionals, and fundraise year‑round. Ordinary parents and taxpayers usually enter politics only in moments of crisis and must climb a steep procedural and legal learning curve just to get a candidate on the ballot and run a minimal campaign. 

When APOC’s rules operate on top of staggered three‑year terms and PERA’s no‑exit rule, the outcome is predictable. Permanent insiders bear APOC’s burdens far more easily than ad hoc parent or taxpayer slates. That structural advantage makes substantial board turnover extremely rare, even across multiple cycles, and shrinks the electoral pathway for changing K–12 direction to a narrow trickle. 

The myth of “school choice” 

All of this has direct implications for the reality of “school choice” in Alaska. On paper, the state can point to charter schools, correspondence programs, and intra‑district options as evidence that parents enjoy meaningful choice. In practice, those options exist only inside a broader system whose cost structure and governance rules are structurally insulated from local redesign. 

Charter schools still operate under the same PERA‑constrained labor framework. Local school boards, who authorize charters, are elected in off‑cycle, low‑turnout races tilted toward incumbents and organized interests under APOC’s rules. Parents may move their individual child among the options on offer, but they have little leverage over the rules that define what kinds of options exist in the first place. 

Everything else in Alaska’s K–12 debate flows downstream of the rigid board terms and election timing, the mandatory labor framework for school districts and REAAs, and the campaign‑finance system that favors insiders. Funding fights in Juneau occur within a bargaining structure voters can never truly revisit; accountability, testing, and curriculum changes must run through an inflexible labor system; and “innovation” is filtered through boards that almost never face a broad, high‑turnout electoral reckoning. 

Without confronting these structural chokepoints, Alaska’s K–12 system will remain expensive, underperforming, and eerily unresponsive to the people paying for it. “School choice” will keep showing up in brochures, but the real levers—who governs, under what labor regime, and under what electoral incentives—will remain locked in statute, beyond the practical reach of ordinary voters. 

Senate Labor and Commerce Advances Tax Reform, Substance Oversight, Charitable Gaming, and Crypto Regulation

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The Alaska Senate Labor and Commerce Committee convened Monday in Juneau to advance four measures addressing tax efficiency, public safety, community fundraising, and emerging financial technology protections. Chair Senator Jesse Bjorkman (R – Nikiski) guided the session through recaps, testimony, and procedural votes, signaling bipartisan support for practical reforms amid Alaska’s evolving economic landscape.

SB 164 – Eliminating Tax Discounts to Generate New Revenue

The committee’s second hearing on SB 164 focused on removing outdated tax discounts to boost state revenue. Sponsor Senator Kelly Merrick (R – Eagle River) explained the bill targets four specific credits and deductions: motor fuel tax timely filing, tobacco products tax timely filing, cigarette stamp cap tax, and tire fee timely filing.

“The Department of Revenue estimates SB 164 could raise nearly $500,000 a year for the state,” Merrick stated, “and this is revenue that could be put toward capital projects, public safety, and more.”

A conceptual amendment adjusted the effective date to July 1, 2026, and the bill advanced unanimously with individual recommendations

SB 233 – Transferring Controlled Substances Advisory Committee to DCCED

SB 233, also in its second hearing, proposes moving the Controlled Substances Advisory Commission (CSAC) from the Department of Law to the Department of Commerce, Community and Economic Development (DCCED). Sponsor Senator Matt Claman (D – Anchorage) argued the Criminal Division lacks capacity to prioritize the committee’s public safety mission.

“This committee offers an important public safety service and should be assigned to a department that is better equipped to effectively staff it,” Claman said.

Director Hannah Lager from DCCED explained the $13,500 fiscal note covers annual in-person travel to ensure productive meetings. Senator Gray-Jackson (D – Anchorage) questioned absorbing costs internally as the Department of Law had done, but Lager noted limited repurposable funds in the commissioner’s office. The bill advanced without objection, with members noting its “housekeeping” nature could ease passage despite the modest fiscal note.

HB 50 – Expanding Snow Classics for Charitable Fundraising

HB 50, in its first Senate hearing, would broaden eligibility for “snow classics”—charitable gaming events where participants guess snow depth on a specific date. Sponsor Representative Sara Hannan (D – Juneau) described the bill as a narrow but impactful change.

“It would simply broaden the definition of who could conduct a snow classic,” Hannan stated, emphasizing no changes to existing gaming rules or parameters.

The inspiration came from the Juneau Nordic Ski Club, whose executive director Tristan Knutson-Lombardo testified: “Our parent group said, ‘Gosh, it’d be cool if we could do a snow guessing contest.’ And to their surprise… we found it was actually pretty well constricted who could do that.”

The bill was held for future hearing, with Chair Bjorkman expressing support for its alignment with recent charitable gaming work in Title 5. Members appreciated the bill’s simplicity and community-driven origin.

SB 249 – Regulating Virtual Currency Kiosks to Combat Elder Fraud

The final item, SB 249—dubbed the “Don’t Mess with Grandma” bill by sponsor Senator Kathy Tilton (R – Wasilla)—targets unregulated cryptocurrency kiosks increasingly used in scams. Tilton shared her mother’s experience with AI-generated voice fraud leading to cash deposits at a kiosk.

“When she heard my voice on the phone, she lost her mind, and she probably would have done just about anything to help me,” Tilton recounted.

Staff Heath Hilyard detailed the bill’s provisions: $1,000 daily and $10,000 monthly transaction limits, 3% fee caps, mandatory refunds for fraud victims filing police reports within 90 days, ID verification, and blockchain analytics. Director Tracy Reno from the Division of Banking and Securities confirmed six licensed operators run approximately 76 kiosks statewide, noting funds “bounce around the world” once deposited.

Chair Bjorkman questioned legitimacy: “I cannot think of hardly any legitimate reasons why these things should exist.” The bill was set aside for further review, with Tilton committing to address collusion concerns in upcoming stakeholder meetings.

The next meeting on March 4 will cover delivery network companies, peace officer disability, and LNG import facilities. The committee’s work reflects ongoing efforts to modernize regulations while protecting vulnerable Alaskans and generating sustainable revenue.

House Labor and Commerce Examines Soaring Health Care Costs and Key Workforce Bills

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The Alaska House Labor and Commerce Committee convened Monday afternoon to confront one of the state’s most pressing fiscal challenges: escalating health care costs for municipalities and their employees. The session featured detailed testimony from local leaders before turning to two governor-backed and sponsor-driven bills aimed at strengthening worker protections and employment training. With health care expenses outpacing inflation and straining budgets from Anchorage to Kodiak, lawmakers explored both immediate pressures and long-term policy solutions.

Municipal Health Care Crisis – Data, Impacts, and Prevention Strategies

Assembly Vice Chair Anna Brawley of Anchorage opened the presentation with data on rising costs for the Municipality and Anchorage School District. Speaking not as an official representative but with data gathered from staff, Brawley highlighted per-member average claims paid: “In 2018, that was $1,829… In 2025, that went over $3,000.” Total spend climbed from $48.75 million in 2018 to $64.6 million in 2025. She noted utilization rose only 6% last year while costs jumped 20%, attributing the gap to broader policy and economic factors.

Brawley praised the municipal Vera Health Care Clinic as a bright spot, crediting preventive and primary care for reducing downstream expenses. “Having access to preventive services, primary care, and really routine care to manage chronic conditions… is very helpful,” she said. She warned that without systemic changes, municipalities face impossible choices: shifting costs to employees through higher premiums, cutting other services, or reducing benefits. “It is difficult to see how we can grow our economy when all of us are really facing extremely high health insurance premiums.”

Kodiak Mayor Terry Haines echoed the strain, noting health care inflation erodes wage growth. “Instead of a raise in pay, we pay increased health insurance premiums, which often go unseen and unnoticed by the employees,” he stated. He highlighted the end of enhanced ACA subsidies, projecting sharp increases for individuals and couples—potentially $44,000 annually for a 60-year-old couple earning $82,000. “Many will make the hard choice… and I think we will all pay the price in the form of a less healthy population with a health care plan called emergency care.”

Juneau Assembly Member Maureen Hall, drawing on 20+ years as a nurse and school nurse consultant, described school nurses as Alaska’s “hidden health care system.” She warned cuts have shifted burdens to emergency rooms and families. Hall advocated prevention, citing Bartlett Regional Hospital’s Hello Baby program as a model for addressing prenatal substance exposure and early childhood trauma. “Real health transformation happens in the home, not in the hospital,” she emphasized, calling for investments in ages zero to three.

Co-Chair Hall (D – Anchorage) committed to distributing Brawley’s written materials and requested details on municipal contract negotiations. The testimony underscored a statewide crisis affecting budgets, workforce retention, and economic growth.

HB 267 – Rebalancing Unemployment Insurance for Workforce Training Expansion

The committee heard first from Governor Dunleavy’s bill HB 267 on employer contributions to the Unemployment Insurance (UI) trust fund and STEP program. Policy advisor Robert Boyle described the fund as “over capitalized” at $821 million, exceeding solvency targets by $247 million. “This bill offers a pathway to resolve both issues,” he said, shifting 0.4% employer contributions to STEP while reducing UI taxes.

Director Paloma Harbour detailed projections: employer UI contributions could drop to zero until the fund nears 3.3% reserve ratio around 2040. “It would mean an overall employer savings of $68 million,” she noted. The bill maintains employee contributions while expanding training capacity—STEP currently receives $11.2 million in applications against only $7 million available.

Representative Carrick (D – Fairbanks) questioned the declining reserve ratio trend, and Representative Colombe (R – Anchorage) asked about employee taxation: “We’re one of three states to tax employees.” Harbour confirmed no changes to TVEP and clarified reimbursable employers (e.g., State of Alaska) pay 100% of claims directly.

The bill was set aside after initial briefing.

HB 260 – Strengthening Wage Protections and Contractor Accountability on Construction Sites

The committee then turned to House Bill 260, sponsored by Representative Andy Josephson (D – Anchorage), addressing wage theft and contractor licensing enforcement. Josephson described the bill as creating a “fair playing field” through two pillars: enhanced Certificate of Fitness (COF) enforcement for electricians and plumbers, and joint-and-several liability for unpaid wages.

Staffer Ken Alper explained the COF provisions in sections one and two: failure to possess required certification would trigger administrative penalties rather than hard-to-prosecute misdemeanors. “The bar is really hard to get a misdemeanor conviction now… The intent of the bill… is to streamline the process,” Alper stated. A conforming change in section four adds these cases to the Office of Administrative Hearings docket.

On wage protection, Alper noted subcontractors often dissolve, leaving workers unpaid. The bill imposes liability up the chain: “The obligation to make sure those wages get paid steps up to the contractor themselves.” Information exchange requirements would allow general contractors to verify subcontractor compliance. Josephson highlighted a friendly amendment removing employee liability for COF violations, noting employees are “not in the best position to police themselves.”

Invited trestimony Boris Gresely, policy director for the Western States Carpenters, shared multi-state results: “Cheated workers get paid faster… A culture of compliance and self-policing is established.” He reported helping over 500 workers recover more than $5 million in stolen wages. “Wage theft is not accidental; it is a business model,” Gruskin said.

Aldon Zellhuber, business manager for UA Plumbers and Pipefitters Local 262, spoke from 30 years of field experience and two as state plumbing inspector. He described current enforcement as “a paper tiger,” with no convictions in his career despite repeated violations. “This bill tries to put some teeth back into that,” he stated, emphasizing public safety risks from unqualified workers.

Representative Sadler (R – Ragle River) probed comparative penalties across states, while Representative Fields (D – Anchorage) connected wage theft to safety, noting non-compliant contractors often endanger workers. The bill was set aside with an amendment deadline of March 9 at 10:00 a.m.

The next meeting scheduled for Wednesday. Committee members signaled intent to balance cost containment, worker protections, and workforce development amid Alaska’s unique economic pressures.

It’s Time to Circle the Wagons, Not Complain About the Iran War

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By GREG SARBER | SEWARDS FOLLY

The US and Israel attacked Iran over the weekend, and the naysayers were quick with criticism, attacking President Trump for this decision. Unfortunately, after 3 days of conflict, the US has taken its first casualties of the war; as of today, 6 servicemen have been killed, and that number will certainly climb as this conflict unfolds. This brings home the reality of the situation and should be a wake-up call for the disgruntled individuals questioning this war. Today is not the time for criticism. Every American needs to support our military men and women who are in harm’s way, and President Trump, who leads them.

Unfortunately, many on the left are not heeding this advice, and they are about who you would expect. They are either partisan Democratic politicians looking to advance their political agenda, members of the left-wing media, or recent arrivals to this country of the Muslim faith who place their religious identity above their citizenship. Critical comments from people on the left are expected. They will attempt to use this war to damage the president and advance their political chances in this November’s elections.

They are quick to criticize this action, but said nothing when Democratic presidents like Joe Biden, Barack Obama, and Bill Clinton bombed terrorists or conducted sustained campaigns against countries without Congressional approval. Politicians on the left and their supporters are hypocrites because they voted to support the Ukraine conflict, and are probably still wearing their Ukrainian flag lapel pins. To a leftist, war is only bad when they can’t make money from it.

As a party, they are despicable and put political expediency over doing what is right. They seek political advantage at any cost. Their actions are no surprise. However, there have also been vocal criticisms from members of the Republican Party that are a little unexpected.

Two of the more noteworthy critics were Tucker Carlson and Marjorie Taylor Greene. In the past, both have been solid supporters of President Trump and MAGA, but over the weekend, both have issued statements of harsh criticism of this war.

In the past couple of weeks, they expressed concerns about our military buildup and have alleged that the US is doing so because Israel has undue influence over the government. Whatever the truth is about Israel’s political influence, it is irrelevant today. Complaining today about a problem that they ignored for years is like closing the barn door after the cows are gone. It doesn’t accomplish anything productive.

The fact of the matter is that the president has access to information that we do not see, and he has made the decision to halt Iran’s nuclear program and change their leadership. President Trump is operating under the legal authority granted to him by the War Powers Resolution of 1973, which allows him to engage in conflicts for up to 60 days without approval of Congress. Any statements to the contrary by Democrats and Vichy Republicans in Congress mean nothing. The prosecution of this war will proceed under the legal authority of the president for at least 60 days. Based on today’s comments from President Trump, he estimates that it should last no longer than 4-5 weeks, so any actions taken by Congress in the meantime are moot.

There will be plenty of time for Monday morning quarterbacking when this conflict is over. If the Democrats successfully take back the House in the November elections, I would not be surprised if they use President Trump’s decision to enter this war as an excuse to impeach him for a third time.

However, that is all for the future. For now, members of our military are in harm’s way. Some have been injured, some have died, and there will be additional casualties. From now on, the nay-sayers should withhold their criticisms. There will be plenty of time to second-guess this conflict when it is over. For now, we need to support our troops. May God bless our brave military members, President Trump, and the USA.

Greg Sarber is a lifelong Alaskan. He is a petroleum engineer who spent his career working on Alaska’s North Slope. Now retired, he lives with his family in Homer, Alaska. He writes in his own capacity as a resident of Alaska. This column first ran in Seward’s Folly.

Senate Finance Adopts Supplemental Budget Substitute

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The Alaska Senate Finance Committee unanimously adopted its committee substitute (CS) for HB 289, advancing a $320 million supplemental budget that addresses Medicaid shortfalls, wildfire suppression, disaster relief, and critical transfers to sustain state operations through the end of the fiscal year. Co-Chair Senator Lyman Hoffman (D – Bethel) presided over the brisk session, emphasizing the measure’s role in preventing service disruptions while incorporating legislative adjustments to the governor’s original request.

Staff analyst Pete Eklund briefed members on key changes incorporated into the committee substitute. These included a $2 million reduction in Medicaid projections, $1.25 million for Village Public Safety Officers, $43.7 million for fire suppression, and $35 million in conditional disaster relief tied to the outcome of a FEMA appeal on the Halong incident match rate. The substitute also restored constitutional budget reserve language and added $30 million in “headroom” to cover unforeseen needs.

Eklund walked through the comprehensive spreadsheet, outlining $78.6 million in operating needs, $171 million in statewide and disaster items, and $70.2 million for federal transportation matching funds. Total potential Constitutional Budget Reserve (CBR) impact reached $530.8 million when including the $129.6 million transfer to the Higher Education Investment Fund (HEIF) and the current $51.2 million shortfall projection.

Discussion centered on the Higher Education Investment Fund transfer and revenue optimism. Senator Bert Stedman (R – Sitka) highlighted improving oil prices: “I am optimistic that line 16 is going to dissipate… I’m not so sure line 17… wouldn’t also disappear or get substantially impacted.” He projected the March 13 forecast update could reduce the draw by $100–200 million. Senator Jesse Kiehl (D – Juneau) stressed program continuity: “With $130 million or so absent from the fund, it’s not earning anything… Use fewer Alaskans dollars and more Wall Street dollars.”

Chair Hoffman reinforced the transfer’s necessity: “This not a spend. This a transfer… Everything that they’ve requested has been included… with the exception of the two items.” He noted replenishment signals commitment to education across UA campuses statewide.

Chair Hoffman clarified the headroom’s purpose: “Will not necessitate us coming back here to approve those expenditures,” ensuring operational stability regardless of oil volatility. The $30 million cushion covers potential judgments, settlements, or minor supplementals through session’s end.

Senator James Kaufman (R – Anchorage) raised pacing concerns: “It’s not spending in a classical sense; it is fund transfer, but if we just think like kitchen table economics, where we have a checking account and a savings account, maybe we just slow down the rate of transfer… I am just thinking it might be an opportunity to pull back from this record, big number we have here.”

Hoffman acknowledged the dialogue but prioritized alignment with the governor’s request and continuity: “To get the three-quarter vote is to keep our doors open… Something has to happen.”

Senator Stedman praised the spreadsheet as “a really good summary sheet” and requested footnotes for acronyms to aid non-finance members. The committee adopted the CS without objection after Eklund confirmed only two legislative additions beyond the governor’s ask: the $30 million headroom and conditional disaster language.

The amendment deadline was set for 4:30 p.m. The committee will reconvene at 1:30 p.m. for public testimony on HB 78, the retirement system defined benefits option. With oil prices trending higher than the fall forecast, members expressed cautious optimism that the final CBR draw could shrink, though structural spending pressures remain.

As Hoffman noted, the measure ensures “providing the necessary services and paying back the funds that we borrowed are on the table.”

House Energy Committee Refines Portable Solar Rules and Introduces Comprehensive Energy Affordability Omnibus

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The Alaska House Special Committee on Energy advanced targeted updates to portable solar regulations while unveiling a broad new bill aimed at stabilizing energy costs across the state. In a session marked by technical amendments and forward-looking policy, lawmakers balanced consumer access, utility concerns, and long-term affordability amid ongoing natural gas shortages.

HB 257 – Clarifying Portable Solar Generation Devices

The committee dedicated significant time to House Bill 257, sponsored by Representative Ted Eischeid (D – Anchorage), which supports small-scale portable solar devices. After three hearings, members adopted three amendments to address safety, scale, and applicability.

Co-Chair Ky Holland (NA – Anchorage) moved Amendment 1 to clarify power output limits. “Amendment 1 is clarifying the power output of the devices… This clarifies that this would be 1,200 watts individually, or combined with other portable solar generation devices connected to the same electric meter,” Holland explained. The change prevents ambiguity for consumers aggregating multiple units.

Amendment 2 exempted small utilities selling 5 million kilowatt hours or less annually. Holland noted this protects off-grid and lightly resourced systems: “This would not apply to utilities that sell… 5 million kilowatt hours or less of electricity… with the idea that they could absorb the impact of these small power generating devices.” Representative Kopp (R – Anchorage) confirmed it would primarily benefit communities with around 100 customers.

Safety remained central. Amendment 3 added anti-islanding requirements so devices cannot energize circuits during outages. Eischeid emphasized public perception: “This was a request from the utility companies to have some redundancy here in the language… people’s perception safety is important.” Staffer Aren Callahan added that research found “no documented cases of either backload into the grid, causing problems for linemen, or touch safety issues,” and systems inconsistent with emerging UL standards fall outside the bill.

Amendment 4, allowing utilities to require simple pre-use registration, failed on a 2-4 vote after debate on potential conflicts with approval prohibitions. Representative Ruffridge (R – Soldotna) opposed it as unnecessary and potentially burdensome: “I think people are using these now… I think the idea of having them take any additional step… runs into the problem of not being in the intent of the bill.”

With amendments complete, the bill was set aside. The updates aim to expand safe, accessible solar while addressing utility operational concerns.

HB 369 – Energy Affordability Omnibus Targets Diversified Portfolio and Cost Stability

The committee then received its first overview of House Bill 369, the Energy Affordability Omnibus sponsored by the committee itself. Co-Chair Holland framed it as building on last session’s Renewable Portfolio Standard (RPS) work while incorporating feedback to remove penalties and expand options.

Holland highlighted the bill’s focus: “House Bill 369… is primarily focused on policies to diversify energy options and infrastructure for future investment… We removed penalties. We included options for nuclear power and clean coal. We included contingencies for a large pipeline delivering affordable natural gas.”

Staffer Tim Treuer detailed the core Diversified Portfolio Standard (DPS), setting a 40% target for diversified resources by 2036. Eligible sources include renewables, nuclear, clean coal, and natural gas from a phase-two pipeline. “Diversity for energy is important in two ways… diversifying a portfolio is a hedge against volatility,” Treuer explained, citing Kodiak Electric Association’s stable pricing as evidence.

The bill links the Railbelt’s Integrated Resource Plan (IRP) to DPS compliance, enables pre-approval for aligned projects, and updates state energy policy. It also creates an economic development rate for excess renewable energy and adjusts the Renewable Energy Fund advisory process.

Holland emphasized Railbelt-rural linkages: “Holding down Railbelt costs helps hold down rural costs” through Power Cost Equalization (PCE). Discussion touched on gas eligibility, wind multipliers, and IRP alignment, with Representative Kopp cautioning against predetermining outcomes: “We’re basically predetermining the outcome of the integrated resource plan before it is complete.”

The bill was set aside for deeper sectional review and stakeholder input. As Holland summarized, the omnibus seeks “stable pricing” and “reliable source” options for all Alaskans.

Anchorage Assembly Debates Regulations for Data Centers

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With artificial intelligence and cloud computing driving explosive demand for data processing nationwide, the Anchorage Assembly spent nearly two hours on February 27 examining how to manage potential large-scale data centers before any formal proposals arrive in the city. During a worksession on Ordinance AO 2026-27, members explored amendments to Title 21 of the Anchorage Municipal Code that would define data centers as a distinct land use, restrict them to conditional approval in industrial, port, airport, and public lands zones, and require detailed impact reviews.

The ordinance, introduced by Assembly Vice Chair Anna Brawley and co-sponsored by Assembly Member Daniel Volland, responds to a clear gap in existing code. Current definitions for “data processing facilities” or “warehouses” date to the 1990s and fail to capture modern server farms that can consume electricity equivalent to entire cities while operating with minimal on-site staff.

Brawley, who serves on the National League of Cities’ Energy, Environment and Natural Resources committee, opened the session with a detailed presentation highlighting both opportunities and risks. She noted that data centers range from compact “closet-sized” installations, such as the GreenSparc project collocated at a hydroelectric facility in Cordova, to hyperscale campuses that resemble massive warehouses. These facilities power everything from cloud storage to generative AI models but bring intensive electricity and water demands, continuous cooling noise, potential wastewater contaminants, and on-site backup generators.

A single large data center can use as much power as 100,000 households—roughly Anchorage’s entire residential base—raising urgent questions in a Railbelt region already facing rising utility costs. “Across the country, communities are responding to the development of large-scale data centers to drive economic activity and support growing computing needs,” Brawley stated in the official press release supporting the measure. “Those projects often bring significant community impacts, from operational noise to very high demand on public water, wastewater and electrical utilities. This ordinance invites a proactive dialogue to decide the conditions in which a proposed data center is compatible with our existing public processes [to] mitigate anticipated impacts.”

Assembly discussion delved deeply into balancing benefits against burdens. Proponents highlighted potential tax revenue from both real property (the buildings) and personal property (millions of dollars in servers that cannot easily be relocated for tax purposes). Construction would create temporary jobs, and new large ratepayers could theoretically help stabilize utility finances. Yet speakers repeatedly noted the low number of permanent operating positions—often limited to maintenance crews—compared with traditional industrial or retail developments.

Concerns focused on noise, visual impacts, and strain on municipal infrastructure. The proposal includes 200-foot setbacks from residential zones, required noise mitigation studies, visual screening, landscaping standards, enclosed power generation, and confirmation from utilities such as Chugach Electric that the grid can support the load. Members referenced the municipality’s existing marijuana facility code as precedent, where applicants must demonstrate and, if necessary, fund upgrades to utility capacity at their own expense.

A key procedural element drew attention: the ordinance waives initial Planning and Zoning Commission review. Sponsors cited four reasons— the use is brand new, the changes do not affect existing developments, timeliness is critical to avoid reactive “catch-up” regulation seen in Virginia and Ohio, and the commission’s heavy workload would delay action by months while staff research continues. The measure instead directs the Planning Department to develop use-specific standards for energy-intensive facilities and report back with recommendations.

Volland emphasized the forward-looking approach. “Amid concerns about Railbelt energy shortages and rising utility costs, it’s exciting to imagine the potential economic benefits innovative projects could create for Alaska,” he said. “Those benefits don’t come without a cost to our community. Now is the time to establish a proactive regulatory framework that balances public interests with evolving industry needs.”

Several members raised broader policy questions that extend beyond land use. Discussions touched on whether data centers should be required to invest in renewable energy, contribute to infrastructure upgrades, or enter community benefit agreements—ideas mirrored in pending state legislation HB 259 and SB 250. One assembly member addressed online criticism directly, stating the effort is not about blocking economic development but preventing residents from waking up to an unvetted industrial neighbor. The ordinance explicitly excludes residential zones and mandates holistic review of multi-phase or multi-parcel projects.

No active data center applications currently exist in Anchorage, but members cited nearby examples in Cordova and Wrangell, plus national trends showing thousands of facilities under construction. Virginia’s Loudoun County, once a by-right approval jurisdiction, retroactively imposed special permits after rapid build-out. Columbus, Ohio, has documented rising utility costs driven partly by data center demand. Anchorage leaders stressed they want to avoid similar surprises.

The worksession underscores a measured tone: treat data centers like other impactful industrial uses, such as the historic brick factories that helped establish modern zoning authority, while recognizing their 21st-century characteristics. The 20-megawatt threshold for defining larger facilities—drawn from state legislation—was debated, with suggestions it could be lowered or supplemented with server-count criteria to avoid loopholes.

Public testimony will shape the final version. A public hearing on AO 2026-27 is scheduled for Tuesday, March 3, 2026, at 5 p.m. in the Loussac Library Assembly Chambers. Residents may testify in person, by phone (sign up by 5 p.m. March 2 at ancgov.info/testify), submit written comments online, or email [email protected].

If approved, the ordinance would mark Anchorage’s first step toward managing a technology sector poised to reshape energy landscapes worldwide. Assembly members repeatedly framed the discussion as responsible stewardship—protecting neighborhoods, ensuring utility reliability, and positioning the city to capture benefits without unintended consequences.

Editors Note: Corrected spelling to Greensparc.