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Is Vince Beltrami today’s Bill Allen?

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screen-shot-2016-10-18-at-8-47-42-pmAlaska always has some charismatic personality who rolls into the state, captures the imagination of many and ascends to power before crashing spectacularly.

Back in the day it was Bill Allen: Smooth talking, affable, thoroughly believable and with a slight character fault or three that led to his fall from grace: Greed, sex, and power-brokering being the main components.

Allen started a small welding company called VECO, which grew to become one of the most known players in the oil industry worldwide. VECO was a household name in Alaska. He owned the Anchorage Times. He owned some Alaskans, too.

Then it happened. Bill Allen became a statewide disgrace, pleading guilty after a corruption probe into charges of extortion, bribery, and conspiracy to impede the Internal Revenue Service.

Bill Allen became shorthand for all that was wrong with the political system in Alaska. And, for his coup de grâce, he screwed the late Sen. Ted Stevens to save his own skin. That cost Ted Stevens and Alaska, as Mark Begich swooped in to pick the carcass.

screen-shot-2016-06-01-at-8-45-58-amToday’s Bill Allen might very well be Vince Beltrami: Smooth talking, affable, thoroughly believable, just like Allen. And determined to own the Legislature.

Anyone in his way is simply grist for his meat grinder. Those who are his allies are his useful idiots.

Beltrami blew into Alaska from California as a young man seeking his fortune, and charmed his way into being elected to lead the biggest union consortium in the state: AFL-CIO. That was heady stuff, because, well, Alaska is the third-most union-organized state in the nation.

Beltrami loves the swagger of his title and craves the attention he gets. From his personal website, he announces that, “according to at least one right-wing pundit, I alone am the FIVE most powerful people in Alaska, so please…try to show some respect!” He was joking…sort of.

In the back rooms of labor halls and on bar room napkins, Beltrami in 2014 hatched the plan that led to the formation of the so-called Unity Ticket. There was no way he was going to let Sean Parnell have a second term.

After the August 2014 primary showed Democrats had zero chance of winning the governorship, the Democrats reorganized and rebranded as “independents.” They dropped Byron Mallott as their candidate. Hollis French limped away from his bid for lieutenant governor.

Bill Walker adopted Mallott as his running mate, left the Republican Party and ran as an “independent” candidate.

The fix was in. The Democrats convinced themselves that this “Unity Ticket” was the best they could do, and shortly thereafter Beltrami made good on his promise, funding the rest of the fall campaign with money from union dues. He spent $300,000 to get Walker in office.

But that was not enough. His spending to own the Legislature has tripled since he started spending big in 2010. He had four years under his belt as president of AFL-CIO, he was losing membership, and he had to do something to stop the bleeding.

In 2014, he plugged Daniel Ortiz in as a test-case in Ketchikan to see if “independents” could succeed in deceiving the electorate. Ortiz won the House seat in a town that had been considered safely red.

This year, he’s plugged Democrat Pat Higgins into the race against Rep. Charisse Millett. He put Democrat Harry Crawford up against Rep. Lance Pruitt. He plugged newly minted “independent” Jason Grenn to run against Rep. Liz Vazquez. He is playing Democrat Luke Hopkins against Sen. John Coghill.

And he saved one prize for himself: He wants Sen. Cathy Giessel’s head on a platter, so he’s challenged her for her Senate Seat N.

With his own style of humble hubris, Beltrami is bragging around town that he has $500,000 to play with in these races.

WHO IS VINCE BELTRAMI?

Alaska Republican Party Chairman Tuckerman Babcock has characterized Beltrami as a “longtime union boss.”

Ballotpedia, which evaluates such claims, found that an interesting allegation and decided to investigate the claim.

The result? Yes, indeed, it ruled “longtime union boss” a fair assessment, and added that Beltrami has a mediocre history of leadership — with some successes, but also some failures. His union membership has actually declined under his watch at a rate that is twice the national decline. Here’s the fact-checking from Ballotpedia:

“In a June 1 GOP press release, Tuckerman Babcock, chairman of the Alaska Republican Party, called Alaska State Senate candidate Vince Beltrami a “longtime union boss.”[2]

“A standard dictionary definition of boss is: “a person who exercises control or authority; specifically: one who directs or supervises workers.”[39]

“By that definition, Vince Beltrami is indeed a “longtime union boss.” The Alaska AFL-CIO, which Beltrami has managed for the past decade, is a network of 53 labor organizations in Alaska—a state with the third-highest rate of union membership nationwide. Both Beltrami and his organization have a long record of political activism and influence. But it is also a record marked by failure, not just success.

“Of course, the term “longtime union boss,” as applied by the Alaska GOP, carries certain political connotations that suggest such a person would favor the interests of his union allies instead of the general public good. Ultimately, Alaska voters will decide at the ballot box which use of the term best fits Beltrami.”

WHAT DID BELTRAMI PROMISE?

screen-shot-2016-08-10-at-4-24-46-pmVince Beltrami was elected to his post as president of the AFL-CIO in 2006.

You read that right: He was elected. He serves at the pleasure of the union voters.

That means he had to make the rounds to the membership, make a few impromptu speeches, and make promises.

Since he ran for union office, voters in Northeast Anchorage, Anchorage Hillside, Indian Bird, Girdwood and Portage might want to know just what he promised the AFL-CIO he would do for them.

What was Beltrami’s platform? What would be his targets and milestones for measuring his success? What are his deliverables?

Voters don’t know because Beltrami hasn’t released the campaign promises he has already made — promises that told his voters he would be  the perfect person to hold the office to which he is now elected.

Further, Beltrami says if elected to the Senate, he won’t step down from his $185,000-per-year position of president of the Alaska AFL-CIO.

FOLLOW THE MONEY

Beltrami is now controlling more money in the current campaign cycle than Bill Allen ever dreamed of spending.

Allen, oldtimers will recall, would round up his buddies and head down to fundraisers, where they’d all drop checks for $250. Bill Allen would never have known what to do with $500,000 in an election cycle. Everything was done in small checks. Allen just peeled off some bills everywhere he went.

But Beltrami controls a lot of money. No one knows quite how much.

According to the National Institute on Money in State screen-shot-2016-10-18-at-10-34-31-pmPolitics, and Alaska Public Offices Commission filings, Beltrami has directed $928,634 to political candidates, ballot initiatives and political action committees between 2010 and 2015. And that amount is growing rapidly.

Beltrami spent three times the money in 2014 to control the outcome of races than he did just four years prior.

This year, it’s harder than ever to follow the money, because separate expenditure groups are popping up to support him in his own race, such as Together for Alaska.

Beltrami also gets to use AFL-CIO money to support his candidacy as a direct expenditure. Is it even legal?

For example, three recent mailers shown below were funded directly by union dollars and mailed out across District N as “member to member” communications. The recipients may have been members, but the vast majority of recipients were not.

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TOGETHER FOR ALASKA IS VINCE BELTRAMI — IS ROBIN BRENA

What obscures the money trail in Alaska is the way that subsets of AFL-CIO can move money to independent expenditure groups that are likely coordinating with Beltrami behind the scenes.

Collaboration is illegal, but notice in the chart below how AFL-CIO contributed $15,000 to Together for Alaska, which in turn is pumping out media in support of Vince Beltrami, who would have authorized the expenditure. This is a funding circle: Beltrami and his unions give money to Together for Alaska, which in turn supports his campaign.

AFL-CIO member unions are heavily represented in the income stream of Together for Alaska, such as  AFSCME, IBEW, IAFF, with funds coming in from all over the country for Together for Alaska, so that Beltrami and his boys can take over the Legislature.

Between the $500,000 plus that Beltrami is controlling, and the $208,000 already revealed by Together for Alaska, we can assume that more than $1 million is being spent on a handful of races that will benefit Beltrami’s goals.

He intends to move the needle. And with that, he intends to control Alaska’s political landscape.

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Division of Election reaches out, again to the wrong place

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The Alaska Division of Elections is giving itself an A for effort.

The Division director has sent a letter to the Alaska Republican Party and the Republican National Committee explaining its reasons for not including a biography of the Republican nominee for president in Alaska’s Official Election Pamphlet.

Generously, the division is giving Donald J. Trump another opportunity to be included in the online version of the pamphlet, whose 119-page hard copy arrived in voters’ mailboxes this week.

In 2014, when the division left Bill Walker out of the Official Election Pamphlet, the division printed a second one.

This is a similar outreach that the Division of Elections conducted in mid-summer, and the result of its wayward effort was that Donald J. Trump’s campaign never received the information about the pamphlet. The Division never followed up to inquire as to why Trump’s campaign had not responded.

The latest letter, dated Oct. 17 and sent by Division of Elections Director Josie Bahnke, was addressed to Republican Associate Counsel Christina Schaengold and copied to House Speaker Paul Ryan (who chaired the Republican National Convention), Republican National Committee Presiding Secretary Susie Hudson, and Alaska Republican Party Chairman Tuckerman Babcock.

letter-to-christina-schaengold

RESPONSE FROM PARTY CHAIRMAN: SWIFT AND HELPFUL

Tuckerman Babcock, elected chairman of the Alaska Republican Party in May, said it is the Election Division’s responsibility to reach out to the candidate, not to the party itself.

The candidate has complete control over the biography, photo, remittance, and application to be included in the Official Election Pamphlet. Babcock, in his younger years, worked at the Division of Elections and is familiar with the agency’s procedures.

Babcock, from his home in Kenai, replied immediately to Director Bahnke with this helpful information:

Dear Ms. Smith,

That is very kind of the Division of Elections. Still having trouble locating the Trump-Pence Presidential campaign contact information?  

Donald J. Trump President, Inc.

c/o Trump Tower

725 5th Avenue

New York, New York  10022

646-736-1779

The Trump campaign in Alaska:

Jerry Ward

State Director

Trump-Pence

11610 Old Seward Hwy

Anchorage, AK 99515

[email protected]

907-887-3677

Sincerely,

Tuckerman Babcock

Chairman

Alaska Republican Party

Read more about how the Division of Elections printed the Official Election Pamphlet without a statement from the Republican nominee for president (or the Libertarian one, for that matter.)

Read more about the Trump/Pence statement you never got to see.

 

The Trump/Pence election pamphlet statement you never got to see

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The Alaska Division of Elections took a laissez-faire approach to the Official Election Pamphlet this year, not reaching out to the Trump campaign with information about deadlines and fees, and publishing the official booklet without the top of the Republican ticket.

The Division of Elections says it reached out to the Republican Party for Trump’s address, but received no reply, so took no further action to reach the Republican nominee for president.

That’s OK for some perhaps, but nationally, it has been egg on the face of the Division of Elections. The explanation was inadequate and the Must Read Alaska posting about it is the highest nationally read item in the five month history of this news and opinion website, with thousands of hits. No legitimate effort was made to provide voters with a complete pamphlet.

Read more here on why the Trump bio was excluded from Alaska’s Official Election Pamphlet.

Here’s the Trump / Pence election pamphlet statement voters might have seen. It’s not official, but it will do in a pinch. We’ve condensed it from his official website:

screen-shot-2016-10-17-at-8-21-13-pmDONALD J. TRUMP

Donald J. Trump is the very definition of the American success story, continually setting the standards of excellence while expanding his businesses over many years. He is a graduate of the Wharton School of Finance. An accomplished author, Mr. Trump has authored over fifteen bestsellers, and his first book, The Art of the Deal, is considered a business classic and one of the most successful business books of all time.

During the 2014 political cycle, Mr. Trump was a top contributor and fundraiser for Republican efforts. Mr. Trump also campaigned across the country, with each candidate winning by a record margin.

Mr. Trump frequently uses this platform to advocate for Conservative causes, Republican candidates and to educate the public on the failures of the Obama administration. Mr. Trump devotes much of his time to media interviews in order to promote a free market, the importance of a strong family, a culture of life, a strong military and our country’s sacred obligation to take care of our veterans and their families.

Mr. Trump has long been a devoted supporter of veteran causes. In 1995, the fiftieth anniversary of World War II, only 100 spectators watched New York City’s Veterans Day Parade. It was an insult to all veterans. Approached by Mayor Rudy Giuliani and the chief of New York City’s FBI office, Mr. Trump agreed to lead as Grand Marshall a second parade later that year. Mr. Trump made a $1 million matching donation to finance the Nation’s Day Parade. On Saturday, November 11th, over 1.4 million watched as Mr. Trump marched down Fifth Avenue with more than 25,000 veterans, some dressed in their vintage uniforms.

Mr. Trump is the co-producer of the reality television series, “The Apprentice” which quickly became the number one show on television, making ratings history and receiving rave reviews and world-wide attention. “The Celebrity Apprentice” has met with great success as well, being one of the highest rated shows on television. The Apprentice’s record fourteenth season premiered in January, 2015. “You’re fired!” is listed as the third greatest television catchphrase of all time. In 2007, Mr. Trump received a star on the Hollywood Walk of Fame, and he is among the highest paid public speakers in the world. The Apprentice has raised over $15 million for charity.

Mr. Trump was born in Queens, New York. He is married to Melania Trump and father to Donald Trump Jr., Ivanka, Eric, Tiffany and Barron. He is a proud grandfather of seven.

MIKE PENCE

screen-shot-2016-10-17-at-8-34-02-pmMike Pence is a former six-term U.S. congressman from Indiana and current governor of Indiana. In 2016 he was chosen as the Republican vice presidential nominee on Donald Trump’s ticket.
Born in Indiana in 1959, Mike Pence attended Hanover College and the Indiana University McKinney School of Law. After losing two bids for a U.S. congressional seat, he became a conservative radio and TV talk show host in the 1990s. Pence successfully ran for Congress in 2000, rising to the powerful position of Republican conference chairman, before being elected governor of Indiana in 2012. In July 2016, he surfaced as the vice presidential running mate for Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump.
Also read: The Ballot Measure One statement you never saw in the Official Election Pamphlet.

The Ballot Measure 1 opposition statement you never saw

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The Alaska Division of Elections posted a solicitation to the Alaska Online Public Notice System seeking offers to write an opposing position to Ballot Measure 1, an act allowing for qualified individual to be automatically registered to vote when applying for a Permanent Fund Dividend. The Division received no offers, so they printed the Official Election Pamphlet without an opposing statement. 

Here’s a statement that voters might have gotten if the Division of Elections had sincerely endeavored to get the position of the loyal opposition:

3842965 - leather-like jacket with i voted sticker - closeup details
I voted, maybe someone else’s ballot.

Ballot Measure 1 would automatically enroll Alaskans as voters when they apply for their Permanent Fund Dividend.

The estimate to maintain the program is more than $1.2 million every four years. Ten temporary state employees will be required. There are other expenses associated with the program, but monetary costs are not the biggest concern.

The Alaska Constitution speaks to Alaskans’ rights and responsibilities: Alaskans have the right to vote, but along with that comes the responsibility to be engaged, informed, and involved enough to take the one step needed to cast a ballot: You must register to vote.

It is not hard to accomplish voter registration. “Motor voter” has improved voter registration access because people can register when they apply for a driver’s license or official state identification. Voter registration is widely accessible in every part of the state; people can register online, by mail, at libraries, or at any government office. There are no barriers that need to be overcome.

But Ballot Measure 1 makes voter registration automatic, fundamentally changing the relationship between Alaskans and their government, requiring no responsibility from people other than to apply for a Permanent Fund dividend.

Further, the voluntary voter registration activity is a cornerstone check-box item for the personnel at the Permanent Fund Division to establish a person’s residency.

By making voter registration universal, it actually removes a key test of a person’s dividend eligibility.

Many individuals do not have rent or utility receipts in their own name, and may not even have a state-issued identification. 

An example of this is a military spouse who is a stay-home mom, who may have no other means to establish residency other than voluntarily registering to vote.

People have to take an action, in other words, to establish that they are a resident. Registering to vote is one such action. If registering to vote becomes non-voluntary process, the Division cannot use it any longer to qualify an individual. This will likely require either a change in statute or regulatory changes.

How can we be certain that the Division of Elections, which has already demonstrated it has problems ensuring free and fair elections, will adequately verify voter eligibility? And why is there such a push to automatically register the 70,000 people who evidently have no interest in voting? 

The answer is voter fraud. With 100 percent of adult Alaskans registered to vote, we will witness a lot more voter fraud as groups with an agenda will quickly figure out how to vote those ballots that are now going to low-information and lower-propensity voters.

Fraud is a real concern. In 2013, New York state investigators went to 63 polling places and assumed the names of individuals who had died, moved away, or who were in jail. 97 percent of the time those undercover investigators were allowed to vote. In rural Alaska, the most recent primary election has peeled back the problem of widespread double voting, overuse of personal representatives in voting, and even a lack of privacy with voting booths. 

Once everyone is automatically registered to vote, the universality of voter rolls means voting will, in time, become an underground commodity market, where ballots are the currency that special interest groups find a way to control.

For another perspective on why you should vote no on Ballot Measure 1, read Paul Jenkins’ column at the Alaska Dispatch News.

The collective bargain needs people on both sides of the table

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unions

By ART CHANCE

Suzanne Downing’s recent piece on AFL-CIO President Vince Beltrami’s snarling demeanor set me thinking about this:

Vince showed up at my door back during the primary. He was campaigning for AFL-CIO backed candidates in my district.

Unlike most Republicans, I’m comfortable with union guys, even the ones who hate me, and we had a nice chat. My style was that I always acted like the employer, and I expected them to act like the union.   In today’s world not many on either side of the table understand those well-defined roles.

There has been unionization of American labor since the earliest colonial days; most of the skilled trades had guilds or unions and worked under contract to their employers. The unions had no power to compel the employers to employ them or to contract with them, but the mutual necessity of having and providing skilled labor forced the employees and the employers to find a way to reach some mutual accord.

In 1935, the National Labor Relations Act imposed a legal duty on employers to collectively bargain with unions representing a majority of their employees and to enter into written and enforceable contracts with those unions. The dynamic was essentially the Marxist compromise: The collectivized workers had power to confront the collectivized capital of the corporation. Both had their own interests, but they had a shared interest as well, mutual survival. If the employer couldn’t make money, it couldn’t employ the employees. That is the private sector dynamic; there never was much of it, and it didn’t last very long.

ENTER GOVERNMENT

In 1935 about 7 percent of the U.S. workforce was unionized. New Deal public works projects, US re-armament, and World War II war production unionized the US workforce.   Fundamentally, if your company was going to do business with the US Government, your company had to be union.

Most US war production was done under what we’d now call project labor agreements.   The unions didn’t have to “organize” the employees; they organized the government, which then forced the employers to accept the union.

Only the old skilled trades unions weren’t firmly leftist or even openly communist, and typical of the Left, they overplayed their hand. The backlash was powerful.   In 1948, the Democrats lost control of the Congress for the first time since 1932 and the Republican Congress, over five vetoes by President Truman, passed the Taft-Hartley Amendments to the NLRA.

Talking about 1948 will still get a tear in the eyes of an old-time trade unionist and no union guy will ever forgive the Republicans for Taft-Hartley. This is something Republican candidates must understand in dealing with unions; they will NEVER forgive the Republican Party and they will never support a Republican if they have a remotely viable Democrat opponent.

Over the ensuing years, union membership plummeted. Recovering industrial capacity post WWII in the rest of the world and U.S. free-trade policy further eroded the manufacturing labor base of organized labor.  Today, the true private sector unionization is about what it was in 1935 when the NLRA was passed: It’s back to 7 percent.

In the halcyon days of the 1930s and 1940s, unionized public employees were inconceivable to both labor leaders and Democrat politicians.

Here in Alaska, traditional organized labor wanted little to do with public employees until the 1980s.  Even after the Public Employment Relations Act was passed in 1972, most of the unions chartered public sector-only unions to keep the public employees separate.

Most public employees who unionized were represented by independent employee associations that were basically State-chartered non-profit corporations that called themselves unions.

Enter the American Federation of State, County, and Municipal Employees, AFL-CIO (AFSCME) in the late 1980s. The oil price crash of the mid-80s led the Legislature to refuse to fund the third year of Gov. Bill Sheffield’s 1984-86 agreements with State employee unions, and the war began.

Thus, 3.8 percent will always be emblazoned on my brain: That’s the raise they didn’t get, and even today you can’t talk to a State employee union representative long without the rep bringing up the notion of workers being “owed” 3.8 percent.

The general government bargaining unit (GGU) of State employees, and especially its Juneau chapter, has always been a nest of malcontents and they led the charge to affiliate with a national union.   In late 1988, AFSCME, acting as the Alaska State Employees Association, decertified the independent association that had represented the GGU since bargaining began. In one fell swoop that made public employees the largest union in the Alaska AFL-CIO.

The AFL-CIO had heretofore represented the building trades primarily, and the AFL-CIO and the business community in Alaska had enjoyed a relatively peaceful and mutually beneficial relationship.

Public employees range from not caring about development and the business community to positively hating development and the business community. The the entire dynamic of the AFL-CIO’s relations with Alaska’s political system changed on September 17, 1988.   You can read my book to learn how that all played out in the 1990s and into the 2000s, but suffice it to say that the dominant force in the most powerful interest group in Alaska, the AFL-CIO, is unionized public employees.

ENTER VINCE BELTRAMI

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AFL-CIO Alaska President Vince Beltrami and AFL-CIO President Richard Trumka

So, now we’re back to Vince Beltrami, the head of the AFL-CIO. Vince’s second in command is Jim Duncan, former legislator and commissioner, and head of the Alaska State Employees Association, the people who contribute the most to Vince’s salary.

Vince is an International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers guy. The IBEW represents employees of government-owned or government monopoly utilities and unionized contractors working on publicly funded projects.

This is the Third Sector, the businesses that live off government money and regulation.   In the Third Sector, the union and management are usually co-conspirators to get their hands as far in the taxpayer, rate payer, or share-holder pocket as possible.

Vince and people like him have never really had an adversary across the bargaining table.   The reason he likes to call Alaska Republican Party Chairman Tuckerman Babcock a union buster from his time on the Matanuska Electric Association board is because Babcock wasn’t bought by the union and wasn’t acting as a co-conspirator with the union.

They often called me a union buster too; if I’d actually wanted to bust unions, they’d be busted. Like the spoiled children that they are at heart, they just can’t stand opposition.

When ASEA bought the governorship for Tony Knowles, the State’s labor relations policy became: “Ask ASEA what they want.”   Six years in, the Knowles Administration had figured out that they simply couldn’t keep their friends happy and they were sick of ASEA’s guerilla theater and outrageous demands.

They hired me back from the Legislature to try to clean up the mess they’d made.

What I learned from that experience is that the State, with a little prodding, still knew how to be the State.  The unions had all but forgotten how to be a union.  If they couldn’t just call the commissioner’s office and take care of it, they didn’t know what to do.

I had a great run; won a bazillion arbitrations, fired a whole bunch of loud-mouthed union activists.  Then peace broke out all over and I maintained a stately pace towards retirement.

What Vince needs is aggressive opposition; he’s never really had it before.

Art Chance is a retired Director of Labor Relations for the State of Alaska. He is the author of the book, Red on Blue, Establishing a Republican Governance, available at Amazon.

Document dump: Governor scolds business community

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By popular demand, here is the letter that Alaska Gov. Bill Walker sent to leaders in the Alaska business community after he received a D grade on the Alaska Business Report Card:

Walker to Chamber: Don’t grade me, bro’

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Gov. Bill Walker was feeling tased by the recent Alaska Business Report Card. He brought it up in his remarks to the Alaska State Chamber of Commerce, which was holding its fall meeting in Kenai this week.

The Alaska Business Report Card had given him a “D” grade. It released that grade on Sept. 13. A number of those people who take part in the project were in the audience.

“You need to stop giving us grades,” he said to the business leaders assembled at the Challenger Learning Center, before stopping himself and shifting direction. He said, “Don’t pick on my administration. I am pretty defensive about my team.”

Many on his team come from the private sector, Walker continued. They gave up huge jobs and big paychecks to come and work for his administration. “Attack me,” he said, “just don’t attack my people.”

Two weeks ago the governor sent a letter to the Chamber and other groups participating in the Report Card project, in which he painstakingly defended his administration in a strongly worded rebuke.

“Enclosed is a point-by-point response to your unsigned letter dated September 12, 2016, purporting to assess the performance of my Administration during the past legislative session. Overall, it is difficult to take the grade or analysis seriously, [ital. ours] on account of your shifting criteria and inaccurate and selective use of facts,” Walker wrote.

But Walker did take it seriously. He disputed each and every grade he received and went on for six pages — single spaced — doing so. He sent his rebuttal letter not only to the Alaska Chamber of Commerce, but to the Alaska Support Industry Alliance, the Resource Development Council, and Prosperity Alaska, a group that sponsors the Accountability Project.

[Read the letter here.]

Walker’s letter went on to chastise the business community: “Our state is facing an unprecedented fiscal challenge…What have your organizations done to help solve this overarching threat to Alaska’s prosperity?”

Business leaders have repeatedly admonished the governor to bring down government overhead before looking for new revenues.

In his remarks to the Chamber this week, he remarked about how hard it is to govern during times of crises: “I will take all the blame, and if there’s any credit you can take the credit.”

But in his letter to the Chamber and other groups that make up the Alaska Business Report Card, he put the blame squarely on members of the Legislature: “To blame my Administration for the inaction of lawmakers — some of whom publicly admitted that their re-election was a higher priority than fixing the fiscal gap — negligently fails to assign responsibility to where it belongs.”

The governor blamed the Legislature for not passing even one item of his New Sustainable Alaska Plan, a mix of taxes and Permanent Fund restructuring:

“Also not factored into your assessment was our proposal, introduced during the last legislative session as part of the New Sustainable Alaska Plan, to pay these credits off in full. Here again, it was legislative inaction that resulted in the eventual outcome. Without a single piece of our plan passing the Legislature, it would have been irresponsible to pay out the credits beyond the minimum required in statute,” he wrote in his letter of rebuttal to the Report Card partners.

But during the legislative session he had a different tune. He said his entire tax plan had to pass — it was all or nothing. He would not accept just an income tax, a gasoline tax, or higher corporation taxes. He demanded all of the parts, including the restructuring of the Permanent Fund, to be passed at once.

In a May 31 press conference, Walker also bristled about criticism of his administration:

“Those that say we haven’t done enough — I’m pushing back on that. I’m very offended by that.  That’s unjustified and it’s an insult — not to me — it’s an insult to my staff. Our directors, our cabinet members, that have given up, you know, a lot of their personal time to travel this great state to do that.”

This week he was equally offended, only he expressed it directly to the Alaska business community.

No Trump or Johnson in election pamphlet: Here’s why

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Lt. Gov. Byron Mallott, left, and Gov. Bill Walker: Looking out for some voters but not others?

THE DIVISION OF NEGLECTIONS IS ‘WITH HER’

Voters in  Alaska got a surprise when they opened up their Official Election Pamphlet this week. There was no information about the top of the Republican ticket: Donald Trump and Mike Pence.

There’s also no information on Libertarian candidate Gary Johnson.

Hillary Clinton, the Democrat however, is featured, along with her running mate Tim Kaine. So is Jill Stein of the Green Party, and a handful of other also-rans.

Once criticism started rolling into the Division of Elections, Lt. Gov. Byron Mallott issued a carefully worded statement that includes this paragraph:

“For presidential and vice presidential candidates from a recognized political party, parties submit their Certificate of Nomination. All of the Presidential and Vice Presidential candidates were asked to submit materials from the National and State Party Chairperson. However, the Republican and Libertarian candidates did not submit anything for publication in the Official Election Pamphlet by the August 30, 2016 deadline.

Here’s the explanation given by Alaska Republican Party Chairman Tuckerman Babcock:

“The Division of Elections never contacted the Trump campaign,” he said, after consulting with both Trump representatives and the Republican National Committee.

Instead, the Division went a circuitous route: “They sent a letter to the RNC about an election matter, and in the fourth paragraph they made a reference to the official election pamphlet. The Division of Elections never actually contacted Trump’s people to see if the information had gotten to the campaign.”

Babcock was copied on the letter to the RNC, but the Alaska Republican Party doesn’t typically contact national candidates about the pamphlet deadlines, he added, and so it wasn’t an action item for the local party.

The Division of Elections is arguing that their idea of notifying the Trump campaign was sufficient, although the results in the pamphlet indicate that only one out of three candidates knew of the deadline.

“No one at the local level knew that the information had not been submitted until the election pamphlet was printed,” said Jerry Ward, Trump’s campaign director for Alaska, who found out about the missing information the same way everyone else did — by opening up the voter pamphlet he received in the mail.

“The  Election Division never reached out or even sent the information to Trump Headquarters in New York City. That’s where all questionnaires and materials go. We don’t fill out materials here at the local level. Instead of sending it to the published campaign address, they sent it to the RNC. Who does that?”

The answer may be that a barely competent Election Division, which was defending itself in court against a challenge over the District 40 double-voting scandal, does just that.

Whether intentional or unintentional, the Division’s method for contacting the three major national candidates resulted in a one-in-three success rate.

“People have been calling me this morning concerned that Gov. Mallott is trying to suppress Republican voter turnout. They’re furious, saying that Mallott thinks it’s OK to let people in rural Alaska vote twice, and it’s also OK to publish an election pamphlet with one out of the three major candidates for president represented,” Ward said. “It doesn’t look like the Division made any real effort to reach out to the Republican candidate.”

At the very least, the State of Alaska needs to correct the problem on their web site and with a supplemental mailing, Ward said. “It’s not like they didn’t know where Trump headquarters was in New York City.”

Babcock has asked the Division of Elections to provide him with the exact address they sent the pamphlet information to for the Hillary Clinton campaign and the other campaigns that are represented in the pamphlet, such as Darrell Castle, Constitution Party, and Rocky de la Fuente, a non-affiliated candidate. There has been no response from the Division, he said.

Voters curious about the Trump campaign can go to his web site, where a contact number is clearly posted on the front page.

BALLOT MEASURE INFORMATION MISSING

Ballot Measure One, which will make voter registration automatic for anyone applying for their Permanent Fund Dividend, provided a statement in favor of the measure, but no opposing statement.

The Division explained it this way in the voter pamphlet:

“After posting to the Alaska Online Public Notice System and solicitations, the Division of Elections did not receive a response for the Statement in Opposition for this ballot measure.”