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Sen. Sullivan helping Kavanaugh prepare for Tuesday hearing

DETAILS: HEARINGS WILL BE LIVE ON CSPAN

Sen. Dan Sullivan and a small group of other high-ranking supporters have been working with Supreme Court nominee Brett Kavanaugh to ready him for the Senate Judiciary Committee hearings that start on Tuesday.

Exercises like these are known as “murder boards,” or “scrub downs.” Typically in these mock proceedings, attention is paid to every detail, from microphones, to seating arrangements. The person rehearsing is coached and critiqued on everything from attire to how they sip water, to how they answer the questions.

Along with Sullivan, Sen. Orrin Hatch of Utah, Lindsey Graham of South Carolina, and Rob Portman of Ohio have gathered in a room in the Eisenhower Executive Office Building, and conducted mock hearings with Kavanaugh this week. Hatch is a former Judiciary Committee chairman and current member of the committee, and he played the role of committee chairman during the mock exercises.

The four-day hearing starts at 9:30 a.m. on Sept. 4. The 21-member committee has 11 Republicans and 10 Democrats and is chaired by Sen. Chuck Grassley, an Iowa Republican. Sen. Dianne Feinstein of California is the ranking Democrat.

Viewers can watch the live proceedings on CSPAN.org 

Live video may also be seen on the Senate livestream here.

The proceedings take place in the Hart Building, Room 216, with an introduction of Kavanaugh by former Secretary of State Condoleeza Rice, Sen. Rob Portman of Ohio, and Lisa Blatt, a DC attorney, followed by opening statements by each member of the Judiciary Committee, which will take nearly three hours to complete — if each sticks to his and her 10-minute limit.

Kavanaugh will not say much until Wednesday, when he will deliver his own opening statement and begin to answer questions. Senators have 30 minutes for their first question(s) and 20 minutes for each round that follows.

Republican members of the committee, in addition to Grassley, Hatch, and Graham, include John Cornyn of Texas, Mike Lee of Utah, Ted Cruz of Texas, Ben Sasse of Nebraska, Jeff Flake of Arizona, Mike Crapo of Idaho, Thom Tillis of North Carolina, and John Neely Kennedy of Louisiana.

The Democrats on the committee, in addition to Feinstein, are Kamala Harris of California, Cory Booker of New Jersey, Patrick Leahy of Vermont, Dick Durbin of Illinois, Sheldon Whitehouse of Rhode Island, Amy Klobuchar of Minnesota, Chris Coons of Delaware, Richard Blumenthal of Connecticut, and Mazie Hirono of Hawaii.

The committee membership and other details are linked here.

Rehearsal for a judicial confirmation is common, but one nominee to the U.S. Supreme Court famously did not take part in them. Robert Bork attended just one murder board and then cancelled the rest of them.

He was not confirmed to the Supreme Court in 1987, but his name became a political verb: To “bork” means to obstruct a candidate by any means possible, especially through systematic defamation and vilification.

Fun facts: Primary election, by the numbers

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WHO WON THE MOST VOTES IN THE STATEWIDE RACES?

During the August Primary Election, 111,473 ballots were cast in Alaska. Which candidates in the statewide races pulled in the most?

Top Republican vote winners statewide:

1. Don Young, incumbent U.S. House: With 47,948 votes, the Dean of the House wins the prize. Again.
2. Mike Dunleavy, Republican candidate for governor: 42,233
3. Kevin Meyer, Republican candidate for lt. governor: 23,074
4. Mead Treadwell, Republican candidate for governor 22,078
5. Edie Grunwald, Republican candidate for lt. governor: 17,478
6. Thomas Nelson, Republican candidate for U.S. House: 10,512

The difference between Young’s count for U.S. House and Dunleavy’s count for governor was 5,715 votes, but Young had no strong Republican opponent, while Dunleavy faced Mead Treadwell.

But how is it that Sen. Kevin Meyer, running for lieutenant governor in a crowded field of six Republican candidates, was able to muster nearly 1,000 more votes than gubernatorial candidate Treadwell, who is both the former lieutenant governor and former U.S. Senate candidate with big name recognition?

Possibly because Treadwell jumped in the race for governor so late, which meant he never had time to make his case to voters.

Treadwell only did better than Dunleavy in three Alaska districts: In District 20, he won 41 more votes than Dunleavy; in District 32, he won 80 more votes; and in District 35, Treadwell won 98 more than Dunleavy.

Dunleavy swept every other district on the Republican side, including District 33, downtown Juneau, with Dunleavy winning 596 to Treadwell’s 515. (To be clear, on the Democrat ballot, Begich won 1,982 votes because District 33 is Begich country).

Dunleavy also won 92 percent of the precincts in Anchorage.

Top Democrat vote winners:

1. Debra Call, Democrat candidate for lt. governor: 32,880; in 2014, Hollis French was the top Democrat vote getter for lieutenant governor with 40,271.
2. Mark Begich, Democrat candidate for governor: 32,069; in 2014, Byron Mallott won 42,327 in the Democratic primary.
3. Alyse Galvin, Democrat candidate for U.S. House: 20,961, less than half of Rep. Don Young’s votes.

Wait, what? How did Debra Call get more votes than Begich on the Democrat ballot?

A possible explanation is the Libertarians had no person in the lieutenant governor’s slot, so likely those Libertarian voters simply put Debra Call in as their choice, since there was no one else on the ballot. Libertarians vote on the same ballot as the Democrats — the open ballot.

WHICH COMMUNITY HAD THE HIGHEST TURNOUT?

The precinct in Alaska with the highest turnout was Nikolai in District 37.

With a population of 94, and 73 people registered to vote, 39 votes were cast in Nikolai, for a stunning primary turnout of 53 percent.

Also doing well for turnout was Hughes, in District 40. Hughes has a population of 77. All but four of them — 73 people — are registered to vote, and 32 ballots cast for a turnout of 44 percent.

Following Hughes was Diomede, in District 39. The turnout there was 42 percent, with 32 of the 62 registered voters casting a ballot. Diomede’s population is 118.

WHICH COMMUNITY HAD THE LOWEST TURNOUT?

At this point, it’s Stevens Village, the one precinct in Alaska that has not reported its results to the Division of Elections. No one knows if Stevens Village even conducted an election at this point. There are 76 potential votes in Stevens Village, but no sign of them, and the village phones are not being answered.

The second lowest precincts for participation was a tie between Eielson Air Force Base in District 6, and JBER #2 in District 15, which both had a 1 percent turnout.

JBER is one of five precincts in District 15, where now a controversy over fraudulent voting has led to the Division of Elections turning over ballots to the Department of Law for investigation.

[Read: Criminal investigation underway, LeDoux up by 87 votes]

Alaska Supreme Court explains its Nageak v Mallott decision

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TWO YEARS LATER, JUDGES SAY MISTAKES HAPPEN IN ELECTIONS

In the summer of 2016, the Primary Election went sideways across several communities in the rural north. In Shungnak, the election supervisor allowed every voter to vote two ballots — a Republican ballot and a Democrat ballot. In Ambler, votes went missing, and in Browerville, the election officials made Republicans vote a Democrat ballot if they were voting a questioned ballot.

The Division of Elections certified Westlake as the winner that September by an eight-vote margin, something that was not appropriate, according to critics. A lower court reversed it, but the Supreme Court upheld it in October of 2016 and said it would publish its opinion later.

It published its reasoning two years later, on Aug. 31, 2018. In the majority opinion of the court, the situation in Shungnak was an error on the part of the election worker, and such an error should not disenfranchise voters of their rights.

The voting anomaly was first identified by Must Read Alaska in 2016, when we noticed that 102 ballots had been cast by 51 people. We also reported that a similar anomaly occurred in Kivalina, and in Buckland, far too many “special needs” ballots had been cast — far more bedridden voters cast ballots than in all of populated Wasilla.

It appeared to this writer that voter fraud was occurring throughout District 40, and it had changed the outcome of the election, and thus, the power balance in the House of Representatives.

Nageak’s investigation, with the aid of the Alaska Republican Party, uncovered much more, and it was all given to the court.

But the judges wrote that mistakes happen:

“It is undisputed that all voters in Shungnak received and cast both the ADL and the Republican ballots. This was an error by Shungnak election officials. Nageak argues that we should not count any of the 51 votes from Shungnak, or alternatively, that we should proportionately reduce the number of Shungnak votes as the superior court did in the election contest. We conclude that challenges to elections based on election official error that go beyond the facial validity of the votes cast may not be brought under Alaska’s recount statute and therefore decline to discard the Shungnak votes on this basis.”

[Read the entire opinion and the dissenting opinion here.]

THE BEAT GOES ON

In 2016, the campaign manager for Dean Westlake was John-Henry Heckendorn, who is now the campaign manager for Gov. Bill Walker in his bid for re-election.

Heckendorn was the main witness to defend Westlake’s illegitimate win in District 40, while Randy Ruedrich spoke on behalf of the Nageak position.

In happier times, Gov. Bill Walker poses with Reps. Zach Fansler and Dean Westlake. Walker and his campaign manager John-Henry Heckendorn worked to replace two family men who served in the Legislature with the “swinging singles.” Fansler and Westlake both resigned within a year for misconduct with women.

Westlake took office and went on to be accused by a woman in Juneau of sexual harassment.  He was forced to resign after just one year in office. That woman, who was a legislative aide at the time, stated to a meeting of the Alaska Democratic Party that the party had not listened to her and others prior to the election, when the party was told that Westlake was a known harasser of women going back well before his time in public office.

Time for a grand jury for LeDoux votes

THE ANCHORAGE DAILY PLANET

While state officials are not saying much about whether they will investigate the shenanigans discovered in the House District 15 race that has incumbent Rep. Gabreille LeDoux the presumptive winner, it is clear somebody broke the law.

Who that “somebody” is remains to be seen.

LeDoux, trailing by three votes to political unknown Aaron Weaver in early tallies, has pulled ahead by 113 votes as counting of questioned and absentee ballots continues.

Elections officials report finding irregularities in the balloting, including seven absentee ballot applications under the names of dead people, and absentee votes cast in the name of at least two individuals who said they had not voted.

Continue reading here…

http://www.anchoragedailyplanet.com/130838/time-for-a-grand-jury/

Libertarian Billy Toien has running mate in Carolyn Clift

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Libertarian Carolyn Clift, who ran for governor on the Libertarian ticket in 2014 and became the spoiler who handed Bill Walker the governorship, is the person who will fill the vacant lieutenant governor’s spot on her party’s ticket in 2018.

Billy Toien is running as the Libertarian candidate for governor; he was unopposed in the primary and there was no one running for lieutenant governor on that ticket. Without a running mate in place by Sept. 4, his name would have to be dropped from the ballot.

Clift made the announcement on Twitter on Thursday, but the party’s executive committee met in June and unanimously voted to advance Clift as the running mate for Toien.

She also made this statement in opposition to the Office of Children’s Services:

A retired teacher, she is a former secretary of the Alaska Libertarian Party. During the 2014 Primary Election, she won 10,436 votes for governor, 16 percent of all votes cast. In the General Election, 8,985 Alaskans chose her, some 3.2 percent of voters.

It could be said that she cost Republicans the election. Clift drained off enough votes from Republican Sean Parnell that he lost to Bill Walker by 6,223 votes.

Update: Libertarians contacting Must Read Alaska say no party meeting has been called, as required, to add Clift to the ticket, and therefore there is still no official ticket. This story will be updated.

Begich ‘fan club’ starts raising money

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Some Alaska Democrat heavyweights have formed an independent group to support the campaign of Mark Begich for governor.

Led by former National Committeewoman for the Alaska Democratic Party Kim Metcalfe of Juneau, the Begich for Alaska group must operate separately from the candidate himself and cannot coordinate activities or messaging.

So far, it has $100,000 in commitments, but insiders say a huge check is about to arrive from the Democratic Governors Association, now that the primary is over.

Others involved with Begich for Alaska include Walter Featherly, an Anchorage attorney who serves as the group’s treasurer. Featherly is a registered nonpartisan whose practice includes Native law. His involvement in pushing for Begich’s election as governor may indicate a split is developing in the Native community. Both Walker and Begich have Native running mates.

In 2014, Featherly gave the maximum amount allowed by law to the Walker-Mallott campaign. He also ran for House in 2014, for District 28

Sen. Berta Gardner, an Anchorage Democrat, serves as deputy treasurer for Begich for Alaska, along with Kay Brown, the former executive director of the Alaska Democratic Party, and Robin Smith of Anchorage.

All three gubernatorial candidates have separate “independent expenditure groups” working in uncoordinated parallel play with the campaigns.

While the Dunleavy for Alaska Committee has been the most well-funded, with over $750,000 so far, the Unite Alaska for Walker-Mallott committee formed in mid-August, and has major commitments from a group formerly known as the Centrist Project, but now called Unite America.

Fifteen days after forming, however, no sign of life has been detected from the Unite Alaska group, which would have had to file a report with the Alaska Public Offices Commission if it raised money or spent money, within 10 days of the activity.

Troopers’ pay raise? Not legal without legislative approval

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BUT WHAT ARE YOU GOING TO DO, ARREST HIM?

BY ART CHANCE
SENIOR CONTRIBUTOR

As Must Read Alaska reported, Gov. Bill Walker, with considerable fanfare, announced a 7.5 percent general wage increase for State Troopers, using the standard Democrat excuse of “recruitment and retention” problems.

In the last years of the Knowles Administration everybody was having “recruitment and retention” problems and looking to use it as an excuse to give themselves or somebody a raise.

This “recruitment and retention” problem got Gov. Walker the endorsement of the State Troopers’ union, the Public Safety Employees Association, otherwise known as the law enforcement wing of the Democrat Party.

That’s at least curious since Mark Begich is Democrat royalty and his administration raped Anchorage taxpayers on behalf of Anchorage’s Police and Fire unions.

Now I do pedantic really well and this is pedantic and legalistic, but I think it is important for politically involved people to understand.

Everybody who knows as much or more than I do about the State’s relations with its unionized employees has either left the State or left this earth altogether.  That said, for the first time in years, I read the Public Employment Relations Act (AS 23.40. 070 – 260).   The most important piece for this issue is Section 215, the Legislative approval section.

I’ll confess; I don’t have a clue what Section 215 means.

The issue is whether Gov. Walker can give this paycheck boon to the Troopers without the approval of the Legislature, and in this circumstance whether he has that approval.

First some history. Section 215 in the original Act just said that the monetary terms of a labor agreement under PERA were subject to legislative appropriation.  This is necessary to keep the Act constitutional because if a contract could be funded without the Legislative act of an appropriation, the Act would be unconstitutional.

Gov. Sheffield rewarded his union friends with all sorts of goodies complete with cherries, nuts, and sprinkles, and the one that really got the Legislature’s attention was when Sheffield made a State employee’s birthday a paid holiday.

The Legislature responded by amending the Act, and requiring that the “monetary terms” of an agreement be submitted for approval by the Legislature and setting out that the monetary terms could be disapproved by a majority vote on a concurrent resolution of disapproval. It went on to specifically define monetary terms in the definitions at Section 250.

The first time the Legislature used this power was to disapprove the monetary terms of the third year of several agreements with an 84 – 86 term.  The General Government Unit, all 8000 or so of them, were supposed to get a 3.6 percent increase on July 1, 1985 (I am working from memory here), and they didn’t get it.   I have that number burned into my brain, and for years two drinks and an hour of conversation with any union rep would bring on a conversation about the 3.6 percent that the State still owed them. Then the decade-long war began.

The Legislature used that power in its disapproval of a genuinely rapacious PSEA contract during the Hickel Administration, when it for the first time rejected an interest arbitrator’s award to the union. Yes, the courts upheld it.

The Legislature used the disapproval power several times during the Knowles Administration.

The unions/Democrats hated the legislative approval power and the Administration “worked with” the Legislature to try to clarify Section 215.

The unions/Democrats succeeded in getting the Legislature to make the law unintelligible.   The only thing that is clear is that the monetary terms are subject to approval and the terms must be submitted to the Legislature for “action;” what action isn’t specified.

The plain language of Gov. Walker’s agreement with PSEA says that the pay increase is effective on legislative approval.  That is boilerplate language that I’m not confident that whoever inserted it really knew what it meant.  The only person in State labor relations or Law who even worked with anyone who goes back to days of these battles is Kate Sheehan, the director of personnel and labor relations, a person I hired when I was director of labor relations.

Kate has the authority to do a salary survey and change the pay range of a State job classification to increase or decrease the pay of that job.   But, she must do that as a part of a State Classification and Pay Plan that must be submitted to the Legislature, which has the power to disapprove it.

Gov. Walker does have Kate’s determination that the pay range of the State Trooper classifications should be increased.  However, State Trooper contract ranges aren’t a part of the State Pay Plan at AS 39.27.011, but rather are collectively bargained range designations.

Consequently, I submit that the director’s authority is not controlling but rather the collectively bargained pay increase expressed by the Letter of Agreement with PSEA.

The Legislature is not in Session and the law requires that a monetary terms report be submitted to the Legislature within 10 days of the next Session of the Legislature.   Therefore, the agreement with PSEA cannot become effective until the Legislature next convenes and takes some action on the agreement.

GOVERNOR’S RATIONALE NEGATES SECTION 215 OF PERA

Now we get to the really pedantic part.  Gov. Walker’s press release suggests that a supplemental appropriation request and intent language in that request authorizes him to confer this increase.

If that is true, it negates Section 215 of PERA. In PERA litigation the Alaska Supreme Court has held that it will not countenance implicit repeal of legislation.

Going back all the way to IBU v. Hafling in 1978 or so, the Court held that PERA had to be construed in paria materia, law on the same subject, with other relevant legislation.

If either the director of personnel on her own authority or the governor on his own authority can do this, it repeals Section 215 of PERA and abrogates the authority of the Legislature over appropriations and State expenditures.

To be clear, a range change increase for Troopers may be justified.

That said, the last decade of my career I sat across the table with them and they threw down the Anchorage cops’ contract on the table. We said, “go to work for them.”

Here’s the problem in recruitment: There’s a dearth of applicants who can pee in a bottle and pass a background check.

The issue at hand in this column is not what is getting in the way of hiring, but whether a bureaucrat that only people like me know, the director of personnel, or a governor can do this, or whether the Legislature must authorize spending the public’s money.

Art Chance is a retired Director of Labor Relations for the State of Alaska, formerly of Juneau and now living in Anchorage. He is the author of the book, “Red on Blue, Establishing a Republican Governance,” available at Amazon. He only writes for Must Read Alaska when he’s banned from posting on Facebook. Chance coined the phrase “hermaphrodite Administration” to describe a governor who is both a Republican and a Democrat. This was a grave insult to hermaphrodites but he has not apologized.

Pete Kelly delivers: Clean-burning power plant starts at UAF

The turbines are spinning.

The biggest project in Fairbanks in years, which employed hundreds of workers in the making, and which will cut air particulates coming out of the University of Alaska Fairbanks by 45 percent, is nearly complete.

Today, workers are putting the new coal-fired, clean-air power plant through its paces before it’s considered “live” in a few weeks.

Sen. Pete Kelly was on hand for the ceremonial start-up and was asked to speak about it, as it’s been one of his key projects in the past few years for Greater Fairbanks. In his remarks, University President Jim Johnsen gave Kelly credit for its completion.

Clean air in Fairbanks is a huge concern. But the risk of the University of Alaska Fairbanks power plant failing in midwinter was unthinkable and would have meant the loss of the entire university, Kelly said. Programs would have spun off to other campuses and may have never returned. Enrollment and research funding would have sagged for years if the campus “broke” at -40, due to failure of the 54-year-old Atkinson heat and power plant.

“The power plant did go down in 1998. It did have a catastrophic failure and because of the heroics of some of the people on hand yesterday, the university kept from shutting down. There are still t-shirts around that read ‘Where Were You When the Lights Went Out?'” Kelly said. Back then, a pipe had burst in one of the original boilers and knocked out electricity, which nearly led to a campus-wide freeze-up.

“We could have lost the campus, and with that aging power plant, it was a looming risk to this entire community,” Kelly said.

Not only will particulates be reduced by 45 percent, the operating cost will also be reduced by between $4-5 million per year. And by some comparisons, this plant burns cleaner than natural gas.

But to Rep. Scott Kawasaki of Fairbanks and his former staffer, Mindy L. O’Neall, the response was that it was a short-sighted and was simply hardly worth mentioning. Yet they found something to say about it on Facebook:

 

DONE: BIGGEST DEFERRED MAINTENANCE PROJECT IN ALASKA 

The $245 million combined heat and power plant was the top community priority for Fairbanks in 2014. The plant provides electricity and steam heat to 3 million square feet of university buildings on campus.

In 2013, the Fairbanks Daily News-Miner editorial board wrote  that the UAF power plant “is probably the single most important structure on the campus, as the university cannot operate without the heat and light generated from the plant.”

It became the top priority for the university, the Fairbanks North Star Borough, and a top item for the Greater Fairbanks Chamber of Commerce.

In 2014, Sen. Pete Kelly, who was then the Senate Finance Co-Chair remarked, “If the plant goes down, it could be a significant problem. There will be a catastrophic failure so what’s the worst-case scenario? You have $1.4 billion worth of buildings, hundreds of millions worth of equipment, thousands of students, teachers and scientists. In the best-case scenario, you’re going to pay $20 (million) to $30 million a year for diesel.”

Along with Senate Finance Co-Chair Kevin Meyer, Kelly put together a financing package through a combination of capital appropriations, use of the Alaska Municipal Bond Bank, and revenue bonds to fund the $245 million replacement plant in the FY15 budget, even during a time when state funds were in short supply.

Kelly then made his case on the Senate floor, reminding his colleagues that it was not just a Fairbanks project, but impacted families from all over the state whose students attend school there.

The power plant is the largest construction project undertaken by the University of Alaska, and required:

  • 8,200 cubic yards of concrete
  • 981 tons of reinforcing steel
  • 4,050 tons of steel
  • 116 miles of wire and cable
  • 13.5 miles of piping
  • More than 1.1 million hours worked

In addition, the plant has the lowest particulate emissions ever guaranteed by a coal-fired plant manufacturer.

The use of locally sourced Usibelli coal while reducing the University’s emissions by 45 percent was something worth celebrating yesterday.

Sen. Pete Kelly, Perri Kelly, and Sen. Kevin Meyer take a tour of the new clean-burning power plant at the University of Alaska Fairbanks campus on Wednesday after the ceremonial start of the plant.

Celebrate they did, with the ceremonial “throwing of the switch,” for the power plant.

“It’s an environmental leap forward for clean air in Fairbanks,” Kelly said. “We are pounding a stake deep into the ground to keep this campus right here where it belongs.”

Rep. Kawasaki did not attend the celebration, but did give a Facebook “thumbs up” to his former staffer’s note that the whole thing cost too much, the state is broke, and that natural gas would have been better.

Walker, Begich agree with each other at forum

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Above, the KTUU image shows a sparsely attended forum that Gov. Bill Walker and Democrat Mark Begich attended, but which Mike Dunleavy skipped. Walker used the KTUU report to criticize Dunleavy for not attending.

Gov. Bill Walker just can’t get over the fact that his main opponent Mike Dunleavy is controlling his own schedule. Every time he goes somewhere and Dunleavy doesn’t join him, he’s on the attack.

On Facebook, Walker complained that Dunleavy didn’t show up at a forum in Anchorage — one that he and Democrat Mark Begich attended.

It turns out that a lot of people didn’t show up at the forum, which was a first-time conference called Accelerate Anchorage. Hardly anyone knew about it.

Dunleavy had told organizers a week earlier that he would not be attending the forum, although KTUU and Gov. Walker characterized Dunleavy’s decision as “last minute.”

The decision was not unwarranted; only about 30 people attended the forum to listen to Walker and Begich agree with each other on nearly everything.

But Walker was going to make campaign hay out of it, writing:

“This is Dunleavy’s third no-show in a week: Alaska Municipal League candidate forum in Healy; AFL-CIO candidate presentations in Fairbanks; and today’s Accelerate Gubernatorial Hot Seat in Anchorage. These are lost opportunities for this candidate to interact with and learn from these Alaskans from communities across the state. You can’t stand tall if you don’t show up.”

A candidate could show up for 30 people in Anchorage, or could head out to the Alaska State Fair and show up for 10,000 people from all walks of life.

These are choices candidates make as they weigh whether a particular forum is something they can afford to do, with the short time frame they have in the General Election cycle.

Walker and Begich showed up in Healy for the Alaska Municipal League’s forum last week, where government officials gathered, while Dunleavy spent his time at the Kenai Peninsula Industry Appreciation Day, where the private sector was.

But Walker defined his attendance at the Healy debate as “showing up for work,” by calling out the other “boys,” as seen below:

Gov. Bill Walker, all alone at the Healy debate, waiting for Mark Begich to show up.