Wednesday, February 11, 2026
Home Blog Page 14

Deep Pockets Shape Policy: The Dark Money Infecting the Last Frontier

Despite Alaskan Republicans outnumbering Alaskan Democrats 2:1, liberal ideology appears rampant in Alaska’s public schools, government decisions, and non-profit industry. Time after time, Alaskans see ballot measures, lawsuits, and media campaigns pushing policies resembling those drafted in Portland. At the heart of the issue, like every political issue, is money. 

On Nov. 12, the American Accountability Foundation (AAF) launched the Alaska Influence Pipeline. This online hub traces how wealthy, out-of-state advocacy networks fund a liberal agenda in Alaska. Disguised behind seemingly benign nonprofits and nonpartisan brands, out-of-state plutocrats are pushing progressive politics into Alaska. 

The Arabella Machine: Billions in Liberal Money, Now Flowing North 

The Sixteen Thirty Fund, the New Venture fund, the Hopewell Fund, and the Windward Fund are few of the progressive nonprofits showing their way into Alaska. At the center of all of them is the for-profit consulting firm Arabella Advisors, a powerful D.C.-based firm that manages these nonprofits.  

According to public filings highlighted by AAF, the Arabella-managed network has spent approximately $9 billion since 2006, shaping policies around the country through ballot measures, ad campaigns, “popup” groups, and media projects.  

Between 2020 and 2024, entities backed by Arabella spent more than $9 million on opposing or delaying Alaskan resource development and infrastructure projects, pushing progressive ballot initiatives, and building “local” organizations that echo national talking points. 

In a small population state like Alaska, $9 million targeted over a few years can overwhelm genuine local activism and drown out voices that do not have access to large amounts of money or D.C.-backed management resources. 

“Alaskan” in Name Only 

The Alaska Influence Pipeline flags several entities that brand themselves as Alaskan organizations but rely heavily on out-of-state funding. 

For example, the Sixteen Thirty Fund and other liberal sources support the Alaska Center. This group pressures candidates to endorse an agenda seeking 100% renewable energy by 2050, higher oil and gas taxes, and changes to Alaska’s voting system. These policy positions reflect nationwide liberal demands, not the desires of the average Alaskan. 

Progress Alaska is another example. Arabella-managed organizations infused Progress Alaska with $3 million to aid a campaign against energy development, mining prospects, and projects such as the West Susitna Access Road. 

Although these organizations appear homegrown, with websites featuring local scenery and familiar rhetoric, their funding and strategy point back to national campaigns that treat Alaska as another battlefield, not as a unique state with unique needs. 

Ballot Measures and Faux “Grassroots” Campaigns 

Non-profits are not the only political devices manipulated by dark money. The Alaska Influence Pipeline also shows heavy out-of-state involvement in Alaska’s ballot initiatives. For example, the New Venture Fund played a key role in funding 2016’s Ballot Measure 1, which linked automatic voter registration to the Permanent Fund Dividend. In 2024, the Sixteen Thirty Fund poured approximately $930,000 into an initiative pushing higher minimum wages and mandated paid sick leave.  

Additionally, campaigns like the 907 Initiative and “Alaskans for Posterity” launched an extensive advertising and political campaign in Alaska, but they did not openly disclose the out-of-state funding, such as funding from the New Venture Fund, that propped up their campaign. 

Whose State Is It Anyway? 

The reality of out-of-state money pouring into Alaska to fuel the liberal agenda raises the question of whether self-government means anything if the messaging, lawsuits, and ballot language are all being drafted somewhere between K Street and Silicon Valley. 

Alaskans deserve to know who is paying for the ads and mailers they see, who underwrites the “nonpartisan” or “local” group knocking on their door, and which national networks are experimenting on Alaska’s political system. 

The Alaska Influence Pipeline offers transparency to Alaskans wanting to know who is meddling with their resources, elections, and communities.  

More to Come

COMING SOON: Let’s go deeper! This column outlines just the tip of the iceberg of the dark money problem. Keep watch for more articles diving deeper into the problem and what can be done about it. In the meantime, read our previous coverage below:

Alaska’s Statehood Design and the Land System that Never Fully Took Root

By Edward D. Martin Jr.

Alaska did not enter the Union by accident. It entered under a specific design. 

When Congress admitted Alaska as a state, it understood something fundamental: Alaska had no private land base, no established property tax system, and no realistic way to support self-government using the same tools as other states. Therefore, Congress chose a different model: instead of funding Alaska through ongoing federal support, statehood was structured around land. 

Alaska was given the right to select vast amounts of federal land over time— land meant to support communities, enable local government, and form the economic foundation of a self-governing state. This land was not symbolic. It was intended to function as Alaska’s substitute for the internal improvement grants and revenue mechanisms earlier states had relied upon. 

Land was how Alaska was expected to grow up. That design matters because it explains many conflicts Alaskans argue about today. 

The Statehood Act does not require the federal government to give up all the land nor does it prohibit federal withdrawals. However, it does repeatedly tie Alaska’s land selections to community development, expansion, and practical use. The Act anticipates towns that did not yet exist. It requires land to be selected in workable, connected areas. It treats land access as a continuing responsibility of state government, not as a one-time gift. 

In plain terms, statehood promised that enough land would remain available, accessible, and usable for Alaska to build local authority and long-term fiscal capacity. That promise never fully materialized. 

Over time, large portions of land became unavailable or difficult to use. Development clustered unevenly. Local governments formed slowly or not at all. Yet the responsibilities of statehood never changed. Alaska was still expected to educate its children, maintain infrastructure, and govern a vast territory.  

Rather than insisting on land access, Alaska adapted to land restrictions. Centralized revenue replaced local tax bases. Bureaucracy substituted for settlement. The Permanent Fund became a stabilizer for the volatility that land was once expected to absorb. Dividends became a stand-in for equity that ownership and local development were supposed to provide. 

Although the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act resolved Native (ANCSA) land claims and was both historic and necessary, it did not replace the broader land-based framework statehood promised. Neither ANCSA nor the Permanent Fund was intended to substitute for local self-government. Both became part of a system that managed around an unfinished design instead of completing it. 

This issue is a result of policy choices planting certain seeds— the seeds of federal overreach mixed with state avoidance— and over time those seeds produced predictable results: dependency, division, and endless conflict over money instead of responsibility. 

Common sense tells us this: a durable self-government cannot be built without a functioning land system. Local responsibility cannot be expected without local authority. And symptoms cannot be managed forever without addressing the root cause. 

Alaska was not meant to beg. It was meant to build. Until we realign modern policy with the land-based design embedded in statehood, we will keep arguing over the weeds rather than restoring the ground they grew from. 

Edward Martin, Jr. is a retired 50+ year IUOE, General Contractor and long-time Alaskan with a strong belief in the National and State Constitutions and the inherent rights of citizens. He devotes his retirement to investigating Constitutional violation(s) in hopes of protecting the eternal rights of liberty.

COMING SOON: keep an eye out for the coming-soon column addressing what Alaskans and the Legislature can do to begin restoring land-based self-government.

Historic Coast Guard Investment Passes Senate

On December 17, the Senate Passed the Fiscal Year 2026 National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA), a 3100-page piece of legislation which includes a historic investment for the Coast Guard.

The Coast Guard Authorization Act of 2025, included in the NDAA, authorizes $15.5 billion for FY 2026 and $17.2 billion for FY 2027 to support and expand the U.S. Coast Guard. Combined with the $25 billion Coast Guard investment provided by the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, this year marks America’s largest investment in the Coast Guard to date.

Senator Sullivan, chairman of the Senate Commerce Coast Guard, Maritime and Fisheries Subcommittee, explains the importance of this investment for Alaska: “As America’s only state with Arctic territory and with more coastline than the entire Lower 48 combined, Alaska is critical to the Coast Guard’s missions in defense of our nation. The Coast Guard serves an indispensable role in our state, defending our waters and ensuring the safety of Alaskans, a fact we were all reminded of witnessing the numerous search-and-rescue missions conducted and lives saved in Western Alaska in the aftermath of Typhoon Halong. From bolstering oil spill and emergency response, to providing greater support and quality of life improvements for our Coast Guardsmen, this Coast Guard authorization builds upon the strong relationship between Alaska’s communities and our Alaska-based Coast Guard and will help our service members support their families and fulfill their many critical missions in the Last Frontier.”

A press release from Sullivan’s office details how the money will be spent:

The Timeless Beauty of the Holy Family Illuminates Advent

5

In the quiet sanctity of Nazareth, the Holy Family exemplifies beauty through humility and devotion, with Mary shining as the epitome of grace and purity. Her life with Joseph, marked by a simple home and mutual reverence reveals a divine harmony that inspires Christians worldwide. This familial splendor links directly to Advent, a season rooted in ancient traditions of preparation for Christ’s birth.

Advent, from the Latin “adventus” meaning “coming,” traces its history to early Christian practices in the West, evolving from a rigorous “second Lent” of fasting—spanning 40 days with three weekly fasts decreed by figures like St. Perpetuus in the fifth century—to the modern four-week observance by the ninth century. For Christians, this time is vital for spiritual renewal, fostering gratitude for Jesus’ sufferings—as St. Alphonsus would describe began in Mary’s womb—and binding souls to divine love amid worldly distractions.

The fourth Sunday of Advent, known as “Rorate,” intensifies this anticipation as the final call to devotion, echoing John the Baptist’s cry in the desert: “Prepare ye the way of the Lord: make straight his paths.”

St. Bernard eloquently stated, “In the first coming, He comes in the flesh and in weakness; in the second, He comes in spirit and in power; in the third, He comes in glory and in majesty,” encapsulating Advent’s profound call to preparation for the coming of the Savior. As Christmas nears, Advent invites believers to emulate Mary’s humility, transforming waiting into wondrous union with the divine.

Georgia Election Board Faces Fines Over Fulton County 2020 Voting Irregularities

25

At the December 9, 2025 Georgia State Election Board hearing, Fulton County admitted to certifying approximately 315,000 early ballots in the 2020 presidential election without required signatures on tabulator tapes, violating state law and breaking the chain of custody. This admission stemmed from a complaint filed by election integrity activist David Cross in March 2022, alleging that the county failed to provide signed tapes for these votes despite open records requests. The board voted to refer the matter to the Attorney General, imposing a $740,000 fine—calculated at $5,000 per violation for 148 unsigned tapes. These 315,000 uncertified votes, far exceeding President Trump’s 11,779-vote loss margin in Georgia, have placed a spotlight on potential fraud, though no direct evidence of altered outcomes was presented.

Cross’s original complaint, detailed in a demand letter to the board, accused Fulton County of statutory violations in handling advanced voting, demanding accountability for the unsigned tapes that legally certify vote totals. During his testimony at the December 9, 2025, hearing, Cross urged, “We should have an asterisk by the results for Georgia in 2020… trust in our elections will remain broken.” Another revelation came from county attorney Ann Brumbaugh, who acknowledged that poll pads were remotely wiped, stating, “KNOWiNK was able to remotely wipe them.” Cross countered that this implied unauthorized internet access, a critical vulnerability.

This issue underscores broader 2020 election integrity. Allegations of remote access and wiping capabilities fueled lawsuits and claims of hackability, suggesting potential manipulation without detection—echoing national debates over machine security that questioned results in battleground states. The Georgia case highlights ongoing calls for paper-based reforms to restore voter confidence amid persistent technological doubts.

Mat-Su Assembly Declines Consideration of Annex Now to Mat-Su Idea

5

By Ken McCarty

The Mat Su Assembly meeting on Dec 16, 2025, had an apparent theme of deciphering information presented in order to make effective decisions. Whether the topic was libraries, gravel pits, or Annex Now to Mat-Su, the Assembly members used the truth litmus test to determine what is fitting for the benefit of Mat-Su.

Resolution 25–120 called for the Mat-Su Assembly to “initiate discussions and considerations regarding the proposal to annex the Chugiak Eagle River area into the Matanuska-Susitna Borough.” The Resolution has no intention to make a formal commitment to annexation, but rather to begin the discussion and consideration of it. According to the rules of engagement by the Borough, any lengthy discussion involving the time and resources of Borough personnel first necessitates Assembly acceptance of the process.

Eaglexit supporters came out in great force to oppose RS 25–120. They argued that the resolution should be tabled and Eaglexit should be acknowledged for their 8 years of effort towards the process. Eaglexit is currently waiting for a technical review by the land boundary commission to be released by Jan 5, 2026. Although Eaglexit presenters acknowledged interest in the annex to Mat-Su solution if Eaglexit proves unattainable, they requested more time to complete the process before introducing another solution.

In the end, the Mat-Su Assembly voted “No” on Resolution 25–120. The Assembly also led discussions regarding a timeframe to renew resolution considerations. Options spanned from several weeks, six months, or a year. Legal counsel informed the Assembly that the denial of RS 25–1 20 does not preclude another resolution to be submitted in the future for the same topic of “intent to discuss.”

Annex Now 2 Mat-Su will not disband due to the recent Mat-Su Assembly action but rather is on hold to see the “proof in the pudding” of Eaglexit’s claims. Is Eaglexit really a viable consideration? Or is Eaglexit a hypothetical utopia that is manipulating the people of Chugiak Eagle River while the Muni of Anchorage disregards and blatantly disrupts the people of CER? Eaglexit should demonstrate itself promptly or CER should explore other options, like Annex Now.

Disclaimer: Opinions expressed in this story are of the writer only. Must Read Alaska supports local self-government and will continue to cover Eaglexit’s efforts.

Trawl Bycatch: Understanding the Serious Harm to Alaska and the Possible Solutions

By Captain David Bayes

The trawl (also known as the dragger) fishery occurring offshore of Alaska is one of the largest in the world. Many trawl boats currently fishing in Alaska moved here after fisheries in their home waters collapsed. Many crews of factory trawlers fly from their homes in other states/nations to meet the boat, extract Alaskan fish, sell them mostly overseas, and then fly home. Therefore, they rely upon Alaska’s fish, but they do not rely on nor significantly contribute to Alaska’s economic and geographic stability. 

Trawl’s Enormous Scale

The scale of trawl and trawl bycatch (discarded fish) is difficult to comprehend. Over the last decade, trawlers in Alaska average 141 million pounds of observed and reported bycatch each year. That amounts to approximately 3.53 billion pounds of bycatch waste since the year 2000. On an hourly basis, that equates to 16,000 pounds of waste per hour. Trawl is a fishery built for speed and volume. Although many issues exist, trawl is protected by a management regime which absorbs extreme damage as “routine.” 

Trawl’s Impact on Habitat

Trawl’s habitat footprint is equally astounding. The largest trawlers drag 6 square miles of seafloor every day. There are dozens of these vessels fishing hundreds of days per year. The cumulative seafloor habitat destruction extends over tens of thousands of square miles annually. Although the harm happens invisibly beneath the water, the irony of this destruction is not lost upon Alaskans. For comparison, the Willow oil project receives scrutiny for a surface impact of 0.8 square miles per year. On land, fractions of a square mile are treated as emergencies. But underwater, entire landscapes are scraped without debate. 

The contradictions run deeper when you look at trawl’s “mid-water” nets. The name suggests gear suspended above the bottom, but their bycatch of bottom dwelling species tells a different story. Over the last 5 years midwater nets caught 14 million pounds of flathead sole, 8.9 million pounds of yellowfin sole, 8.88 million pounds of rock sole, 6.8 million pounds of skates, 4.55 million pounds of arrowtooth flounder, and 1.2 million pounds of halibut. They also caught 760,000 pounds of sea stars (starfish). These are bottom species. Their presence in these volumes is not the whole bycatch picture; however, it is crystal clear evidence that the “mid-water” label is a misnomer. 

Trawl’s Toll on Alaskan Communities

The toll on Alaskan communities is also immediate. Families on the Yukon and Kuskokwim cannot take a single Chum or King Salmon, even though trawlers are rubber stamped to waste 77,500 individual Kings each year statewide. Halibut quotas are shrinking, and many crab fisheries have experienced total closure. These are total economic and social erasures, which disproportionately fall on the people who harvest the least. Meanwhile, trawl continues to harvest the most. 

Paralysis by elected officials allows this to continue. Polling shows 70% of Alaskans want trawling banned or restricted. That level of agreement is extremely rare, yet it has not moved state or federal leadership. Senators, our Governor, and many others in Alaskan politics have and continue to accept money from corporate interests tied to trawl. Combined, trawl’s campaign contributions reach into the hundreds of thousands of dollars. 

As the impact and awareness of these issues mount, Alaskans are increasingly frustrated that top Alaskan officials are sidestepping the issue by attempting to say that it’s either not “their” job, or that their “hands are tied”, since the federal government also plays a role in management. Senator Sullivan, Lisa Murkowski, and Governor Dunleavy all received large sums of campaign money from trawlers.

From “The Industry Behind Your Filet-O-Fish Is Destroying Alaska’s Oceans and Rivers” by Lois Parshley, published by The Nation, October 2, 2024. Originally published by The Lever, September 30, 2024.

What Can Be Done

The North Pacific Fisheries Management Council (NPFMC) is the federal council which regulates the bulk of trawling. The NPFMC has 11 voting members. The Alaska Governor nominates 6 of those 11 members. Those nominations create a permanent “Alaskan” majority on the NPFMC, which then directly determines trawl policy. If the Governor wanted hard bycatch caps, mandatory cameras, real-time closures, habitat safeguards, lower catch limits, and robust enforcement of mid-water gear classifications, then he or she needs to appoint people who value those protections to the Alaskan NPFMC seats. 

The Alaska Congressional Delegation has similar power. Congressmembers could pressure NOAA Fisheries. They could order oversight hearings. They could require transparency on observer coverage and bycatch mortality. They could push the White House to initiate a federal review of trawl impacts. And they could amend the Magnuson Stevens Act (MSA). After all, it is the MSA which determines how bycatch is counted, how habitat is defined, and how regional councils operate.  

Conclusion

Alaska is now following a pattern which has repeated globally. Extreme extraction. Weak oversight. Political reluctance. Ecological decline. And (if the trend continues) collapse.  

But the trawl fleet will simply move on after the system breaks. Trawl will find a new region and a new council willing to believe the same assurances Alaskans once heard. The people harmed most will be the ones who depended on these fish long before trawling arrived. 

Which leaves the questions that matter: How long should a public resource be exploited for private profit? How much more loss should coastal communities bear? How many red flags must appear before leadership intervenes? What do we do when the science warns of structural decline, but the political system shrugs?  

The people put in power by Alaskans must use the authority they are given to protect our resources and communities. 

Captain David Bayes in a long-time fisherman based in Homer. He founded and owned DeepStrike Sportfishing from 2003-2024. He has served as president of both the Alaska Charter and Homer Charter Associations. He manages the “Stop Alaskan Trawler Bycatch” Facebook group, a group gaining traction in their efforts to change bycatch rules and protect Alaska’s seafood resources.

DARPA’s LIFT Challenge, Promising Transformative Impact for the Last Frontier

3

The Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) has launched the LIFT Challenge to redefine aerial capabilities, inviting innovators to design drones that can lift payloads exceeding four times their own weight. Weighing no more than 55 pounds, these aircraft must haul at least 110 pounds over a 5-nautical-mile course, targeting breakthroughs in vertical lift for military logistics, disaster relief, and civilian applications like infrastructure inspections and remote deliveries. With $6.5 million in prizes and live trials slated for summer 2026, the competition echoes DARPA’s history of fostering ingenuity through high-stakes contests.

Alaska, with its vast, rugged terrain and remote communities, stands as a natural proving ground, linking the LIFT initiative to a rich tapestry of past drone efforts. The state has long been at the forefront of unmanned aerial systems (UAS) innovation, serving as one of the FAA’s original test sites through the Alaska Center for Unmanned Aircraft Systems Integration (ACUASI) at the University of Alaska Fairbanks. Previous DARPA endeavors, such as the 2020 Launch Challenge held at Kodiak Island’s Pacific Spaceport Complex, demonstrated Alaska’s role in rapid-response aerospace testing. Locally, the Alaska Department of Transportation and Public Facilities (DOT&PF) has pioneered programs like the ARROW initiative, which deploys drones for ice road monitoring and search-and-rescue in the Yukon-Kuskokwim region, and the DART program for avalanche control using explosive-dropping UAS. Recent tests, including drone docking systems in Juneau and the $12.4 million SOAR grant for beyond-visual-line-of-sight operations, have built resilience in extreme conditions.

The LIFT Challenge could profoundly alter Alaska’s landscape by enabling heavier-lift drones to deliver supplies to isolated villages, monitor critical infrastructure, and bolster emergency responses amid wildfires or floods.

As registration opens in early 2026, competitors will be submitting their FAA certifications and drone concepts in preparation for the summer demo. The location has not been set for where the competition will take place.

Protect Alaska’s Children: Task Force Dawnbreaker Brings 16 Child Sexual Abusers to Justice 

This year, Task Force Dawnbreaker has charged a total of 16 individuals with child sexual abuse crimes: 6 Mat-Su residents, 2 Fairbanks residents, 1 Kodiak resident, 1 Anchorage resident, 1 Kenai resident, 1 Juneau resident, and 4 residents of the Metlakatla Indian Community. 

Task Force Dawnbreaker is comprised of the Alaska Bureau of Investigation’s Technical Crimes Unit (ABI TCU), Homeland Security Investigations (HSI), and relevant local police departments. The task force focuses on cracking major child sexual abuse cases. 

On December 11, Dawnbreaker arrested Wasilla resident Ryan McDonough and charged him with 10 counts of Possession of Child Sexual Abuse Material. McDonough worked as a prominent cardiologist and was appointed to the Alaska State Medical Board. He resigned from the Alaska State Medical Board in November. 

This past weekend, after McDonough was released on a $50,000 bail, McDonough’s home was destroyed in a fire. Troopers found a dead man, believed to be Ryan McDonough, inside the home after the fire was extinguished. The body has been sent to the State Medical Examiner’s Office for positive identification and autopsy. All other residents of the home are safe. 

Below is a full list of the child sexual abuse crimes cracked by Task Force Dawnbreaker in 2025: 

November 13: Terry Stiefel of Fairbanks is indicted on 3 counts of Possession of Child Sexual Abuse Material (CSAM). Stiefel had downloaded CSAM at his place of residence and at the Clear Air Force Station, his place of employment.

October 14: Joseph Baxter of Sutton is charged with 2 counts of CSAM Distribution and 2 counts of CSAM Possession. Baxter was accused of soliciting sexually explicit images and sexual contact of an 11-year-old girl.

Sept 23: Raymond Titus of Fairbanks is charged with 3 counts of CSAM Possession. Troopers arrested Titus after receiving numerous tips from the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children (NCMEC) that a Fairbanks resident had uploaded CSAM to a website.

June 10: Jason Keller of Wasilla is charged with Attempted Sexual Abuse of a Minor II, Distributing Indecent Material to a Minor, Exploitation of a Minor, and Tampering with Evidence. Keller had solicited a 13-year-old girl for intercourse and distributed explicit images to her.

May 24: Justen Walker of Wasilla is charged with Sexual Abuse of a Minor II. After fleeing and going into hiding for 6 days, AST South Central SWAT and the Wasilla Police Department found and arrested Walker for inappropriately touching a 16-year-old girl.

May 15: Justine Anderson of Ouzinkie is charged with 5 counts of CSAM Possession. Dawnbreaker arrested Anderson after investigating the distribution of over 70 CSAM videos from an Ouzinkie residence.

May 5: Robert Campbell of Anchorage is charged with 1 count of CSAM Distribution and 5 counts of CSAM Possession. Campbell was found in possession of thousands of CSAM files.

April 22: Vernon Hinkle of Wasilla is charged with 10 counts of CSAM Possession, Distribution of CSAM, and Distribution of Indecent Material to a Minor. After receiving a report from a United Kingdom law enforcement agency, Dawnbreaker identified Hinkle as a user on a social media platform who was attempting to exploit underage minors.

March 26: Dakota J. Conner of Soldotna is charged with 5 counts of CSAM possession and 5 counts of CSAM distribution. Conner was identified as a Kik user who uploaded approximately 45 videos containing CSAM.

March 15: Nithaniel Hall of Wasilla is charged with 10 counts of Possession of Child Pornography. Hall was arrested for online sexual exploitation of a 15-year-old girl living in Moore, Oklahoma.

Feb 27: Taylor Funderburk of Juneau is charged with Possession of Child Pornography, Distribution of Child Pornography, and Violating Conditions of Release. Dispatch text did not provide any additional details of the case.

Feb 2-6: Task Force Dawnbreaker worked with many organizations to conduct a massive investigation of alleged child sexual abuse crimes committed in the Metlakatla Indian Community. Metlakatla is located on the Annette Islands and is the only Indian Reserve in Alaska. Four individuals were arrested and charged: James Leif Caspersen with second- and third-degree Assault, fourth-degree Assault, and fourth-degree Criminal Mischief; Byron Hayward with third- and fourth-degree Assault, and third-degree Criminal Mischief; Harry Olsen with second- and third-degree Sexual Abuse of a Minor; and Caleb Jametski with Distribution and Possession of CSAM.

The Metlakatla investigation was a five-day operation in which 22 children were interviewed. The investigation was assisted by the U.S. Coast Guard, Metlakatla Indian Community members, Alaska State Troopers, Alaska Wildlife Troopers, Department of Health and Human Services Office of Inspector General, Department of Law Office of Special Prosecutions, the Alaska Medicaid Fraud Control Unit, Tundra Women’s Coalition, The Children’s Place, WISH, AWARE, and S.A.F.E. Child Advocacy Center.