Friday, September 19, 2025
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Kevin McCabe: Ranked-choice voting cheats voters, but Alaskans are fighting back

By REP. KEVIN MCCABE

A question we get from Ranked Choice Voting advocates on social media, especially when posting signing locations for our new initiative to put RCV repeal back on the ballot in 2026 is: “Why are you doing this again?” Also we hear the occasional accusation that we’re just “sore losers” and that “the people of Alaska have spoken.”

Not so fast.

If the original process had been fair, we wouldn’t be out here doing this again. We wouldn’t be living a political version of “Groundhog Day,” organizing another signature drive to repeal RCV.

In 2019, a group called Alaskans for Better Elections, flush with out-of-state dark money, launched a petition to get RCV on the ballot. Their initiative bundled three issues: dark money disclosure, jungle primaries, and ranked-choice voting. Lieutenant Governor, Kevin Meyer, and the Division of Elections challenged it in court for violating Alaska’s single-issue rule, but the liberal courts green-lit it anyway. That decision allowed the measure to move forward, despite widespread legal concern.

Paid signature gatherers secured just enough signatures. By the time most Alaskans realized what was in the initiative, it was too late. The “Yes” campaign painted the effort as a noble cause to “end dark money” even as they used dark money to fund the campaign. The measure passed narrowly: 50.55 to 49.45%.

Then came the fallout. The Division of Elections overspent its budget trying to educate voters on RCV, yet confusion reigned across the state in the 2022 elections. We saw it firsthand at the polls and in conversations with neighbors and friends. People didn’t understand how the system worked. The result? Many votes were wasted. Many voters felt betrayed. And they were right.

The Foundation for Government Accountability has published detailed reports on how Ranked Choice Voting discards legal ballots, increases election errors, and undermines the principle of one person, one vote. They point to Maine’s 2018 Second Congressional District race, where over 8,200 ballots were thrown out and the winner flipped from Republican Bruce Poliquin to Democrat Jared Golden, even though Poliquin received more first-choice votes.

Alaska saw the same thing in 2022. Democrat Mary Peltola won our only US House seat not because she had the most first-choice votes, but because Republican ballots were tossed after voters selected just one candidate and refused to rank others. Over 11,000 such ballots were discarded, silencing conservative voices in a state that voted for Donald Trump by more than 10 points. These weren’t mistakes, these were deliberate, principle-driven votes that were erased from the final tally.

Shawn Fleetwood, writing in The Federalist, called this the dirty secret of Ranked Choice Voting, one that punishes conservatives for voting their conscience and refusing to “rank” opponents they don’t support. According to Fleetwood, RCV is “a confusing form of counting votes” that violates the principle of one person, one vote. He points out that nearly 15,000 Alaskans were disenfranchised in the 2022 special election alone.

It gets worse. In New York’s 2021 Democratic mayoral primary, the Board of Elections mistakenly counted 135,000 test ballots. It took nearly a month to sort through 19 rounds of tabulation. In Alameda County, California, a school board race was wrongly called, and the mistake wasn’t discovered for two months. The candidate who had conceded ended up being the actual winner. In Arlington, Virginia, RCV was so confusing that election officials scrapped it after just one cycle.

These are not growing pains. These are symptoms of a system designed to complicate, confuse, and obscure. They’re not bugs, they’re features.

The complexity of RCV favors one political side. In 2023, the FGA found 74 pro-RCV bills were introduced across the country, 57 backed exclusively by Democrats. Senators Michael Bennet and Angus King even introduced a bill to funnel $40 million in federal grants to states adopting RCV. Why? Because it works for them. It splits conservative votes, buries outsider candidates, and manufactures victories through reallocated ballots.

Fleetwood lays it out clearly: RCV isn’t some bipartisan innovation, it’s “a scheme of the Left to disenfranchise voters and elect more Democrats.” In Portland, Maine, a Charter Commission candidate won with just 4 percent of the first-round vote, while a Republican with five times as many votes lost. This isn’t about majority rule, it’s about engineering outcomes through redistribution.

Even when conservatives win the first round, RCV often hands victory to the Left because it counts some ballots more than once while tossing out others completely. The FGA calls this a “false majority,” manufactured not by persuasion but by exhaustion, discarding anyone who didn’t play the ranking game the right way.

In 2022, Alaskan’s started fighting back. A grassroots group called Alaskan’s for Honest Elections launched a petition drive to repeal RCV. Many were proud to volunteer and help gather signatures, working booths at the fair and Outdoors shows and speaking to hundreds of voters. People came to us. They knew what RCV had done. They didn’t need persuasion, just a place to sign. 

But then came the intimidation. We were surveilled. Photos were taken. Opponents filed a barrage of APOC complaints, using legal threats to slow us down. When our petition was certified by the Division of Elections, they filed suit again to have it blocked. The case went all the way to the Alaska Supreme Court. We won.

But the money returned. Over $15 million poured into Alaska to oppose our initiative, most of it from out of state They flooded the airwaves with misinformation, even warning military voters that repealing RCV would take away their voting rights, an outright lie. After three long weeks of delayed counting, our repeal failed by just 743 votes.

We didn’t quit.

In 2025, we filed again. The Division of Elections approved the new petition, and signature collection is now underway for the 2026 ballot (Must Read Alaska, 2025). This time, we’re focused, experienced, and ready. Politics and pride have no place here. Whether you love RCV or hate it, let’s at least ensure the people of Alaska can vote fairly on it,without dark money, without confusion, and without outside interference.

It’s time to bring our elections back to what they’re supposed to be: one person, one vote, clearly counted and transparently won.

Alaskans, not D.C. lawyers, not California nonprofits, and not rigged algorithms, should decide Alaskan elections. Find a volunteer, sign the petition. STOP RCV!

Alaska State Fair makes #7 on top USA Today list

The Alaska State Fair has earned national recognition, ranking seventh in the country in USA Today’s annual Top 10 State Fairs poll. An expert panel first nominated their top picks from across the US, then readers cast votes to decide which events deserved the coveted blue ribbons.

Rounding out the top 10 were Ohio (10), Washington (9), Florida (8), Alaska (7), Indiana (6), South Carolina (5), Texas (4), Wisconsin (3), Iowa (2), and Minnesota (1).

While the Alaska State Fair may not be the oldest in the nation, it is certainly one of the most distinctive. Since its founding in 1936, the fair has become known for its record-setting giant vegetables, colorful flower gardens, and its spectacular setting at the foot of the Chugach Mountains in Palmer. Visitors get an authentic taste of Alaska culture through exhibits, performances, and competitions.

Rayna Reynolds with a red angus-Hereford cross named Robles.

Each summer, fairgoers can enjoy amusement rides, horse shows, carnival games, concerts, and hundreds of vendors offering everything from food to crafts. The event also showcases a wide range of competitive exhibits, highlighting the creativity, skill, and agricultural bounty of the state.

The recognition places Alaska’s fair in the national spotlight, celebrating not only its unique character but also its growing reputation as a must-see destination for locals and travelers alike. The 2025 Alaska State Fair ends Sept. 2.

USDA targets 2001 ‘Roadless Rule’, with Alaska poised to gain most in timber economy

The US Department of Agriculture announced Wednesday it opened a public comment period on its proposal to rescind the 2001 Roadless Rule.

The Roadless Rule, enacted nearly 25 years ago, restricts road construction and timber harvests on vast swaths of federal forest land. USDA officials and even some conservationists say the policy has hampered active forest management, including wildfire suppression, and stifled economic growth in rural communities. The rule has harmed several Alaska communities, particularly in Southeast Alaska.

The Biden Administration had pushed for recreation and protection only for America’s national forests, which are supposed to be managed for multiple uses, including timber harvest.

The agency will publish notice of its intent to prepare an environmental impact statement in the Federal Register on Friday, Aug. 29. The EIS process will evaluate the consequences of rescinding the rule and consider public input.

The proposed rollback would apply to about 45 million acres of inventoried roadless areas nationwide, including much of the Tongass National Forest in Southeast. State-specific exemptions for Colorado and Idaho would remain unchanged.

Agriculture Secretary Brooke L. Rollins said move is part of the Trump Administration’s broader effort to reduce regulatory burdens and return land management authority to local experts. Forest Service Chief Tom Schultz said the change is necessary to address today’s forest conditions, which he described as increasingly threatened by drought, disease, and wildfire.

The effort follows two recent executive orders from President Trump: one focused on eliminating outdated federal regulations, and another directing the Forest Service to exempt the Tongass from the Roadless Rule to support Alaska’s resource economy.

Public comments on the proposed rescission are due by Sept. 19, 2025. The Forest Service said additional opportunities for comment will be available later in the rulemaking process.

Fairbanks man with string of thefts indicted in fatal fentanyl overdose, faces federal charges

A Fairbanks man with a lengthy history of theft and criminal offenses has been indicted by a federal grand jury for distributing fentanyl that resulted in a fatal overdose earlier this year.

According to court filings, 25-year-old Jacob Ryan Peter allegedly supplied fentanyl to another individual in Fairbanks on March 3, 2025. The following day, that individual died from an apparent overdose.

Peter is charged with one count of distribution of fentanyl resulting in death, a serious federal crime that carries a mandatory minimum sentence of 20 years in prison and a potential maximum of life behind bars. He made his initial appearance this week before US Magistrate Judge Scott A. Oravec in the District of Alaska.

The case is being investigated by the Drug Enforcement Administration’s Seattle Division and Anchorage District Office, in coordination with the Alaska State Troopers and the Fairbanks Area Narcotics Team under the High Intensity Drug Trafficking Area program.

Court records show that Peter has a substantial criminal background in Alaska. In July, a Fairbanks grand jury indicted him in three separate theft cases following a probe by the Fairbanks Police Department’s Retail Theft Program:

  • Fred Meyer (University Ave.) – On April 8, Peter stole 16 electronic devices worth nearly $4,000.
  • Lowe’s – Over 2024 and 2025, he is suspected of stealing more than $20,000 in merchandise.
  • Home Depot – Attempted to steal $7,539 in goods by bypassing checkout, but was stopped by the store’s asset protection team.

The US Attorney’s Office for the District of Alaska is prosecuting the case. A sentencing date will be set if Peter is convicted.

State and Feds sign MOU on faster permitting for infrastructure projects; first in the nation

The Federal Permitting Improvement Steering Council and the State of Alaska have entered into a groundbreaking Memorandum of Understanding that sets the stage for faster, more transparent federal permitting for major infrastructure and energy projects across the state.

The agreement, signed Wednesday morning in Anchorage by Permitting Council Executive Director Emily Domenech and Gov. Mike Dunleavy, makes Alaska the first state in the nation to formalize a partnership under the Council’s FAST-41 program. The move is designed to streamline the often lengthy federal permitting process, which has historically slowed development of critical resource and infrastructure projects.

“This agreement is another step toward unlocking Alaska’s full potential,” said Gov. Dunleavy. “For too long, federal bureaucracy has delayed responsible resource and infrastructure development within our state. With this agreement, Alaska will have a seat at the table to ensure that federal agencies work hand in hand with the State to deliver timely and transparent permitting decisions.”

Under the MOU, Alaska will receive direct permitting assistance and technical support from the Permitting Council. This includes dedicated staff for each project covered under FAST-41, regular coordination calls, development of a state-specific application template, and customized tools to improve project tracking and management. The agreement also provides for direct engagement with project sponsors, allowing for enhanced communication and accountability throughout the permitting process.

The FAST-41 program, created in 2015, requires federal agencies to follow detailed timetables for covered projects and to publicly track progress through the Federal Permitting Dashboard. Projects in energy, transportation, mining, broadband, manufacturing, and other strategic sectors may qualify for coverage. For Alaska, that could include large-scale efforts such as the Alaska LNG project and Graphite One, both of which were highlighted during Domenech’s visit to the state this week.

The Permitting Council, which consists of representatives from more than a dozen federal agencies along with the White House Council on Environmental Quality and the Office of Management and Budget, was established to provide greater certainty for infrastructure developers. By coordinating federal reviews and approvals, the Council aims to reduce delays while maintaining environmental and regulatory standards.

Domenech’s visit also coincided with the Alaska Oil and Gas Association Conference, where she met with industry representatives and state officials to discuss current and future projects that could benefit from the new partnership, and is a keynote speaker.

This first-of-its-kind agreement signals an attempt to bring greater predictability to Alaska’s permitting landscape, a move state leaders hope will accelerate investment and development in sectors central to the state’s economy.

Congressman Begich and Natural Resources Committee tour Alaska’s powerhouse silver mine

Members of the House Natural Resources Committee spent Monday touring Hecla Mining Company’s Greens Creek Mine, gaining a firsthand look at one of the world’s largest and lowest-cost primary silver operations.

Located in Southeast Alaska, Greens Creek is a cornerstone of domestic mineral production and a critical contributor to both the state’s economy and the nation’s resource security. The site produced 8.5 million ounces of silver in 2024 at an all-in sustaining cost of $5.65 per ounce, along with 55,275 ounces of gold. Forecasts for 2025 project silver output between 8.1 and 8.8 million ounces, supported by proven and probable reserves of 105.2 million ounces of silver, 880,000 ounces of gold, 250,600 tons of lead, and 658,700 tons of zinc. Current reserves provide an estimated 14 years of mine life.

Congressman Nick Begich at Greens Creek Mine.

The delegation toured the underground mine, mill, and surface facilities, observing technology and safety protocols that support production efficiency and worker protection. An aerial overview of the Tongass National Forest followed, providing additional context for how the mine operates within the broader Southeast Alaska landscape.

“One of the things we have tried to highlight is how Alaskans care for the environment while we develop our resources responsibly. We have certainly had an opportunity to see that in Juneau at Green’s Creek Mine,” Congressman Begich said during a press availability in Anchorage on Wednesday.

Greens Creek remains Hecla’s primary cash-generating asset, as well as a steady supplier of minerals vital to U.S. manufacturing and renewable energy supply chains. The visit highlighted the mine’s role in balancing economic development, job creation, and environmental stewardship in a region where natural resources and conservation interests converge.

“Alaska’s mineral wealth is indispensable — not just for our state’s economy, but for America’s energy security,” Begich said. Greens Creek Mine exemplifies how our nation can responsibly tap into critical mineral reserves to reduce reliance on foreign adversaries and support domestic supply while also fueling innovations. I couldn’t be more grateful to have 10 members of the House Natural Resources Committee in our great state to witness firsthand Alaska’s incredible resource potential.”

Chair of House Natural Resources Bruce Westerman checks in with Alaskans before Election Day to support Nick Begich for Congress

Teachers are bankrolling the Left with union dues, including Arabella network and Trevor Project: Listicle

The nation’s two largest teachers unions — the American Federation of Teachers (AFT) and the National Education Association (NEA) — have funneled more than $43.5 million since 2022 into a sprawling network of leftwing and far-left political organizations.

A new report details just where that money went. These weren’t small checks to neutral civic groups or nonpartisan charities. The funds flowed directly into some of the most aggressively political outfits in America.

For example, the unions handed over a combined $9.3 million to For Our Future Action Fund, a leftwing super PAC. The NEA alone contributed $9.5 million to the State Engagement Fund, another political powerhouse. Other recipients include MoveOn.org, PEN America, the Sixteen Thirty Fund, the Hopewell Fund, and even the notorious Clinton Foundation.

The Sixteen Thirty Fund has been active in leftist causes and support for leftist candidates in Alaska, funneling $35,000 into “Building a Stronger Anchorage,” a group dedicated to electing Forrest Dunbar as mayor of Anchorage, a failed campaign. This funding was part of a broader controversy involving a Swiss billionaire allegedly channeling millions through the fund to support Democratic candidates, raising concerns about foreign influence in Alaska elections.

Operating under the name “Bristol Bay Action,” the Sixteen Thirty Fund provided $600,000 to promote Sen. Lisa Murkowski and Congresswoman Mary Peltola as the “pro-fish ticket.” This effort included distributing flyers in Anchorage, though it raised questions about potential campaign violations due to Bristol Bay Action’s lack of Federal Election Commission qualification as a multi-candidate group.

The Sixteen Thirty Fund, alongside other Arabella Advisors affiliates like the Hopewell Fund, has supported the Alaska Beacon, a left-leaning news outlet. The Beacon provides content to all major Alaska media outlets, a strategy to shape the state’s news narrative with dark-money-funded journalism that appears neutral.

Here are just a few of the more striking expenditures:

  • $1.6 million to House Majority PAC (aligned with congressional Democrats).
  • $1.25 million to Senate Majority PAC.
  • $1 million+ to Red Wine & Blue, a progressive organizing group.
  • Hundreds of thousands to groups like Color of Change, Latino Victory Fund, and MomsRising.
  • Contributions to the Trevor Project, Democracy Alliance, and even Politico.

These are not expenditures for classroom supplies or student programs. No textbooks, computers, or free lunches were purchased, but instead, the AFT and NEA are making partisan investments designed to swing elections, wage culture wars, and entrench a progressive agenda.

Both unions frame themselves as advocates for teachers and students, but these filings tell another story: one of massive political machinery fueled by dues-paying educators,many of whom may not agree with these ideological causes.

It raises serious questions:

  • Do teachers paying mandatory dues know their money is being routed into these political organizations?
  • Should unions that receive influence and leverage in public schools be allowed to act as bankrollers of partisan politics?
  • Is this the job of a teachers union, or is it a misuse of union dues?

The list of organizations that AFT and NEA prop up, as uncovered by the Defending Education report:

AMERICAN FEDERATION OF TEACHERS (AFT)

FORM LM-2 LABOR ORGANIZATIONAL ANNUAL REPORT – July 1, 2022 – June 30, 2023

FORM LM-2 LABOR ORGANIZATIONAL ANNUAL REPORT – July 1, 2023 – June 30, 2024

NATIONAL EDUCATION ASSOCIATION (NEA)

FORM LM-2 LABOR ORGANIZATION ANNUAL REPORT – September 1, 2022 – August 21, 2023

FORM LM-2 LABOR ORGANIZATION ANNUAL REPORT – September 1, 2023 – August 31 2024

Micah Shields: When public employee unions protect a predator … and the public pays for the betrayal

By MICAH SHIELDS

On Alaska’s Kenai Peninsula, a case of staggering betrayal unfolded that should shake every parent, taxpayer, and public servant to the core.

Nathaniel Erfurth, now a former Soldotna High School teacher, was convicted this year on 28 felony counts, including 24 charges of second-degree sexual abuse of a minor. His crimes were not abstract. They were specific, sustained, and committed under the nose of a system that should have stopped him long ago.

Former Soldotna High School teacher, ex-union president found guilty on 28 felony counts of sexual abuse and exploitation of a minor

According to the police affidavit, Erfurth and the minor would meet for private conversations at a tiny house on his own property, as his wife and child were at the main residence. During the trial, his wife insisted, “He genuinely thought he was helping.” (Sara Erfurth said in testimony- as reported by KSRM, July 29, 2025).

Soldotna former teachers’ union president challenges State’s evidence involving sexual abuse of minor

Perhaps more telling was the response from Erfurth’s colleagues and professional community. Even after the jury’s verdict, some in his professional community rushed, not to defend the victim or to reckon with their own complicity, but to lament that the conviction might give critics of public education more “ammunition.” It was a response that sidestepped any reckoning with the victim or the system’s failures.

It’s clear that Erfurth’s actions and the community’s response didn’t emerge in a vacuum. This is a case study in what happens when institutional loyalty trumps moral responsibility, when unions perpetuate a culture of victimhood and are structured to protect their members at all costs, even at the expense of children.

Kenai teachers union elects new president after sex-scandal

At the heart of the issue lies a fundamental conflict of interest: When public sector unions represent government employees, they are negotiating directly against the interests of the public they are supposed to serve. The original purpose of unions was to protect workers from exploitation by private employers. But in government, where employees serve the public and are funded by taxpayers, the dynamic changes. The governed become, in effect, the opposing party, and are portrayed as the oppressors.

Soldotna High teacher, who is also the KPEA union president, arrested for sexual abuse of minor

By tolerating this inversion, we tacitly agree with the narrative- that our teachers and administrators are oppressed by us. In doing so, we not only weaken the authority of the governed, but we also hand over our children to be raised within a worldview where accountability is the enemy. This hypocrisy strikes at the very heart of our national identity. As Americans, we declare ourselves to be a people “of the people, by the people, for the people, whose just powers are derived from the consent of the governed.” Yet by permitting unions to negotiate against the governed, we implicitly accept that the governed themselves are unjust oppressors.

This inversion of responsibility leads to a dangerous outcome: public servants, by accepting union protection, fundamentally see themselves- not as stewards of the public trust, but as victims of public scrutiny. As a result, complaints- like those reportedly first filed with local police in the Erfurth case- can be minimized, delayed, or quietly dismissed. And when the system fails, the unions often respond not by supporting reform, but by circling the wagons.

And when someone like Erfurth is convicted, it only reinforces that worldview: that even a teacher caught abusing students is too often treated as if he were a martyr, rather than held fully accountable as a predator.

This narrative isn’t accidental. It’s built into the DNA of organizations like the National Education Association. Bob Chanin, former general counsel for the NEA, made this explicit during his 2009 farewell speech, one that received a standing ovation from union leadership. He said:

“It is not because of the merit of our positions. It is not because we care about children, and it is not because we have a vision of a great public school for every child. NEA and its affiliates are effective advocates because we have power, and we have power because there are more than 3.2 million people who are willing to pay us hundreds of millions of dollars in dues each year… This is not to say that the concern of NEA and its affiliates with closing achievement gaps, reducing dropout rates, improving teacher quality, and the like, are unimportant or inappropriate… But they need not and must not be achieved at the expense of due process, employee rights, and collective bargaining. That simply is too high a price to pay.”

Let that sink in. Protecting union members takes priority over improving education, even over protecting children. When justice, safety, and learning collide with union power, union power wins.

In this case, Erfurth wasn’t dismissed when the first concerns arose in 2016, or again in 2017. He was promoted, later becoming president of the Kenai Peninsula Education Association, the local teachers’ union, a role documented in KPEA’s public records.

Meanwhile, parents are voting with their feet, turning to homeschooling, correspondence programs, and charter schools in record numbers. Enrollment in correspondence programs alone has jumped from about 12,500 pre-pandemic to over 22,000 students today. This exodus is not just about curriculum or test scores; it’s a response to the fact that the system has been designed to alienate parents, with unions like the NEA openly, as seen in Chanin’s speech, positioning themselves against parental authority whenever it threatens union interests.

In response to this exodus, NEA-Alaska is currently suing to block correspondence school allotments, programs that give parents more control over their children’s education. Their message is clear: “We won’t reform, and we’ll attack your alternatives.”

The solution isn’t just better training or more oversight. Nothing but addressing the underlying issue will suffice. One option is to prohibit public sector unions from operating in roles where impartiality and accountability are essential. A more targeted approach would be to empower citizens to sue unions directly when their obstruction enables harm, whether it’s emotional distress, lost educational opportunities, or delayed justice.

When a union protects a predator, it becomes complicit. And the public should not be forced to fund its own betrayal.

Alaska’s children deserve better. They deserve schools that serve them, not institutions that protect themselves. This is not a partisan issue. It is a moral one.

It’s time to put students back at the center of public education and to remind government unions that power without accountability is not public service. It’s systemic corruption.

Micah Shields is a lifelong Alaskan, avid outdoorsman, husband, and father of four.

Paul Fuhs: Dunleavy dares to ask the unspeakable — should Alaska rethink fish farming?

By PAUL FUHS

Gov. Mike Dunleavy is a very brave man. When he asked whether Alaska should consider fish farming, he must have known the world would come crashing in, but he said it anyway.

The public reaction, according to Anchorage Daily News reporter Julia O’Malley, was nothing less than damning for his statement — a statement that we ought to at least think about it.  There are some misconceptions in her article that need to be cleared up if we want to have an intelligent conversation about this issue.  Farmed salmon will continue to impact us, whether we engage in it or not.

I am not an advocate for “salmon farming.”  However, I am deeply involved in shellfish mariculture and was the founding president of the Alaska Mariculture Association in the 1980s. Therefore, I know a lot about the maricuture industry.  

At that time, I was mayor of Dutch Harbor and we could see the future impact on Alaska’s salmon industry, from a salmon producing system that could provide fresh fish all year round, that could be harvested in a way to maximize quality, could be processed in a way that preserves the highest quality, and that could be competitively priced.  

While we were seeing this clearly, what has happened in the market is far beyond anything we could have imagined: 2.8 million metric tons of farmed salmon  produced last year compared to 220,000 tons of salmon produced in Alaska. (About a third of Alaska’s production is from Alaska’s mariculture-based farm ranching hatchery program.)

At that time, we theorized that if we combined wild and farmed salmon, given that Alaska is in the center of the biological range for salmon, we could supply product year round and rule the world.

We never got the chance to even discuss it. The reaction was swift and brutal and in 1990 a law was passed to prohibit salmon farming. I remember Alaska’s fisheries Czar Clem Tillion, in classic Clem style, telling me “Its like having  your only son neutered.”  Sport fishing leader Bob Penney also lamented the decision.

So we just went on to develop the shellfish mariculture industry which has been quite successful.

As humans, we crossed the neolithic threshold on land to agriculture 12,000 years ago, but a hunting and gathering activity like commercial fishing wasn’t about to let go. Besides this cultural outlook, there were also issues of disease transmission, cross breeding, and the market, all of which I address without prejudice in this article.

Ms O’Malley’s article states that it is rare to find “farmed salmon” in Alaska,  but that is just not true.  Every single sushi restaurant in Alaska is selling farmed product as “salmon” on the menu.

This sushi, and most of what is sold worldwide by Norway, Scotland, and Canada, isn’t even salmon. It is trout, genus/phylum salmo salar. Basically, it’s farmed steelhead trout. There are fish farmers who do grow actual salmon of the salmon genus oncorhynchus, species like Coho salmon primarily in Chile and King salmon in Canada. I haven’t seen that product here in Alaska.

Farmed trout have been available in the market for many years, and no one thought anything about it. But these large-scale trout operations, listed as “Atlantic salmon” do pose a threat to Alaska’s salmon industry in the context of the market. The label as ‘salmon’ produces the confusion we see in the market.

Why is this a threat when we have the healthiest and best wild salmon runs in the world? Is it just a labeling issue or something more?  Here are some of the reasons.

When fish are harvested in a net, they go into flight panic mode. This triggers a hormonal response, similar to adrenaline in humans, which then releases cortisol , the primary stress hormone in fish, into the blood stream and through out the flesh of the salmon. This impacts quality.  

These cortisol increases, up to 100 times normal, lead to increased plasma glucose and lactate levels which affects post mortem muscle biochemistry metabolic processes and degrades the fillet’s texture, color and water holding capacity. The subsequent elevated pH also promotes faster bacterial growth, leading to a shorter shelf life for the fillet. Loss of ability to hold water affects cooking quality with dryness characteristics.

A salmon that has struggled for hours in a gill net or crushed in a seine will be affected. To offset these processes in aquaculture, farmers will super saturate the water in their pens with oxygen nano bubbles, so tiny that they do not come out of solution. The salmon are pacified in the heightened oxygen environment and do not panic while being harvested

Upon being delivered live to the fish plant they are thoroughly bled while the heart is still beating to remove as much blood as possible, which is the medium for bacteria growth.  This extends shelf life.  (It’s why you will see any experienced sport fisherman bleeding their catch as soon as they are caught).  With the exception of troll caught kings, its difficult do that with other netted Alaska salmon.  I do not say this to degrade the quality image of Alaska salmon, it is a great product.  This is just a fact of fish post mortem biochemistry.

Any salmon intended to be eaten raw must first be frozen to kill the parasite roundworms and flatworms that are indemic to ocean fishes. This once frozen fish is called “sushi grade” and it is what you will get at a sushi restaurant.  If it is to be cooked, freezing is not necessary, allowing for fresh farmed salmon to be marketed year round.  To preserve quality when fish are frozen (as is the case with most Alaskan seasonal salmon) it must be frozen quickly at -40F and then held to at least to -20. As water freezes, it expands and tears apart the flesh of the fish. The quicker and colder the freezing process, the smaller the ice particle.

Recognizing the issue of “fresh versus frozen”, the Alaska Seafood Marketing Institute has launched a “Cook it Frozen” campaign to promote the quality of Alaskan frozen salmon.

If you are seeing fuzz on your ice cream, your freezer is too warm. Turn it down as low as it will go. (The ingenious Japanese are using the waste cold of an LNG regas operation at -260F, creating the best frozen product in the world.)

And DO NOT make your own sushi with unfrozen salmon that you have caught or bought or you will get parasites. 

The main advantage of farmed fish is that they can be produced fresh, year round, in many cases not even being harvested until they are sold. This is important to restaurants and other market venues.

Where does the color in farmed salmon come from? Are they dyed? No, their food includes natural ocean elements like shrimp shells and red algae, just like natural salmon. The occasional white flesh king salmon is not genetically different. It has been eating only squid.

Regarding cross breeding, it is impossible for an Atlantic “salmon” (trout) to breed with a pacific 

‘real salmon’ due to at least 3 chromosomal blocks.  This was recently tested again by Europeans concerned about pacific salmon reaching their shores and impacting their Atlantic salmon as our salmon move further north due to global warming and could cross the Arctic. (The people in Utkiagvik have been catching chum salmon the past few years.)  The European study again found cross breeding to be impossible.  

Regarding disease transmission from escaped net pen operations, it is a real issue. However, we are also doing this in our own hatcheries, where we intentiionally relase ‘farmed’ juvenile salmonids to comingle with willd stocks. While it is a concern, Alaska Fish and Game does provide pathology testing prior to their release to reduce this possibility. Other concerns about the impact of hatcheries, (which are farm ‘ranching’ operations), on wild stocks overall are also being raised.

For net pen farmers, their concern is about transmission of diseases from wild stocks to their caged fish. Due to the density in their pens, this can spread to their entire population.  

We did have a situation in Chignik, where we were able to match farmed salmon harvesting and processing advantages. The fleet was overcapitalized so they came up with a plan where half the fleet would stay on shore and the rest would go fishing and then share the proceeds with the others.  Less fuel burned, less maintenance, less crew etc. The Coho salmon were round hauled and towed to the cannery live where they were properly bled, then filleted into IFQ shatterpaks with plate freezers down to -40F.  When they hit the market they were getting top dollar.  

Sounds like a wonderful plan, right?

Not to a particular fisherman who challenged the setup with the Limited Entry Commission. He claimed  that this was destroying a “lifestyle” and he missed the competition with the other fishermen, corking them off, running over their nets, etc., just like the good old days. On a technicality, the case was decided in his favor and the whole operation was shut down.

Is our fishery a lifestyle or is it a business? It must be both if we are to be successful. This is an essential question facing our commercial fishermen, processors, and our politicians, as they struggle to put together a viable industry in a changing market.  This is true with or without any consideration of salmon farming in Alaska.

As I said, Gov. Dunleavy is a very brave man for even raising the subject. I hope my contributions here help elevate the discussion.

Paul Fuhs is Former Mayor of Dutch Harbor, an active Geoduk farm diver, and is currently the President of the Shellfish Grower’s Cooperative in Southeast Alaska.

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