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What next for Gillis? House Republicans must decide

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Alaska House of Representative Republicans will meet during the first week of December to vote on the governor’s nomination of Mel Gillis for House District 25.

Gillis was chosen by Gov. Mike Dunleavy on Sunday to replace Josh Revak, who moved to the Senate after the death of Sen. Chris Birch, Senate Seat M. There are 22 Republicans in the House who must be consulted, said House Minority Leader Lance Pruitt.

At this point, Pruitt is more-or-less the lead person for that Republican majority, which will total 23 if or when Gillis is accepted by House GOP members.

But some of those Republicans have joined a coalition that is led by Democrats, and their loyalties may be split now. They are Jennifer Johnston, Chuck Kopp, Gary Knopp, Bart LeBon, Louise Stutes, and Steve Thompson. Their leader is Rep. Kopp, who is House Rules Chair and the highest ranking Republican in the House.

Still, they are Republicans and their six votes will be counted, Pruitt said, just as the 17 votes in the Republican caucus.

The delay in voting Gillis’ nomination up or down comes because the caucus and the five who joined the Democrats need time to get to know Gillis so they can form an opinion, Pruitt said. Then comes the Thanksgiving holiday, when many are out of town. Early December seems like the right spot on the calendar, giving everyone enough time.

Gillis, meanwhile, had returned to Anchorage over the weekend from an out-of-state hunt he was on to interview with the governor. The 76-year-old, cigar-chomping hunting guide was last seen heading out-of-state to join his hunting party once again, in pursuit of a white-tailed deer.

Movie Review: ‘Ford vs. Ferrari’ victory lap

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By ART CHANCE

“Go like hell.” That was Carroll Hall Shelby’s instruction to his driver, Ken Miles, at the 24 hours of Daytona, when Ford Motor Company’s corporate weenies were instead trying to tell Miles to take it easy on the Ford GT-40, the company’s ambition to win the 24 Hours of Le Mans.  

If you don’t have a clue what I’m talking about, I’ll introduce you to an America that wasn’t populated by a bunch of spineless snowflakes. 

The book “Go Like Hell, Ford, Ferrari, and Their Battle for Speed and Glory at Le Mans” by A.J. Baime, tells the story about the Ford vs. Ferrari battle of the mid-Sixties. Now there is a movie, “Ford vs, Ferrari.”  

If you like good movies and great stories, see it.

The 1960s really weren’t about acid, incense, and balloons.  Not many people even noticed Woodstock, and at about the same time Woodstock was happening, America landed men on the Moon;. People noticed that. 

Thanks to Walter Cronkite’s hysteria, the war in Vietnam was becoming unpopular.  Nevertheless, the most popular song in the Billboard charts for 1966 was Barry Sadler’s “Ballad of the Green Berets.”  Buffalo Springfield’s “For What It’s Worth,” touted by many as the anthem of the Sixties, also released in 1966, only made it to 27 on the chart. Unless you were there, the 1960s weren’t what you think they were.

Even though America was still reeling from President John F. Kennedy’s assassination and the South was in turmoil from the civil rights movement, in 1966 America was going to the Moon and the Ford Motor Company was going to win the 24 hours of Le Mans. Americans kind of expected to win things in those days.  We’d had a setback with the Apollo 5 fire and Ford’s first attempt at Le Mans had been disappointing, but in those days Americans simply expected to push through setbacks and still prevail; there had also been dark days in World War II.

In those days every young man’s dream was a Pontiac GTO.  The GTO ostentatiously stood for Grand Tourismo Homologate, which meant that it had been certified by the FIA, the Federation International d’ Automobile as a grand touring car for racing purposes.  Of course it wasn’t, but Car and Driver magazine tested a Pontiac GTO against a Ferrari GTO in 1964; the Pontiac didn’t do badly.  These days a Ferrari GTO is a million bucks or so, but a matching-numbers ’64 Pontiac GTO will fetch a quarter million.

In the spirit of the times, Ford Motor Company was looking to revamp its staid image.  Lee Iacocca, later of Chrysler fame, was one of the young firebrands in Ford’s management. He brought us the Ford Mustang. Even though it was only a well-dressed Falcon, it set a new paradigm.  

Iacocca convinced Henry Ford II that Ford needed to go racing at the international level, and the key was buying the Italian automaker, Ferrari, the icon of GT racing.  Enzo Ferrari dissed Ford and sold his company to Fiat.   Ford didn’t take it well and decided the only thing for that was to defeat Ferrari at Le Mans.

There is a scene in the book “Go Like Hell” that doesn’t make it into the movie in which Ford II, known as “deuce” is challenged by the bean-counters on his Board about the cost of the Le Mans endeavor and how he can justify it.  His response: “Because my name is on the building.”

There is a whole lot of corporate BS in the story, but fundamentally Ford listens to road racer Carroll Shelby, played by Matt Damon in the movie, and puts together a successful racing program  The racers have to struggle past pencil necked weenies with MBAs to put a fast car on the track.  

We can have a good argument about Ford executive Leo Beebe’s role in the program, but all of us who’ve worked for a major corporation or for government have worked for some pencil-necked weenie like the character in the movie. There’s a good argument that the real Leo Beebe, played by Josh Lucas, wasn’t a weenie, but there is an equally good argument that he was.  

Anyway, the story is about manly men doing manly things, and to the extent that there are women in it, they love their manly men.  If you like fast cars and pretty women, go see it. 

Art Chance is a retired Director of Labor Relations for the State of Alaska, formerly of Juneau and now living in Anchorage. He is the author of the book, “Red on Blue, Establishing a Republican Governance,” available at Amazon. 

Breaking: Mel Gillis is governor’s pick for House District 25

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Gov. Michael Dunleavy today announced that Mel Gillis is his pick to replace Josh Revak for House District 25. Gillis will have to be confirmed by the Republicans in the House of Representatives before he can be sworn in.

Gillis is a master hunting guide who last year funded an independent expenditure group to remove former Rep. Charisse Millett and assist Revak in winning the Republican primary, and then the General Election.

He walked door to door for Revak daily, sometimes for five hours a day. Now, if the House Republicans approve him, he’ll be seated in the House of Representatives, as Revak was sworn in as a senator for Senate Seat M, after the unexpected passing of Sen. Chris Birch.

Four people in District 25 applied to replace Revak. Three, including Gillis, Forrest McDonald, and Jamie Donley, were the names sent by District 25 Republicans to Dunleavy, who interviewed the them over the weekend.

Dunleavy made his announcement via Facebook just after 7 pm on Sunday.

“Mr. Gillis is a stalwart pioneer of our great state.  He is a commonsense, hardworking, Alaskan that cares immensely about the state that he helped build. He raised a family here and now enjoys spending time with his grandchildren. He has an established, positive relationship with the people in House District 25 and will be able to hit the ground running on the complex issues that will be front and center in the upcoming legislative session. I am proud to appoint Mel to this position and know that he will serve with integrity and represent the best interests of the people in House District 25,” said Gov. Dunleavy.

Jewish Cultural Gala brings out tuxes, sequins, and pols

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The 60th annual Jewish Cultural Gala in Anchorage, honoring Alaska Pioneers Gloria and Perry Green, brought out 600 or more for an evening of dining, dancing, and fundraising. Here are some of the political folks who showed up for the gala, photographed by Yolanda Clary:

Others attending included Sen. Elvi Gray-Jackson, Rep. Sarah and Jeff Vance, Gov. Dunleavy’s Chief of Staff Ben and Elizabeth Stevens, Dunleavy Senior Policy Advisor Brett Huber, Curtis and Josie Thayer, Mayor Ethan Berkowitz and Deborah Bonito.

Alaska’s $500 limit for campaigns working way through U.S. Supreme Court

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WILL COURT PUT ALASKA ON THE SCHEDULE?

Alaska’s extremely low campaign contribution limits of “$500 per candidate per-donor, per-year” are the subject of a lawsuit working its way through the Supreme Court this month.

Will the nation’s highest court hear it? Alaskans may find out soon.

The $500 limit was upheld in the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals on Nov. 27, 2018, and the petitioners are now asking the Supreme Court to take a look at whether the limit infringes on Alaskans’ right to free speech.

AWKWARD LEGAL JOURNEY

This First Amendment case involving political speech has Alaskans David Thompson, Aaron Downing, and Jim Crawford as plaintiffs, and the Alaska Public Offices Commission, Heather Hebdon, executive director, as the defendant.

In “only in Alaska” style, the Thompson vs. Hebdon case was originally brought by attorney Kevin Clarkson, who is now Alaska’s Attorney General, now in charge of defending APOC against the lawsuit. Clarkson’s former law partner, Robin Brena, has taken up the case, with the D.C.-based Alliance for Defending Freedom, and several other legal entities filing briefs in support of the three Alaskans.

BACKGROUND — THE 2006 VOTER INITIATIVE

In 2006, a voter initiative set the individual contributions to candidates at $500 per year, and capped the amount groups such as union political action committees and political parties could give at $1,000 per candidate per year. The initiative also restricted the total amount candidates could receive from out-of-state contributions, including family members, to $3,000.

The 2006 voter information packet explanation of the initiative stated the reasons voters would want to mark “yes”:

“Corruption is not limited to one party or individual. Ethics should be not only bipartisan but also universal. From the Abramoff and Jefferson scandals in Washington D.C. to side deals in Juneau, special interests are becoming bolder every day. They used to try to buy elections. Now they are trying to buy the legislators themselves.”

The Alaska Campaign Finance Reform Initiative passed with 73 percent of the vote on the 2006 August primary ballot.

The recent shift of campaign activity to independent expenditure groups came later, after the Supreme Court’s 2010 decision on Citizens United vs FEC, which now makes these side groups more powerful than the candidates’ own campaigns.

The original lawsuit in Thompson vs. Hebdon was filed in 2015.

Last year, the Ninth Circuit affirmed the legality of the individual-to-candidate and individual-to-group limits, and it also upheld the political party and union PAC contribution levels.

However, the Ninth Circuit Court reversed the aggregate nonresident limit of $3,000 per candidate, saying it violates the First Amendment.

The $500 limit per candidate is the lowest in the country. Vermont had a $400 contribution limit that was struck down in 2006 in Randall vs. Sorrell, and the limit is now over $1,000 for statewide candidates.

For context, Alaska’s limit is 50 percent lower than the lowest contribution limit ever upheld by the Supreme Court.

DC lawyer Paul Clement is lead counsel representing the three Alaska plaintiffs. Since 2000, Clement has argued more Supreme Court cases than any lawyer — in or out of government.

Laura Fox, an assistant attorney general for Alaska, is in the awkward position of defending the state against the lawsuit originally brought by her boss, Clarkson.

The state’s argument is that Alaska is particularly susceptible to corruption and that $500 is a perfectly defendable amount that does not need to be increased because the cost of campaigns do not track the rate of inflation.

Filing briefs in support of Thompson, Downing, and Crawford is the Institute for Justice, the Cato Institute, Institute for Free Speech, and the Brennan Center for Justice at NYU School of Law. Pro bono legal work is being handled by Reed Smith LLP .

According to Cato, the Supreme Court has never granted the federal or state governments such an extreme authority to restrict valid First Amendment activity.

“The Ninth Circuit’s decision flouted Supreme Court precedent and it deserves a firm rebuke,” Cato wrote. “In doing so, the Court should emphasize, once again, that core political speech and association activities, including political contributions, are entitled to robust protection by the First Amendment.”

On Monday morning, Supreme Court justices are expected to release orders from their Nov. 15 conference. It’s possible that the Thompson vs. Hebdon case will be among them.

GOP gala committee blowing past ticket sales goals

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With three weeks left before the Alaska Republican Party’s Unity Gala, organizers say they’re confident they’ll blow past their goal of selling 500 tickets to the event, which includes Gov. Michael Dunleavy and the entire Alaska Congressional delegation as honorary co-chairs.

Over 40 tables of 10 are already committed. Those interested in partying with the party can buy tables for $2,000, $5,000, or $10,000, or get individual tickets for open seating.

The funds raised will pay for the get-out-the-vote and absentee ballot program that the party traditionally does each election cycle. Funds will be put in the party’s federal account for use in general operations for the coming year. These funds are not used to help individual candidates.

The Unity Gala takes place at 6:30 pm on Dec. 6 at the Dena’ina Center in Anchorage. Tickets and other information here. The attire is formal.

The organizing committee, led by Jody Taylor, Cynthia Henry, and Seth Church, has not yet announced the keynote speaker.

Juneau ponders its priorities

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MORE CHILD CARE SUPPORT OR STREET CLEANING?

By WIN GRUENING

In what has historically been a rather lackluster and tedious process, this year’s City and Borough of Juneau’s budget cycle has raised a keen level of interest in its outcome.  With further cuts at the state level expected next year and an unsustainable imbalance of expenses and revenues at the local level, our elected officials face tough choices.

It’s not clear where they are headed.

Recognizing the fiscal challenges and the newness of recently elected assembly members, city staff began tackling budget issues by developing a Fiscal Sustainability Process. The goal of the process is for the Finance Committee to provide direction to the city manager in advance of the FY21/22 budget. 

Some major issues at hand include school repairs and debt reimbursement, adding childcare as a significant ongoing expense, and Centennial Hall funding.

So far, the Finance Committee has reviewed the city’s revenue sources and debt capacity, and operating/capital expenditures, program by program – labelling each as mandatory, essential, or discretionary.

At the Nov. 2 meeting, the Finance Committee examined each of the members’ rankings of 80 different programs and projects. (Mandatory, Full Cost Recovery, and Internal Support/Service Programs were not ranked).

Results were mostly what you might expect. Discussion centered around so-called low-priority discretionary expenditures aggregated at the bottom of the list.

Public safety (JPD Patrol) was the highest-rated essential service at #1.  School CIP/Maintenance was the highest-rated CIP project at #10. Transit services were the most valued “discretionary” program at #30.  Ranked in the bottom half were discretionary programs such as those under Parks and Recreation, Eaglecrest Ski Area, and all three public libraries.

A couple surprises were the current $630,000 support for childcare programs at #34 and proposed $1 million in childcare support at #36 – both discretionary – a ranking placing them ahead of essential services like Street Cleaning at #46 and Downtown Parking at #73. 

At least one member commented that after a $400,000 hike in childcare support this year that a $1 million escalation next year was too much and should be scaled back.

Another interesting discussion focused on 23 different “revenue concepts” provided by committee members.  If at least five members favored continuing discussion on an item, it was added to a “Revenue List” for further review. This winnowed the list down to eight ideas (with estimated potential tax revenue).

  1. Additional 1% seasonal sales tax ($6.1 million)
  2. Taxing sales by/to nonprofit organizations ($2.6 million)
  3. Taxing on-board cruise ship sales ($636,000)
  4. Raising property tax by .1 mil ($500,000)
  5. Sales tax holiday – last Sunday in February
  6. Eliminating sales tax on food – offset by 1% seasonal sales tax
  7. Raising sales tax purchase cap/single service cap
  8. Collecting online sales tax ($1.5 – $5.0 million) 

The collection of sales taxes for online purchases may be controversial, but I believe this should be pursued.  Aside from the potential revenue, it helps level the playing field for local businesses that must compete with Internet retail giants.

To this list, I would only add consideration of tribal entities such as Tlingit-Haida Central Council. Currently exempt from collecting sales taxes, their recent new business activity (coffee shops and tourism venues) in Juneau compete directly with local businesses.

Another decision confronting Juneau is what to do about Centennial Hall.  In last month’s election, voters authorized a $7 million bond issue and a 2% hike in bed tax to benefit Centennial Hall. Another $4.5 million in sales taxes had previously been approved.  Together, these funds will pay for the major portion of a recommended $18 million in repairs and upgrades.   This should provide Centennial Hall revenue opportunities and reduce their existing subsidy. The Assembly would be wise to fully utilize these funds as intended.

While actual budget decisions won’t be made until later in the process, this is when ideas and concepts are being formulated.

Assembly members must balance reliance on revenue measures with serious efforts at controlling expenditures. That means not just limiting discussions to cutting low priority items but also delivering services more efficiently and monitoring whether results are being achieved.  This is particularly true with spending on schools and social services like childcare.

These issues raise tough questions – and even tougher choices to make.

Win Gruening retired as the senior vice president in charge of business banking for Key Bank in 2012. He was born and raised in Juneau and graduated from the U.S. Air Force Academy in 1970. He is active in community affairs as a 30-plus year member of Juneau Downtown Rotary Club and has been involved in various local and statewide organizations.

A governor under seige

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By JIM DEMINT

In 2018, Alaska elected conservative state Sen. Michael Dunleavy as the state’s 12th governor. Dunleavy’s story is pretty straightforward: He legislated as a conservative, campaigned as a conservative, and for the last year has governed as a conservative.

In Alaska in 2019, “governing” has meant fiscal seriousness. Everyone knows the story. As the price of oil has fallen, so have tax revenues derived from oil leases.

The state’s larger-than-expected budget shortfall is not anyone’s fault, but it is elected officials’ responsibility to deal with it. Like most legislatures — very much including the U.S. Congress — the Alaska Legislature was reluctant to restore fiscal discipline if it meant spending cuts, even though the state’s damaged credit rating demanded it.

And so, Gov. Dunleavy did exactly what he promised to do and exactly what Alaska’s governor — empowered with a line-item veto for this very purpose — is supposed to do: He led. He first worked with the Legislature to find savings. But in politics, no one wants to be proverbial skunk at the garden party. And so, when legislators refused to deal with the budget crisis, Gov. Dunleavy used his line-item veto power to cut spending himself.

Alaska partisans, who launched a campaign to recall Gov. Dunleavy within months of his being sworn into office, used the budget reductions to inflame and co-opt public opinion in support of their politically motivated attempt to nullify the results of the 2018 election.

On Nov. 4, the Division of Elections rejected the recall petition because it failed to meet even the most basic standards required under the law. The recall process is designed to protect the state from corrupt or unfit officials; there is no such case against Gov. Dunleavy. The recall petition does not accuse Dunleavy of malfeasance, just fiscal discipline. Improving the state’s economic climate and plummeting credit rating are not crimes.

As John F. Kennedy famously said, “To govern is to choose.” Too many politicians — in Washington, in Juneau and every elected government around the world — prefer not to choose. They prefer to avoid difficult decisions. They prefer to talk rather than act. They prefer to be like pundits on TV, criticizing other people’s decisions rather than making their own. I served in Congress for 15 years, and I know. With responsibility comes accountability — angry phone calls, rowdy town halls, difficult re-election campaigns.

The Founders understood this was a fatal temptation of democracy. That’s why the Constitution they wrote requires the men and women who win elections to take an oath — a solemn promise — to fulfill the duties of their new job.

Gov. Dunleavy used his line-item veto not simply to cut the state’s budget, but to finally draw state legislators toward bipartisan compromise on overdue reforms. His efforts resulted in a significant cut in the state’s budget deficit in one year.

Fiscal discipline, like physical therapy after a necessary surgery, can hurt. But it pays manifold dividends in the long run. In response to Gov. Dunleavy’s budget leadership, the Alaska economy has added jobs, family income is rising quickly and the state’s unemployment rate is falling to historic lows.

The budget crisis presents Alaska with a challenge. Gov. Dunleavy met that challenge with transparency and honesty. While his critics sought to exploit the situation, he worked to solve it. That kind of leadership deserves respect, not recall.

Jim DeMint is a national conservative leader who is the Chairman of the Conservative Partnership Institute. DeMint represented South Carolina in the U.S. House (1999-2005) and U.S. Senate (2005-2013).

Louisiana lesson for Alaska: Jungle primaries lead to this

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A liberal Outside group wants Alaska to model its primary system in part after Louisiana’s jungle primary, an election design that has all candidates on the same ballot regardless of party, and all voters, regardless of party affiliation, having access to the entire ballot. Political parties can’t close their primaries to those registered with the party, something that Republicans do in Alaska to prevent Democrats from crossing over and voting for false-flag Republicans.

The jungle primary is why the current gubernatorial election in Louisiana is dragging on — today is a runoff election because neither  incumbent Democratic Gov. John Bel Edwards or leading Republican Eddie Rispone won 51 percent of the vote on Oct. 12. The two were the top finishers, with Edwards winning 47 percent of the vote, and Rispone having to fight for a runoff spot with other Republicans in the race.

The challenge for candidates is to get their supporters to go to the polls twice within a few weeks is just one of the unfortunate consequences of jungle primaries. Runoffs are expensive.

The group trying to force jungle primaries into Alaska would solve that problem by having an “instant runoff,” where people rank their choices on the ballot, and a computer calculates and recalculates the winner by reassigning votes depending on the rankings. If the first choice of the most voters doesn’t reach a majority, the computer retabulates the second, third, and fourth choices until one candidate reaches more than 50 percent.

One of the biggest complaints with ranked voting is that it’s confusing for voters. It also depends on the computer program that does the counting and recalculating. Critics say it’s trying to fix something that isn’t broken.

Paid professionals are now gathering the signatures across the state to force onto Alaska’s ballot the transition to jungle primaries combined with instant-run-off ranked voting — a combination of voting changes never tried in any other state.

The initiative is heavily funded by liberals trying to turn the state blue, because Alaska is a cheap and easy state to take advantage of with the initiative process that gives Outside groups an oversized influence. To date, no Alaska group has formed to explain to voters the motives and methods of the Outside group that calls itself “Better Elections,” although it’s clear the Alaska Republican Party has the most to lose.

Here’s how the reasoning is explained in the Daily Kos, a far-left political news site:

“A top two primary system is supposed to theoretically elect more moderate candidates, as winning could require appealing to voters of both parties.  It also supposedly makes the general election more competitive.  As an example, suppose you are a Democrat living in a very Republican district where the Democrat has no chance of winning a general election.  In the primary, you now can still vote for the Democrat like you normally would in the primary, but in the general election when the top two Republicans are the choice, you can vote for the more moderate Republican and have an influence on the election.”

This would work very well for Democrats in Alaska, who could vote for the more moderate Republicans, ones who would create bipartisan coalitions such as the one operating the Alaska House of Representatives today.

The gubernatorial runoff in Louisiana today is considered a razor-thin race, with Edwards having the advantage of incumbency. Alaskans interested in the upcoming possible changes to Alaska’s election system may want to pay close attention.