DEMOCRATS’ NOMINEES PAY BIG MONEY TO GET EVERY ‘THUMBS UP’
If you’re an Alaskan voter, Democrat nominees Alyse Galvin and Alan Gross have spent a boatload of money to be your friend on Facebook. With millions of dollars from Outside donors, the two have shoveled it right back to Menlo Park, California to boost ads to your Facebook newsfeed.
And what they want most is a “thumbs up” to indicate you saw it and you like them.
Galvin and Gross are running against Congressman Don Young and Sen. Dan Sullivan.
While all candidates use the social media platform to boost their views and persuade voters, Galvin and Gross have deluged their messaging to Alaskans’ Facebook feeds at a spend approaching $850,000. By the end of this week, it will likely top $900,000 for Facebook ads alone.
So far, it’s a cost of $20.30 per “like” for Galvin, and a whopping $93.60 per “like” for Gross.
Congressman Don Young’s campaign has not had to spend as much to get those thumbs up reactions — his cost is only $4.64 per “like.” He has slightly fewer “likes” than Galvin, but is spending far less than her. He’s been in office for decades, but in past years his campaigns haven’t focused as much on Facebook as it has this year.
Gross, who is taking on Sen. Sullivan, has a lot of Outside money burning a hole in his campaign pocket. But although he has spent $93.60 for every “thumbs up” he’s received on Facebook, he has the fewest likes of any of the four candidates — just 6,053 have given him a nod of approval. Maybe it’s because he killed a bear.
Sen. Sullivan has the most “likes” of the four candidates, and has spent one tenth of what Gross has spent on those boosted ads and posts.
Facebook has become a valuable property for candidates during this pandemic-ridden campaign cycle. There’s a lot less door knocking and a lot less baby-kissing going on, as candidates and voters keep their distance from each other.
Facebook is still a relatively new frontier for politics. This week the company put a halt to all new paid ads in the days leading up to and following the election in order to prevent false claims from being promulgated at the last minute. But savvy campaigns had already placed their ads before the Tuesday deadline, and are still running them at a feverish pace.
By the end of Tuesday, Nov. 3, the news feeds of Alaskans will return to something that resembles normal — recipes, vacations, and puppies — as all the political ads vanish into thin air.
‘FILTHY FUHRER’ CASE OF KIDNAP, MURDER OF ‘STEAK KNIFE’
More charges have been brought in an indictment against members and associates of a white supremacist prison gang known as the “1488s,” according to U.S. Attorney Bryan Schroder.
The 1488s have been charged as a criminal organization that was involved in narcotics distribution, arson, obstruction of justice, and acts of violence including murder, assault, and kidnap.
Two new defendants were added to the recently unsealed superseding indictment.
Felicia King, 55, of Wasilla, Alaska, was charged with accessory after the fact for her role in the August 2017 beating, kidnapping, and murder of Michael Staton, aka “Steak Knife.”
Justin Eaton, aka “Skulls” 45, of Anchorage, Alaska, who had been previously charged as a felon in possession of a firearm, was charged with RICO (racketeering) conspiracy, kidnapping and assault for his role in April 2, 2017, beating of a former 1488 member.
Original defendants Filthy Fuhrer, (formerly Timothy Lobdell), 42; Roy Naughton, aka “Thumper,” 40; Glen Baldwin, aka “Glen Dog,” 37; Craig King, aka “Oakie,” 53; and Colter O’Dell, 26, were all charged in a RICO Conspiracy.
Fuhrer and Naughton also face additional charges for federal kidnapping, as well as kidnapping and Assault in Aid of Racketeering for incidents occurring in April and July of 2017.
In the original indictment, Fuhrer, Naughton, Baldwin, King, O’Dell, and Beau Cook, 32, were charged with murder in aid of racketeering, kidnapping in aid of racketeering, assault in aid of racketeering, kidnapping, and conspiracy to commit assault and kidnapping in aid of racketeering.
Two other key members, Nicholas M. Kozorra, aka “Beast,” 29, and Dustin J. Clowers, 34, previously pleaded guilty to murder in aid of racketeering in unsealed court documents.
Additionally, Cook has now pleaded guilty to kidnapping for his role in the Staton homicide.
According to the superseding indictment, the 1488s are a violent prison-based gang operating inside and outside of state prisons throughout Alaska and elsewhere.
The 1488s employed Nazi-derived symbols to identify themselves and their affiliation with the gang. The most coveted tattoo of 1488s members was the 1488s “patch” (an Iron Cross superimposed over a Swastika), which could be worn only by “made” members who generally gained full membership by committing an act of violence on behalf of the gang.
The 1488s members and associates allegedly engaged in illegal activities under the protection of the enterprise, including narcotics trafficking, weapons trafficking, and other illegal activities to promote the influence of the gang.
The 1488s allegedly had an organizational structure, which is outlined in written “rules” widely distributed to members throughout Alaska and elsewhere.
Members of the 1488s allegedly acted in different roles in order to further the goals of their organization, including “bosses” who had ultimate authority in all gang matters.
“Key holders” were allegedly responsible for all gang matters within penal facilities where 1488s had a presence, and in “free world” Alaska (outside of prison).
“Enforcers” were allegedly responsible for enforcing the rules and performing tasks as assigned by higher-ranking gang members.
“Prospects” for membership were required to familiarize themselves with Nazi-inspired white supremacist ideology. Violence against law enforcement was also a means of gaining standing within the 1488s. Female associates of the gang were referred to as “lady-eights”.
In or about 2016 Fuhrer became more aggressive in his efforts to impose disciple within the gang.
Fuhrer believed that members who were defying the 1488 code of conduct were diminishing the power and influence of the gang. As outlined in the superseding indictment, this culminated in the kidnapping and assault of former members on April 2, 2017, and July 20, 2017, and the kidnapping, assault, and murder of Staton on Aug. 3, 2017. These acts were ordered by leadership of the 1488s acting from within and from outside of the prison system.
The FBI’s Safe Streets Task Force, and the Alaska State Troopers, Alaska Bureau of Investigation, investigated this case in conjunction with the District of Alaska U.S. Attorney’s Office Organized Crime Division and the Criminal Division’s Organized Crime and Gang Section (OCGS). Investigative Assistance was provided by IRS Criminal Investigation; the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives; the U.S. Postal Inspection Service, the U.S. Marshals Service, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement’s Homeland Security Investigations, Anchorage Police Department, and the State of Alaska’s Department of Corrections.
The charges of VICAR murder and kidnapping resulting in death are punishable by mandatory life sentences.
The joint investigation into the 1488 gang began in late 2017. To date, the investigation has yielded 14 additional federal indictments against members and associates of the gang. The charges have included: carjacking, narcotics conspiracy, weapons offenses, and mail theft.
It’s a question many Alaskans have yet to answer. You’ve probably heard it has something to do with ranking candidates and putting everyone into one big primary. But despite the millions spent by out-of-state billionaires to prop up Ballot Measure 2, they really haven’t explained much.
There’s a reason for that.
The truth is that the dangers of Ballot Measure 2 – all 25 pages and 74 sections – can’t be conveyed in 15-second soundbite.
What I’m about to tell you will take a few minutes to read, but it’s critical that you know why this initiative would be an unmitigated disaster for our democracy.
In 2016, Maine become the only state in the country to utilize ranked choice voting after 388,273 voters in a state of 1.3 million people approved the measure. What followed was a travesty. The very next election, a moderate congressman named Bruce Poliquin won his election by a margin of 2,632votes. Unfortunately, the ranked choice computers didn’t agree with Maine’s voters.
After nearly two weeks of chaos, the algorithms decided voters actually preferred Poliquin’s opponent, Jared Golden. But here’s where it gets crazy. Over 8,000 voters had their ballots thrown out because they didn’t want to rank candidates they didn’t like. Others simply made a mistake when filling out the 25-bubble ballot. This meant Golden was declared the winner with less than 50 percent of the vote.
Just like that, ranked choice voting’s house of cards came crumbling down. No majority winner, the most attack ads in state history, a moderate candidate kicked out of office, and no reduction in partisanship. In fact, Poliquin called it the “nastiest” race of his career while Maine’s moderate governor deemed it “the most horrific thing in the world.”
Fast forward to 2020 where Susan Collins and Sara Gideon are locked in a drag-out brawl for a Senate seat in Maine. The race has set a new record in Maine for political spending at over $150 million, including $70 million in outside expenditures and $10 million in dark money. Maine’s primary TV market has seen $89 million in spending – more than both Chicago and Dallas.
Much like war profiteers, political operatives are the only winners as Mainers tear each other apart.
Across the country, it’s more of the same. In 2010, a San Francisco supervisor’s candidate won with4,321 votes after9,503 votes were thrown out during 20 rounds of computerized runoffs. To put that in simpler terms, the winner claimed just 21 percent of the votes cast that day in a runoff between two candidates.
This systemic problem has been politely termed “ballot exhaustion” by ranked choice backers. Personally, I call it ballot fraud when an American shows up to cast a vote only to have it thrown in the garbage bin. I have a feeling most Alaskans agree.
The results in San Francisco and Maine are not an anomaly. University research shows a whopping 10 to 27 percent of ballots are thrown out in an average ranked choice election. Even California Governor Gavin Newsom, who won election under ranked choice voting in 2007, called criticized its false promise of greater democracy.
Then there’s the “spoiled ballots” – another fancy word for votes that don’t get counted. Remember how “butterfly ballots” cost Al Gore the 2000 presidential election when many voters struggled with a slight change in ballot design? Ranked choice is butterfly ballots on steroids. The victims? Older Alaskans, those in lower socio-economic brackets, and minorities who are not native English speakers. This isn’t theoretical – it’s exactly what university research found in San Francisco.
In Minneapolis, ranked choice voting had a direct impact on spoiled minority ballots while whites were unaffected. San Francisco saw a drop in minority turnout. The Kansas ACLU has claimed an 8 percent drop in turnout can be expected, especially among “new and casual voters.” Another peer-reviewed study found that ranked choice voting fails to achieve a majority winner 61 percent of the time – an incredible statistic that undermines the entire house of cards Ballot Measure 2 is built upon.
Folks, this is politics at its worst. That’s why ranked choice voting has already been tried and repealed in cities across the country. In Pierce County, Washington, ranked choice voting was kicked to the curb only three years after implementation by an overwhelming 71 percent of voters. Burlington, Vermont’s rejection occurred after a mayor won election with only 29 percent of the first-place votes.
This isn’t about left, right, or middle. It’s about the trail of destruction left behind by ranked choice voting wherever it rears its sinister head.
It’s about the single mom working two jobs who doesn’t have time to research and rank 15 candidates just so that her vote doesn’t get thrown out. It’s about our elders and pioneers who expect to walk into that voting booth and pick their champion the same way they’ve done since statehood. It’s about the veterans who’ve lost friends and innocence fighting for our precious right to self-determination.
Most importantly, it’s about protecting your voice from a misguided experiment that is doomed to fail.
John Sturgeon is chairman of Defend Alaska Elections—Vote No on 2. He previously spent 12 years fighting to reverse federal intrusion on Alaska’s public lands, achieving victory at the U.S. Supreme Court twice.
Two final Republicans are holding the line on the Pacific Coast — Congressman Don Young in Alaska and Jaime Herrera Beutler, who represents the Third Congressional District in Southwestern Washington.
If both are eliminated in the General Election, the entire West Coast — where it touches the Pacific Ocean — will become Democrat-controlled congressional districts.
There are 21 congressional districts in the contiguous United States that border the Pacific Ocean, and just one in Alaska for a total of 22. All but Young and Herrera’s districts are now in Democrat hands.
Herrera Beutler and Don Young are a generation apart, but they share similarities in that their districts are Pacific Ocean-facing, Northwest, working class, Republican, and also Indian Country.
In addition, Young and Herrera Beutler are facing candidates who ran against them in 2018, and they are both feeling the targeted money-driven attacks of the National Democrat political action groups, which see both seats as vulnerable.
Herrera Beutler is running against Democrat Carolyn Long, the same candidate who challenged Herrera Beutler in 2018. Herrera Beutler beat Long 53% to 47%.
Coincidentally, that’s the same percentage that Don Young beat Alyse Galvin by in 2018.
This primary season, 135,726 voters in Washington’s Third Congressional District voted for Herrera, while 95,875 voters picked Long in the state’s nonpartisan primary.
Meanwhile, Young won 51,972 votes in his August primary, with 16,000 votes peeled off for competitors John Nelson and Gerald Heikes. Republicans run a semi-open primary in Alaska and only exclude voters who are registered members of other parties.
But in the Democrat primary, Galvin busted through with 53,258 votes, with nearly 9,000 choosing one of her two competitors.
There are still more Republican votes out there for Young than Democrat votes for Galvin, but the race is considered tight.
Herrera Beutler’s opponent is focusing on Medicare for all, and an anti-Trump platform.
Young’s opponent Galvin, however, is trying to appear more Republican than the Dean of the House himself. She’s backed by Nancy Pelosi and the Alaska Democratic Party, and has tried to avoid taking controversial stands, but has the support of the Democratic establishment.
Young and Herrera Beutler have worked together on legislation that passed and was signed into law that made it possible for Indian Reservations to operate distilleries. Young was an original cosponsor of HR5317, which removed archaic laws that prohibited such commercial activity on reservation land.
Although both Young and Herrera Beutler are having to defend their seats under attack from national Democrats, both are considered to be in the safe zone for Republicans. But neither campaign appears to be letting down their guards as they run through the Election Day tape.
Alaska Gov. Mike Dunleavy and the Alaska Department of Health and Social Services are ramping up efforts to contain the spread of COVID-18. The efforts announced by the governor come as an increase in cases has hit the hundreds for days in a row. The mobilization of new resources include:
Testing Supplies:
Increasing weekly allotments of test kits from the federal government.
Additional 25,000 Abbott BinaxNOW rapid test cards supplied from Health and Human Services.
50 new rapid testing machines that will be focused on cluster response and congregant settings from HHS.
Procuring 189 additional rapid testing machines and 186,000 tests that will focus on staff who serve vulnerable populations.
14,000 easy to use antigen tests for rural hospitals and clinics to have rapid results.
Improving the testing supply chain to allow small and mid-size hospitals who can’t compete with vendors the ability to purchase equipment from the DHSS.
Expanding testing with schools.
PPE supplies:
Purchasing 3.5 million pairs of gloves that will resupply all hospitals, clinics, and communities.
Infrastructure:
Opening a new commercial testing lab in Alaska which will add capacity decrease turnaround time for results.
Opening a new testing site in Nome.
Preparing alternate care sites to be on standby across the state.
Improving IT systems and connections so results are returned faster.
Assisted Living Facilities:
The Infection Prevention Team will expand current prevention work for Assisted Living Facilities and Skilled Nursing Facilities.
Setting up the CorrectCare app so Assisted Living Facilities can find qualified employees to work if low on staffing.
Personnel:
Expanding contact tracing utilizing the National Guard, UAA staffing.
Developing provider agreements that allow providers to bill the State of Alaska the hours that a COVID positive employee would have worked while in isolation.
Developing patient movement coordination and maximizing available beds around the state so patients don’t have to be diverted out of state.
“From the early days of COVID-19 reaching Alaska, my team has worked around the clock to meet the needs of our communities and provide necessary equipment to slow the spread of this virus,” said Governor Dunleavy. “I commend the tremendous effort made by our public health and emergency operations teams in coordination with our federal and local partners. Together, we remain committed to fighting the virus and protect our most vulnerable populations.”
“Our work to provide added layers of protections for Alaska’s most vulnerable populations has continued and is increasing,” said Alaska Department of Health and Social Services Commissioner Adam Crum. “However, even if we isolate the most vulnerable, we are all connected. These efforts to support and protect workers who assist our vulnerable populations are critical, as we also work to ensure that all Alaskans are as healthy as possible.”
“Hospital capacity is always limited in Alaska, which is one reason it’s so critical to keep our cases as low as possible,” said Alaska’s Chief Medical Officer Dr. Anne Zink. “Many Alaskans, and not just the elderly, are at high risk for severe illness from COVID-19. We must ensure we have adequate testing supplies and PPE throughout Alaska, especially in congregate settings and in rural areas where access to health care is more limited. I’m grateful to Governor Dunleavy for his support in obtaining these needed supplies.”
After weeks of Trump rallies across Alaska, the final ones are planned for this weekend.
On Saturday in Fairbanks a full day of American Pride will be on parade, starting at 10:30 am at the Regal Cinemas parking lot, where a Trump road rally will begin, ending at The Event Center, where Congressman Don Young, Senator Dan Sullivan, Governor Mike Dunleavy, will be speaking at a “get out the vote rally,” along with other Republican candidates running in Fairbanks state races. The event includes food and music and then the road rally will head out and cruise through Farmers Loop and North Pole, with an extended gathering at the Santa Claus House. Weather will be in the low teens.
On Sunday, another Trump rally and motorcade through Anchorage is happening at 3 pm at the parking lot at Carrs on the corner of Northern Lights Blvd. and New Seward Highway.
Weather in Anchorage will be in the low 20s.
New: A Trump get-out-the-vote rad rally in Palmer is still being firmed up, according to MRAK sources.
At this time, the event is planned for the Four Corners Lounge parking lot at 1 pm on both Saturday and Sunday, and the convoy will roll around 2 pm.
On Saturday, the group will end at the Sunrise Grill at approximately 4 pm for Halloween festivities, including music, games, and treats.
By TOM ANDERSON, G. SCOTT CAMPBELL, TOM CLEMONS, JOHN MURPHY, AND JOHN TIDWELL, JR.
Susan Carney has served on the Alaska Supreme Court for just four years. But during that brief time, she has handed down two controversial rulings that should concern all Alaskans who care about our state’s shocking rates of sexual assault and domestic violence.
In both cases, Justice Carney was part of a narrow majority. The court was divided by a vote of 3 to 2.
This means that Susan Carney’s vote was decisive, and had a different justice occupied her seat, the outcome could have been different.
The first case involved a family in Utqiagvik (Barrow) who sued two police officers and the North Slope Borough, alleging that the police entered their home unlawfully. However, the officers had been sent to the home to investigate a potential domestic violence emergency.
The police dispatcher had received a phone call from a friend of the couple in question. The friend reported the couple were having a fight, and that the woman had suffered bruises and a cut on her head.
The trial court judge, Michael Jeffery, ruled in favor of the police and the North Slope Borough, arguing that the officers acted responsibly. But Justice Susan Carney, joined by two others, overturned the judge’s decision.
The best summary of the impact of Justice Carney’s ruling comes from the dissenting opinion of Justices Joel Bolger and Craig Stowers. They wrote:
“The court’s opinion complicates the police response to domestic violence situations by limiting a court’s consideration of a victim’s report conveyed to a police dispatcher. Ignoring this information endangers some of the most vulnerable victims: those whose pleas are silenced by threats or violence. The court offers no persuasive reason to restrict the use of this information when assessing whether the police have acted lawfully in responding to a domestic violence emergency.”
Yet this is not the only case where Justice Susan Carney seems tone-deaf to Alaska’s crisis of domestic violence and sexual assault. In John Doe vs. State of Alaska, Department of Public Safety (2019), Justice Carney joined an opinion declaring that Alaska’s public sex offender registry violated the constitutional rights of persons convicted of sex crimes.
The “John Doe” of this case was convicted in the state of Virginia of aggravated sexual battery. He later moved to Alaska. The Department of Public Safety determined that John Doe’s offense in Virginia had the same elements of first-degree sexual assault under Alaska law. This would carry a presumptive sentence of 20 to 30 years for a first-time offender, and probation supervision for 15 years. In other words, this was a very serious crime.
Nevertheless, Justice Carney and two other justices concluded that John Doe and all other sex offenders could be exempted from the public registry, provided the offender requests a hearing and proves, to the satisfaction of one judge, that “he does not pose a risk to the public sufficient to require continued registration.”
Alaskans should ponder these words carefully. The court majority just seized the power, in defiance of the provisions of the law, to exempt any sex offender from having to register. Are you entitled to know if a convicted child molester lives 100 feet away from where your children play? Justice Carney thinks the court is best equipped to make the decision about whether the risk to your children is “sufficient” to warrant registration of the offender. How will the all-wise judges, who don’t live in your neighborhood, decide what level of risk is acceptable to your family?
In this case, Justices Joel Bolger and Craig Stowers once again dissented, noting: “…most courts that have considered the question have agreed that sex offender registration is reasonably related to the legitimate state goal of protecting the public from sex offenders.”
Yes, most courts do—but not Alaska’s. Our court is different. It sides with criminals, and against the police and public safety. Susan Carney is not the only Supreme Court justice who hands down these dangerous rulings, but she’s the only one on the 2020 ballot. Alaskans should hold her accountable by voting no on her retention.
Colonel Tom Anderson is a Alaska State Trooper (Retired) who earned the Lifetime Achievement Award for 50 years of Public Safety Service
G. Scott Campbell is a Alaska State Trooper (Retired) and former Director of Public Safety & Chief of Police for the North Slope Borough Police Department. He is a retired U.S. Marine.
Tom Clemons is the former Seward Chief of Police and former Alaska State Trooper.
Colonel John Murphy is a former U.S. Marshal, former director of the Alaska State Troopers and Navy veteran
SGT John Tidwell, Jr. is a 25 year veteran of the Alaska Department of Corrections – (Retired)
THOSE WAITING TO TESTIFY BY PHONE ARE NOT BEING CALLED BACK
The public has been more engaged than ever this year with the Anchorage Assembly. But also this year, Anchorage residents have found themselves cut out of meetings — both in person and on the internet broadcasts.
For several weeks this summer, the Assembly didn’t permit the public inside the Assembly chambers. The protests grew and the Assembly finally permitted limited entry into the chambers and the spill-over room at the Wilda Marston Theater, both of which are on the ground floor of the Loussac Library.
But also this year, the Municipality has started migrating all of its online broadcasts to a new YouTube platform.
That platform is irregular and frequently goes black with an error message, leaving those who are watching the meetings from home struggling to find a way to get back into the meeting.
The technology problem is pervasive, according to reports received by Must Read Alaska.
Assembly member Jamie Allard said that at times during the Tuesday, Oct. 27 meeting, her phone “started blowing up,” when people all of a sudden saw their screen go black and were unable to reconnect to the meeting.
The entire meeting is usually posted hours later, but is frequently not available in real time to the public, which has been discouraged from attending the meetings in person. The online observation system is one that the Assembly says meets the requirements of the Open Meetings Act.
But relying on online broadcasts is not giving the public a true picture of what goes on during Assembly meetings.
In a previous meeting of the Assembly, Acting Chair Austin Quinn-Davidson had a person removed from the room when that person would not don a face mask.
The video of that section of the meeting was edited and the incident was removed, as seen in this eight-second clip:
Critics say that part of the meeting was not a small incident and and that the public has a right to witness its lawmakers throwing people out of meetings.
Being able to testify is also an increasing problem. During the meeting on Tuesday, Chairman Felix Rivera cut off public testimony after 10 pm, even though several people were waiting in the queue. The phone testifiers normally get into a queue and Rivera then asks the Clerk to call them when it’s their turn to testify. This is so the public doesn’t come down to sit in the room for hours waiting to testify.
“So far from the technology standpoint they have done a very poor job. they have left dozens if not hundreds of people stranded on line, thinking they are going to be able to testify, but never being able to do so. The public testimony by telephone has been basically a failure.” said Frank McQueary, president of Alaskans for Open Meetings.
It’s also impossible to see the documents the Assembly and mayor’s staff are sharing online. The slides being shown in the room are unreadable for those observing online, McQueary noted.
The Assembly is struggling to get through its agendas, a problem that appears to be increasing. During Tuesday night’s meeting, the Assembly was unable to get to at least seven items on its agenda, including a big decision — whether or not to hold a special election for an acting mayor.
Was avoiding the special election question just poor meeting management or was it by design? It’s impossible to know. Frequently, the Assembly adjourns by the midnight deadline, with a lot of work left undone.
The next Assembly meeting will be a special one on Nov. 4, the day after election.
Some 100,569 Alaskans had cast their early and absentee ballots by Monday, according to the latest report from the Division of Elections.
In 2016, 161,061 early votes were cast in the General Election, and a total of 321,271 votes were cast that year, which was the last presidential election.
Nationally, the 2020 early vote is greater than 43% of all votes cast in the 2016 election.
Some 48 percent of the early vote is from Democrats, according to the Elections Project, which gleaned the data from states that break down the partisan divide in their reporting (AZ, CA, CO, CT, FL, IA, KS, KY, MD, ME, NC, NE, NJ, NM, NV, OK, OR, PA, SD). 29.1 percent are Republicans, 22.3 percent are unaffiliated.
