Wednesday, August 20, 2025
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Alaska small business owners show wariness in latest survey by Small Business Development Center

A new report released by the Alaska Small Business Development Center highlights a shift in the challenges and outlooks faced by small businesses across the state in the first quarter of 2025, driven largely by inflation, rising operating costs, and political uncertainty.

The findings stem from the SBDC’s 2025 Quick Pulse Survey, which followed up on an initial survey conducted at the end of 2024. Of the 958 businesses that participated in the earlier survey, 273 — nearly 29% — responded to the new round of 13 questions issued in April. The new round of questions was issued due to the center’s sense that business conditions had shifted and that the 2024 report might not reflect attitudes in 2025.

While the 2024 survey focused heavily on workforce challenges and client acquisition, the 2025 data shows a dramatic shift in business concerns. The top three challenges cited in the new survey were:

  1. Increase in the cost of goods/inflation
  2. Operating costs
  3. Political uncertainty

This marks the first time political uncertainty has cracked the top three challenges in the survey’s eight-year history, even during the height of the Covid-19 pandemic, it had never placed in the top 10, according to the SBDC.

The shift in concerns may indicate that Alaska’s small businesses are moving from a growth-focused mindset to one more centered on economic survival. Rising costs, often linked to volatile global marketplace, replaced prior concerns such as attracting customers and hiring qualified employees.

“The difference this year appears to be rooted in the nature of the disruption,” the report notes. “While the COVID-19 crisis was health-related, the current pressures stem from global economic policies and trade tensions.”

The financial outlook of business owners has also taken a sharp turn. After four consecutive years of increasing optimism, the percentage of businesses expecting their financial situation to be “good” or “very good” in the next 12 months dropped from 60% at the end of 2024 to just 46% in early 2025.

This was the lowest level of optimism since the manufactured Covid pandemic crisis in 2020.

One of the most telling changes was in how businesses are preparing for the year ahead. For the first time since 2021, there was a noticeable uptick in the number of businesses planning to seek outside capital, rising from 32% to 36%. However, unlike the pandemic-era surge, which was driven by federal relief programs and investment in growth, today’s interest in capital is viewed as a defensive move to help maintain operations in the face of mounting costs.

The SBDC noted that Alaska’s unique economic and geographic challenges, including remote location, small population, and labor shortages, continue to exacerbate broader economic issues. High shipping costs, already a longstanding issue, are now colliding with inflation and global trade disruptions, making it even harder for some small businesses to remain competitive.

“The 2024-2025 comparison reveals a significant shift toward uncertainty in Alaska’s small business outlook. Positive sentiment has declined sharply, with businesses reporting “Good” or “Very Good” conditions falling from 60% to 46%. Most notably, neutral responses (“Neither Good nor Poor”) jumped by 10 percentage points to reach 41%, indicating businesses are increasingly hesitant to make definitive forecasts. Negative sentiment nearly doubled from 8% to 14% in the first few months of 2025. This is the highest level of negative sentiment since the height of the COVID pandemic in 2020 and indicates that businesses are struggling to adjust to the new economic headwinds,” the report says.

Hiring qualified help remains a challenge. A substantial portion of businesses (22%) cite a lack of qualified applicants as the primary challenge, highlighting the need for skilled workers in Alaska’s small business sector. Another 15% struggle with compensation, noting that they cannot offer competitive pay to attract talent. Other challenges include seasonal issues (13%) and inconsistent workloads (14%), which create uncertainty and make long-term hiring decisions difficult.

“This is becoming a more pressing issue as Alaska’s population continues to decline in the 18-65 year old range, reducing an already limited population of potential workers,” the report says. One respondent lamented that “Everyone wants $30/hour but brings no experience to the table.”

Read the entire report at this link.

Pacific Dataport brings high-speed Starlink connectivity to remote Alaska with Nome Gateway

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Pacific Dataport, Inc., a satellite middle-mile provider based in Anchorage, has officially launched its Nome Gateway, a major step in expanding broadband access to some of the state’s most remote communities.

The new gateway leverages Starlink’s low-earth orbit satellite technology to deliver the company’s Aurora LEO enterprise “backhaul service” to internet service providers serving the North Slope and Northwest regions.

The Nome Gateway is a notable infrastructure achievement for the region, offering more than 10 gigabits per second (a unit of measurement for data transfer rate) of satellite capacity to local ISPs.

It’s the largest commercial satellite capacity ever deployed in a single location globally, the company said. The gateway is designed to meet the growing demands of remote learning, telemedicine, and emergency response in rural Alaska.

By integrating Starlink’s high-speed, low-latency LEO technology into its service platform, Pacific Dataport is providing ISPs with the tools needed to offer reliable broadband to areas where traditional infrastructure is often infeasible due to harsh climate and rugged terrain, the company explained. The gateway also acts as a resilient backup network, helping maintain continuity of service in the event of weather-related or other disruptions.

The collaboration between Pacific Dataport and Starlink combines local expertise with global satellite innovation, creating a scalable and redundant system that can adapt to the evolving needs of Alaska’s underserved regions. The Nome Gateway supports critical connectivity for institutions such as schools, healthcare facilities, tribal organizations, and emergency responders, fundamentally changing how remote Alaskan communities engage with essential services.

This new deployment builds on Pacific Dataport’s broader mission to close the digital divide across the state. In addition to the Nome Gateway, the company continues to develop and operate infrastructure projects like Aurora 4A, a dedicated micro-GEO satellite launched in 2023 with partner Astranis that is designed specifically to serve Alaska’s unique geographic and connectivity needs.

As broadband demands grow, Pacific Dataport plans to replicate the Nome Gateway model in other parts of Alaska, extending service to more rural areas from the Arctic Circle to the Aleutian Islands.

Democrats pushing hard for looser election laws, with claims that rural people are ‘disenfranchised’

Senate Bill 64 continued to be heard by the House Finance Committee, with Democrats pushing the bill to allow more fraud, and Republicans pushing back.

Hours of phone testimony came from the public on Thursday, most of it against the bill that does things like eliminate the witness signature requirement on absentee ballots, establish “drop boxes” for ballots (Anchorage style), and having the state pay for the postage stamp for those mailing in ballots.

Rep. Nellie Jimmie, a Democrat, played the race card repeatedly and said that people in rural Alaska are disenfranchised, although what she was really saying was that they cannot figure out how to perform their civic duty of voting. Jimmie read her questions and statements that were being provided to her from someone outside the committee — presumably the bill sponsors in the Senate.

The Democrats want, among other things:

  • Removing witness signature requirement on absentee ballots
  • Ballot drop boxes everywhere
  • Special needs ballot changes — no limit on ballot harvesting
  • Hiring of rural liaisons to help rural voters, who are somehow seen as too simple-minded to vote
  • Permanent absentee voting — once you register to vote absentee, you can get a ballot in perpetuity
  • Ballot curing, which may delay results for weeks
  • Use of electronic signatures on voter registration documents
  • Pre-paid postage on all mail-in ballots

Very little attention is being paid to cleaning up voter rolls.

The bill is being supported by the Alaska Federation of Natives and Outside Democrat groups, as well as Democrats in the House and Senate. AFN says there are too many barriers to voting and that people in rural Alaska need “rural liaisons.”

SB 64 is being fast-tracked through the House because Democrats want to roll out these and other changes before the 2026 election. More details on the bill are found here:

Michael Tavoliero: The Left’s manipulation of auto industry undermines American innovation

By MICHAEL TAVOLIERO

For more than a century, the American auto industry stood as a beacon of global leadership, technological ingenuity, and economic mobility. But under the long shadow of the modern American Left, this engine of prosperity has been systematically transformed into a tool of political enforcement.

From Franklin Roosevelt to Joe Biden, Democratic administrations have imposed an anti-growth, anti-productivity, and ultimately anti-American agenda that warps one of our most innovative sectors into an instrument of ideological conformity.

From FDR’s union favoritism to Biden’s green mandates, the pattern is clear: comply with centralized control and reap the rewards; resist and face regulatory and reputational punishment. No clearer example exists today than Tesla—the most successful electric vehicle manufacturer in the world—being deliberately targeted for exclusion, destruction, and failure, not due to performance or innovation failures, but because of its refusal to unionize and Elon Musk’s refusal to bend to progressive orthodoxy.

FDR’s New Deal: The Beginning of Command Economy Politics

In the 1930s, Franklin D. Roosevelt’s New Deal restructured the economy to favor political loyalty over market dynamism. The Wagner Act (1935) institutionalized union dominance, catalyzing the rise of the United Auto Workers. When GM resisted, Roosevelt looked the other way during the illegal Flint Sit-Down Strike. Henry Ford’s anti-union stance earned him national condemnation. Compliance was rewarded; independence vilified.

Regulatory Weaponization: Carter to Clinton

In the 1970s, Jimmy Carter’s Corporate Average Fuel Economy (CAFE) standards imposed engineering burdens that undercut U.S. manufacturers and favored foreign imports. By the 1990s, Bill Clinton’s NAFTA accelerated offshoring, gutting American auto towns in the name of global trade. The policy was clear: labor deals and environmental standards trumped the health of domestic industry.

Obama’s Bailout Blueprint: Cronyism Over Competence

Barack Obama used the 2008–09 financial crisis to launch the most overtly political transformation of the auto sector since the New Deal. Under the guise of economic recovery, the federal government took de facto control of General Motors and Chrysler, wiping out secured bondholders in favor of the UAW and shuttering non-union dealerships—disproportionately located in red-state and rural areas. Meanwhile, remember all the fuss over the Prius?

Just like Tesla these last few months, the Left and its mainstream media targeted the Prius. Toyota faced a high-profile federal investigation into supposed acceleration defects. Despite later evidence that driver error was largely responsible, Toyota paid a record fine of $1.2 billion. Its crime? Outperforming GM and doing so without political dependency. Obama’s message was clear: even a successful company must kneel if it stands outside the favored circle.

Biden’s Green Ideology: Market Destruction by Design

President Biden elevated this model to new heights. His 2032 gas car ban and regulatory throttling of internal combustion engines are not market corrections—they’re political mandates. Tesla, which should be the poster child of clean innovation, has been excluded from EV summits, penalized in federal subsidies, and attacked in the press for the “crime” of non-unionization.

Tesla CEO Elon Musk, especially after his appointment of a Department of Governmental Efficiency (DOGE) team in partnership with Donald Trump, has become a particular target. Social media mobs, encouraged by Democratic influencers, resorted to vandalizing Teslas in liberal cities. Ironically, many of these cars belonged to Democrats themselves—a self-inflicted economic tantrum that only underscored the irrationality of politicized industrial policy.

Consequences: Punishing Success, Rewarding Failure

In today’s America, The Left wants it to be clear: Economic merit is no longer the determinant of policy favor. Non-union innovators like Tesla face exclusion, while floundering union-backed firms like GM and Ford enjoy endless subsidies despite mass layoffs and delayed rollouts. The result: less innovation, more stagnation, and rising costs for consumers.

Republican Response: Passive and Incomplete

With rare exceptions, Republicans have failed to mount a sustained defense of free enterprise in the auto sector. Donald Trump’s first term reversed many EPA overreaches and renegotiated NAFTA, but these were temporary moves. Without a permanent counteragenda to centralized industrial control, the Left’s blueprint resets itself by default.

From Innovation to Indoctrination

The auto industry once embodied American exceptionalism. Now, under the Left’s regime, it is rapidly devolving into a sector managed by political favor, not performance. Tesla’s rise should have signaled a new era of American dominance. Instead, its success triggered a campaign of bureaucratic sabotage. The message is unmistakable: build what Washington approves, or be broken.

Restoring industrial freedom starts by recognizing what we’re losing—not just cars, but capitalism itself. If we continue down this road, the question won’t be whether America leads in auto manufacturing, but whether we still have an industry worthy of the name.

But Wait! There’s More.

Donald Trump’s approach to his second term stands in stark contrast to the cautious, reactive posture typical of establishment Republicans. Unlike the incrementalism of past GOP administrations, Trump has demonstrated an aggressive and unapologetic willingness to destabilize the institutional Left — not merely resist it.

Whereas most Republicans have failed to sustain a long-term defense of free enterprise in the auto industry, Trump recognized that regulatory rollback alone is not enough. His trade renegotiations, attacks on weaponized environmental policy, and direct criticism of politicized unions reflect a broader doctrine: the deep state and its corporate satellites must not be managed — they must be confronted and defunded.

In his second-term planning — particularly through the revival of Schedule F and the establishment of the Department of Governmental Efficiency (DOGE) — Trump appears poised to dismantle the administrative infrastructure that enables Leftist dominance over key industries like energy, education, and automotive manufacturing. This signals a shift from defense to offense — a deliberate strategy to not just pause the Left’s agenda but cripple its enforcement arms within the federal bureaucracy.

His targeting of ideological compliance as the root disease—where subsidies, grants, and regulatory shields reward companies aligned with progressive narratives—reveals a deeper understanding than most Republicans. Trump has proven that economic freedom cannot survive without executive disruption of the mechanisms used to suppress it.

In short, Trump’s second term, if realized, will not be a repeat of the first. It will be a deliberate campaign of institutional deconstruction, designed not to compromise with entrenched interests, but to neutralize them — permanently.

Michael Tavoliero writes for Must Read Alaska.

Thailand signals it could import up to 5 million tons of Alaska LNG per year

Thailand is making a potential entry into the US liquefied natural gas market with a move that could significantly advance the long-planned Alaska LNG Project.

The Ministry of Energy of Thailand has instructed national energy giants PTT and Electricity Generating Public Company to begin formal discussions with the US government regarding Thai participation in LNG development in the state of Alaska, according to reporting by EnerData.com.

Representatives from Southeast Asia are expected in Alaska early next month to continue talks with state and federal representatives about the potential for Alaska LNG to be shipped to South Korea, Japan, and Thailand. Also expected at the conference and associated side meetings are Energy Sec. Chris Wright, Interior Sec. Doug Burgum, and EPA Administrator Lee Zeldin.

The talks could lead to Thailand importing between 3 to 5 million tons of LNG per year from Alaska, and would position the Southeast Asian nation as a long-term buyer in one of the most ambitious energy infrastructure ventures in North America since the Trans Alaska Pipeline System was built in the 1970s.

Alaska Gove. Mike Dunleavy, speaking at a Hudson Institute event in Washington, D.C., reaffirmed that construction on the 807-mile natural gas pipeline — a centerpiece of the $44 billion Alaska LNG project — could begin as soon as next year. A final investment decision is expected as early as this fall by the main developer, Glenfarne. Before that, the company will proceed into the Front End Engineering and Design (FEED) phase, which is the next big step. A FEED decision is expected soon.

If timelines hold, natural gas could begin flowing through the pipeline by 2028 or 2029, with LNG exports commencing from a new terminal in Nikiski two years later.

Thailand’s participation, if formalized, would likely involve direct investment in gas production, pipeline development, and LNG export infrastructure.

This includes three major components: the 1,299-kilometer pipeline from the North Slope to Nikiski; a 20 Mt/year LNG terminal; and a carbon capture and storage facility designed to sequester 7 million tons of CO₂ annually.

Involvement from PTT and EGCO could bring financial credibility to the project, while supporting Thailand’s energy diversification goals and reducing reliance on Middle Eastern and Southeast Asian gas supplies.

The move follows similar recent international interest. In March, Taiwan’s CPC Corporation signed a purchase and investment agreement with the Alaska Gasline Development Corporation, which is spearheading the project. South Korean firms have also been in talks to join.

By attracting a growing list of Asian stakeholders, the Alaska LNG project is addressing one of its primary challenges: securing long-term offtake agreements and the anchor investors needed to justify the multibillion-dollar buildout.

Dunleavy noted that a phased approach to project development is helping mitigate concerns over the scale and complexity of the venture. “You build it in pieces, finance it in stages, and align it with confirmed demand,” he said at the conference.

The project is not only a priority for Dunleavy, but is a strong priority of President Donald Trump.

Did former FBI chief just threaten Trump’s life?

Department of Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem today accused former FBI Director James Comey for calling for President Donald Trump’s assassination. Noem said federal law enforcement authorities are investigating the threat.

“Disgraced former FBI Director James Comey just called for the assassination of @POTUS Trump,” Noem wrote on X on Thursday evening. “DHS and Secret Service is investigating this threat and will respond appropriately.”

Noem made the statement after Comey posted a photo earlier in the day on Instagram that showed several seashells arranged to form the numbers “86 47.”

“86” is well-known slang that mean killing someone. And the number 47 could mean the 47th president. It’s a number that is showing up among those who want President Trump gone, or even dead.

Comey, who was appointed to the head of the FBI by President Barack Obama and who is a virulent Trump hater, took the photo down from Instagram after Noem made her accusation, and he then wrote that he didn’t intend to call for violence.

“I posted earlier a picture of some shells I saw today on a beach walk, which I assumed were a political message,” Comey wrote in a second post on Instagram.

The photo of “86 47” that Comey posted on Instagram.

Secret Service spokesman Anthony Guglielmi said the Secret Service is investigating as it “vigorously investigates anything that can be taken as a potential threat against our protectees.”

FBI Director Kash Patel said that the primary jurisdiction is with the Secret Service, but his agency would provide support as needed.

Taylor Budowich, White House Deputy Chief of Staff Taylor Budowich wrote that Comey’s post is “deeply concerning to all of us” and that it is no laughing matter.

“While President Trump is currently on an international trip to the Middle East, the former FBI Director puts out what can clearly be interpreted as ‘a hit’ on the sitting President of the United States — a message etched in the sand,” Budowich wrote.

Repeal Now moves forward to ditch ranked-choice voting, as Bernadette Wilson steps into new role

Repeal Now Chairwoman Judy Eledge announced that Bernadette Wilson, who recently launched her campaign for governor of Alaska for the 2026 election, will no longer be involved with the organization’s efforts to repeal ranked-choice voting.

While Wilson continues to support the repeal, her departure from the repeal ballot initiative campaign marks a shift, as she focuses on her gubernatorial run.

“We wish Ms. Wilson luck in her new endeavor,” said Eledge. “Our non-partisan mission to repeal ranked-choice voting remains steadfast, and we’re committed to continuing this work for Alaska voters.”

Repeal Now advocates for eliminating ranked-choice voting in favor of “simple and fair elections.” The organization will continue under the leadership of Eledge and Treasurer Bethany Marcum.

For more information, visit www.repealnowak.com or contact [email protected].

Murkowski’s monkey wrench: Opposing House bill that bars funding for country’s No. 1 abortion provider

Two prominent moderate Republicans in the Senate, Lisa Murkowski of Alaska and Susan Collins of Maine, have voiced concerns over a key provision in the House’s reconciliation bill — the “Big Beautiful Bill — that would bar Planned Parenthood from receiving any federal funds.

The provision, which has been championed by more conservative members of the GOP, could become a flashpoint in upcoming Senate negotiations.

The senators are long-standing advocates for abortion. They signaled their opposition to the Planned Parenthood ban in comments to the website NOTUS.org, suggesting it could jeopardize support for the reconciliation package in its current form.

Murkowski emphasized the real-world impacts such cuts would have on her constituents, particularly in rural areas. She is a supporter of abortions for Native women.

“I’m going to continue to be an advocate for the services that Planned Parenthood provides. In Alaska, we’ve got limited services for women in the first place,” she told NOTUS. “They play an important role. So I’m going to continue being an advocate.”

Maine and Alaska have already experienced significant reductions in federal support for reproductive health through the Title X family planning program. Both states have seen Planned Parenthood closures or reduced services in recent months.

Collins has also indicated resistance to the defunding effort, aligning with Murkowski in previous votes where they broke with their party on reproductive rights issues. The two senators are expected to be key swing votes as the Senate prepares to take up its own version of the reconciliation bill, and their skepticism may force revisions to the House-passed language.

As negotiations continue, the Planned Parenthood funding ban is shaping up to be a significant hurdle and one that will give Murkowski the leverage she may want to kill other priorities in the bill.

Taxpayers put over $700 million into Planned Parenthood each year, whether or not they agree with the organization’s primary services — which are abortion and transgender medicine.

Dunleavy appoints new commissioner of DEC

Gov. Mike Dunleavy appointed Randy Bates as the commissioner of the Alaska Department of Environmental Conservation. Bates assumes his new role on Monday, May 19, succeeding Christina Carpenter, who has served as acting commissioner since January.

Emma Pokon was the commissioner until January, when she was tapped by the Trump Administration to be the regional director for the EPA.

“Randy is uniquely suited to assume the role of commissioner-designee for DEC and continue to push my Administration’s agenda to develop our plentiful resources responsibly and to minimize the impacts from all of our actions on the environment,” Gov. Dunleavy said in a statement.

Bates brings decades of experience in state government to the position, including a previous tenure as director of DEC’s Division of Water. He also held the role of director of the Division of Habitat at the Alaska Department of Fish and Game, where he worked to balance development with environmental protections.

Bates expressed appreciation for the appointment and emphasized his commitment to the department’s mission.

“It is an honor to be named commissioner, and I look forward to working for Governor Dunleavy and with the other members of his cabinet,” Bates said. “My primary goal as commissioner will be to continue the department’s mission of balancing the need for responsible development and preserving Alaska’s pristine lands and waters and wildlife.”

Christina Carpenter, who stepped in as acting Ccommissioner earlier this year, has accepted a position outside of state government. She will continue serving as deputy commissioner through May 30 to help ensure a smooth leadership transition. Governor Dunleavy thanked Carpenter for her service and leadership, acknowledging her contributions to DEC and to Alaskans statewide.

Bates will need to be confirmed by the Alaska Legislature in a joint session but will serve in the capacity of commissioner until that time, which could be next week or next year.