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Drugs, guns, and gangs: Feds strike back in Alaska “Operation Take Back America” crackdown

The Justice Department announced a sweeping law enforcement success in Alaska on Wednesday, with US Attorney Michael Heyman announcing that 39 defendants were criminally charged in the state so far, as part of Operation Take Back America, a national campaign to combat violent crime, drug trafficking, and transnational criminal organizations.

Launched on March 5, the initiative aims to “achieve the total elimination of cartels and transnational criminal organizations, repel the invasion of illegal immigration, and protect our communities,” the department said. Alaska’s contributions to the campaign have already led to dozens of indictments for serious drug and violent offenses.

The operation is a coordinated effort involving the US Attorney’s Office for the District of Alaska, the Drug Enforcement Administration, the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, the Postal Inspection Service, and Homeland Security Investigations, as well as state and local law enforcement partners.

Among the 28 federal criminal cases filed in Alaska between Jan. 21 and June 10, three stand out as particularly egregious:

  • US v. Sean Mobley: Mobley, 45, is accused of distributing carfentanil, a synthetic opioid 10,000 times more potent than morphine, to two individuals, including a minor who died from the overdose. Prosecutors say Mobley disposed of the girl’s body along a remote ATV trail in Wasilla in the middle of the night. He faces a minimum of 20 years to life in prison if convicted.
  • US v. Corey Clifton and Elizabeth Cruickshank: Between August 2024 and February 2025, the pair allegedly distributed over 4.5 kilograms of fentanyl — equal to more than 42,000 pills — and laundered over $500,000 in drug proceeds. Clifton is also charged with illegal possession of firearms. They face a minimum of 10 years and up to life in prison.
  • US v. Alexander Kawanishi: Kawanishi, 32, allegedly shot a person in an Anchorage motel during a drug deal, then was later found armed and wearing body armor in a vehicle stuck in a snowbank. He had meth, fentanyl, cocaine, and three firearms in his possession. As a convicted felon, he could face up to 15 years in prison.

The 39 defendants span a range of serious criminal conduct, including drug trafficking, violent crime, and immigration violations. Some of the other notable cases charged include:

  • U.S. v. Greydanus et al. – drug trafficking
  • U.S. v. Miles et al. – drug trafficking
  • U.S. v. Rowcroft-Ivy – violent crime
  • U.S. v. Santiago-Martinez–  illegal immigrant

A complete alphabetical list of charged individuals is here.

Officials say the work is far from over. Operation Take Back America remains active, and future investigations and arrests are expected.

The prosecutions are being handled by Assistant U.S. Attorneys from the Criminal Division in Alaska. Federal officials commended both federal and local law enforcement partners for their contributions to the early success of the initiative.

Video: Anchorage Assembly Chairman Chris Constant mouthing ‘F-U’ at woman who was waiting to testify

A tense moment unfolded at Wednesday’s meeting of the Anchorage Assembly’s Housing and Homelessness Committee when a public testifier accused Assembly Chairman Chris Constant of mouthing “Fuck you” at her moments before her testimony.

Amber Brophy King, an Anchorage resident and vocal critic of the city’s homelessness policies, took to the microphone during the public comment portion of the meeting. As she approached the podium, Chairman Constant was seen leaving the room. Before that, however, video from the official Assembly livestream appears to show Constant turning toward Brophy King and mouthing the insulting profanity.

This is the same Assembly member caught on tape flashing the “Loser” sign at a member of the audience in 2021:

We have the receipts: A brief clip of the end of her testimony is here, followed by a clip from the municipality’s official video, when Constant mouths the profanity at her. Her full testimony is in a video at the bottom of the page.

Brophy King addressed the incident directly at the end of her remarks, stating on the record:

“I’d like to get one thing more on the record — how unprofessional it was for Mr. Constant to get up and leave while I was speaking, but also how unprofessional it was for him to turn around and mouth ‘F-U’ to me on the floor when I was sitting right there.”

Her main testimony criticized the city’s approach to homelessness, highlighting personal experiences and systemic failures. She described intervening in a drug overdose near the Dimond Center a month ago and being advised by 911 dispatchers to leave the woman and not administer Narcan. She said she saved the woman’s life with Narcan anyway, and an ambulance never came.

Brophy King also referenced a break-in at her home that took Anchorage Police three hours to respond to, citing it as an example of how the city’s response systems have broken down — not only for the housed, but for the homeless population itself. She criticized the Assembly for spending more than $250 million on homelessness with “no real outcomes,” pointing to a rise in tents, overdoses, and crime.

“What we lack is accountability and results,” she said. “Where is the data showing how many people have successfully exited homelessness to regain stability?”

She also accused the city of awarding “lucrative contracts to friends” and failing to implement proven solutions seen in other cities. Calling for a public audit and a uniform standard of enforcement and intervention, she concluded by saying.

“This isn’t just a public safety crisis — it’s an economic, social, and moral one.”

The confrontation with Chairman Constant drew visible reactions from members of the public in attendance, though the committee did not immediately address Brophy King’s claim on the record.

As of Wednesday afternoon, Chairman Constant has not issued a public response regarding the allegation or the video footage.

Alternate view of longer video for those on mobile devices:

The Anchorage Assembly has been under increasing scrutiny over its management of homelessness and public safety, especially with recent proposals involving sanctioned “parking lot” encampments, emergency shelter policy, and contract allocations.

Brophy King’s comments add fuel to a growing chorus of criticism demanding transparency, measurable results, and competent leadership from city officials.

Alaska minimum wage to rise to $13 on July 1 following Ballot Measure 1 formula

Alaska’s minimum wage will increase to $13 per hour on July 1, the result of Ballot Measure 1, which was approved by voters in the November 2024 general election. This change marks the second shift in the state’s wage minimum this year, setting Alaska on a path toward a $15 minimum wage by 2027.

On Jan. 1, the state minimum wage rose from $11.73 to $11.91 per hour, as part of its annual inflation adjustment. But the new law passed through Ballot Measure 1 sets a fixed schedule for further increases:

  • $13 per hour starting July 1, 2025
  • $14 per hour starting July 1, 2026
  • $15 per hour starting July 1, 2027

Beginning Jan. 1, 2028, the minimum wage will again be adjusted annually for inflation. It will not be adjusted downward during times of deflation.

Under Alaska law, the minimum wage applies to all hours worked in a pay period, regardless of how employees are paid — whether hourly, by piece rate, commission, or otherwise. Employers must ensure that total compensation for all hours worked equals at least the applicable minimum wage unless a specific legal exemption applies.

The law also affects certain salaried employees who are exempt from minimum wage and overtime requirements under Alaska Statute 23.10.055(b), such as bona fide executive, administrative, or professional employees. These workers must be paid a salary equal to at least twice the minimum wage for the first 40 hours worked per week. As a result, on July 1, the minimum weekly salary for exempt employees will increase from $952.80 to $1,040.00.

Linda Boyle: Goodbye Red Dye No. 3, as food giants begin to detox processed foods

By LINDA BOYLE

On April 27, I wrote of the intent of  Human and Health Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy, Jr.  to remove harmful synthetic dyes from our food.  

One of those synthetic dyes, Red No. 3, was already slated to be removed from our food by 2027-2028. This dye was removed from cosmetics nearly 35 years ago because of its potential cancer risk. It took a long time to state if it isn’t good for our face, it can’t be good for the food we eat.  

Secretary Kennedy said he’d be meeting with manufacturers to discuss the implications and how they can start removing the dyes on their own.  His goal was for major manufacturers to make the voluntary decision to change, versus a government mandate.  

“Today we take a major step to Make America Healthy Again,” Kennedy said. “For too long, our food system has relied on synthetic, petroleum-based dyes that offer no nutritional value and pose unnecessary health risks. We’re removing these dyes and approving safe, natural alternatives — to protect families and support healthier choices.”

Since that announcement, The FDA has approved two dyes and expanded approval of a third, meaning it can now be used in a wider range of food products. 

The approved additives include Galdieria extract blue, which is derived from algae; butterfly pea flower extract from the butterfly pea flower; and calcium phosphate, a natural compound containing calcium and phosphorus.

Galdieria extract blue is approved for us in several products including fruit juices, fruit smoothies, candy, chewing gum, breakfast cereals, popsicles and yogurts.

Butterfly pea flower extract had its use expanded to color ready-to-eat cereals, crackers, snack mixes, hard pretzels, plain potato chips, plain corn chips, tortilla chips and multigrain chips.

Calcium phosphate was approved for use in ready-to-eat chicken products, white candy melts, doughnut sugar and sugar for coated candies.

On June 17, the Kraft-Heinz company announced its plan to eliminate artificial dyes from its food by 2027.  The company stated only about ten percent of its food needs this adjustment—the other 90% are fine.  

It’s hard to say how consumers will react to the new food appearances and the effect on powdered mixes such as Kool-Aid and Jell-O.   

For most products, Kraft-Heinz said it can replace artificial colors with natural ones. Some colors, like greens and blues, are harder to re-create naturally. The company is planning to use other colors in their products instead.  In products where color isn’t critical, Kraft-Heinz will remove them entirely.

“The vast majority of our products use natural or no colors, and we’ve been on a journey to reduce our use of FD&C colors across the remainder of our portfolio,” said Pedro Navio, Executive Vice President and President, North America for Kraft-Heinz.

Navio said the company removed artificial colors from its Kraft Mac & Cheese in 2016 and that its Heinz tomato ketchup has never had artificial dyes.

Shortly after Heinz-Kraft’s announcement, General Mills said it would also work to remove artificial colors from its US retail portfolio by the end of 2027. It also committed to remove synthetic dyes from its U.S. cereals and foods served in K-12 schools by the summer of 2026. 

The Trix and Lucky Charms maker said the change will impact “only a small portion” of its school portfolio and 15% of its US retail portfolio.

This is not the first time General Mills made a push toward natural colors. Consumers preferring the colors made with artificial dyes made the switch difficult. After the Minnesota company reformulated Trix cereal in 2016 with natural colors, sales decreased and consumers complained about the duller, less vibrant hues. Profits being a driving force, General Mills brought back the classic cereal with artificial colors a year later.

Besides the challenges of consumer blowback, companies are also concerned about whether there is a sufficient supply of the natural colors or a suitable replacement if need be — and they aren’t sure what effect these changes may have on product shelf life, price and packaging.

These are two of the largest American food companies with major promises to the American people that will help us become healthy again. 

No one said it would be easy. At first, consumers may resist until they grow to understand that healthy foods are much more important than food optics.

I believe if consumers understand the ramifications of these potentially harmful synthetic dyes, they will accept the changes. 

I am excited to see these changes moving forward so quickly.  On one hand, 2027 is two years away and I wish they would move more quickly.  On the other hand, we knew these synthetic dyes weren’t good for us for a lot longer than that two-year window.

Finally, someone has enough chutzpah to do the right thing. And it’s great to see manufacturers actually looking to correct the wrong.

Responsible food manufacturers can lead in Making American Healthy Again.

Linda Boyle, RN, MSN, DM, was formerly the chief nurse for the 3rd Medical Group, JBER, and was the interim director of the Alaska VA. Most recently, she served as Director for Central Alabama VA Healthcare System. She is the director of the Alaska Covid Alliance/Alaskans 4 Personal Freedom.

David Ignell: Do Democrats care about due process rights of Alaska citizens, or is it all political theater?

By DAVID IGNELL

My last article about the nationwide obsession over the due process rights of illegal aliens concluded by signaling my intent to contact the politicians fueling the fires, asking them to advocate for Thomas Jack, Jr., from the village of Hoonah.

American politicians should put American citizens first, right?

Mr. Jack was egregiously denied his due process rights in 2010 and has spent the last 15 years in Alaska prisons despite substantial evidence he was completely innocent of all charges.  Mr. Jack continues to assert his innocence.  Two years ago his tribe, the Hoonah Indian Association, requested the State to release him on account of their denial of those due process rights. 

I was skeptical the politicians in the national spotlight would do anything on behalf of Mr. Jack, but they had spoken so strongly about their commitment to defending due process rights of everyone.  As an advocate for justice, it was worth a shot.  

As a forensic journalist, it was an opportunity to discern whether their statements were genuine or simply political theatre.

I first sent a detailed email to Sen. Chris Van Hollen (D-MD) and Gov. Gavin Newsom (D-CA) asking them to advocate for Mr. Jack. I copied NBC News and a journalist from the Los Angeles Times who had written about the importance of standing up for everyone’s constitutional rights.  

Only Van Hollen responded, but all he did was direct me to contact other politicians.  He didn’t exhibit those leadership qualities he recently bragged about on Meet the Press.

I next contacted Rep. Maxine Dexter (D=OR), Rep. Yassamin Ansari (D-AZ), and Rep. Robert Garcia (D-CA).  They had traveled together thousands of miles to El Salvador in the hopes of meeting with Mr. Obrego-Garcia. They had made statements in the national media declaring their commitment to fight for the constitutional rights of everyone.  

I sent the three representatives a detailed email, advising them of the Hoonah Indian Association’s resolution calling for Mr. Jack’s immediate release. Two weeks went by with no response. I followed up with phone calls to each of their offices. Another week passed with no response. I made another round of phone calls. 

Crickets. No response from any of these representatives over the span of a month. Yet just a few weeks earlier, Rep. Dexter had claimed “as a critical care physician, I’m trained to act – and will. I’ll use everything I’ve got to defend our constitutional rights. That’s what leadership looks like.” 

In a nutshell, that’s the problem with today’s Democrat Party. It has no genuine leadership. More of the public is recognizing it’s all staged political theatre, directed by the elite’s notions of political correctness, and produced by the mainstream media.

As I was preparing to write this article, I saw Must Read Alaska‘s article that the Alaska House Judiciary Committee is now getting into the act.  

Chairman Andrew Gray, a Democrat from Anchorage has taken the unusual measure of scheduling a meeting in Anchorage on June 20 to consider the due process rights of 400 illegal immigrants detained by ICE in Alaska prisons.

I emailed Rep. Gray and the other members of the committee requesting that the June 20 meeting be postponed so that Mr. Jack’s due process rights can be given first priority. My reasoning was simple.  How can it be ethical for Alaska legislators to put the due process rights of illegal aliens who have been incarcerated in Alaska for less than a month over the due process rights of an Alaska citizen who has been wrongfully incarcerated in our prisons for 15 years?  

My email advised Rep. Gray and the Committee members that many Alaska Natives feel Mr. Jack’s case represents just the tip of the iceberg. The incarceration rate of Alaska Natives is over double their general population rate.  

My email further advised Rep. Gray and the Committee that a 2002 report by the US Commission on Civil Rights recommended that tribal court jurisdiction be immediately implemented at the village level.  

Had the Alaska Legislature acted promptly on this recommendation, Mr. Jack would not have lost the last 15 years of his freedom.

Will Rep. Gray do the right thing and give Mr. Jack’s due process rights top priority? Will he show genuine leadership, or is Friday’s meeting simply political theatre to play to an ideological base which claims it cares about due process rights for everyone but really doesn’t?  

Stay tuned.

David Ignell was born and raised in Juneau where he currently resides.  He formerly practiced law in California state and federal courts and was a volunteer analyst for the California Innocence Project. He is currently a forensic journalist and recently wrote a book on the Alaska Grand Jury.

Rebellion in Salem: Oregon Democrats to try curbing presidential control of National Guard

A group of Oregon Democratic lawmakers has introduced legislation seeking to limit the federal executive branch’s ability to deploy the Oregon National Guard. Their actions will raise many questions about constitutional authority and federalism, especially in the wake of Antifa and anti-ICE riots in Portland recently, as well as in Los Angeles.

The bill aims to prevent federal deployment of the Guard in ways that could hinder its availability for state emergencies, such as wildfires. It also outlines specific duties the Guard could and could not perform, particularly in the context of civil unrest. The effort appears to be a response to President Donald Trump’s decision to federalize the California National Guard during recent protests and violent riots targeting Immigration and Customs Enforcement facilities in Los Angeles.

In Portland, anti-ICE protests have held the ICE facilities in a state of siege since the weekend, and protesters have damaged federal property and injured officers, with little help coming from Portland police, who have taken a hands-off approach and left federal officers to fend for themselves.

The legislation may run afoul of the US Constitution, however. At the center of the debate are the Supremacy Clause (Article VI, Clause 2) and the Militia Clauses (Article I, Section 8, Clauses 15–16), which grant the federal government broad authority over state militias, including the National Guard.

Under the Supremacy Clause, any state law that conflicts with federal law is preempted. That includes attempts to limit the President’s authority to federalize the National Guard in emergencies.

In Perpich v. Department of Defense, the Supreme Court in 1990 upheld the federal government’s right to deploy the National Guard for overseas training missions even over state objections. That case reaffirmed the dual federal-state nature of the Guard, but made clear that when federalized, the Guard is under federal control.

Legislative summaries of the Oregon bill indicate it would:

  • Prevent the Oregon National Guard from being deployed in a manner that reduces its capacity to respond to in-state emergencies.
  • Restrict deployment for crowd control or law enforcement activities related to civil demonstrations, unless authorized by the governor.

The bill sponsors say they want to protect Oregon’s emergency response capabilities and guards against politically motivated federal deployments.

Then there’s the Posse Comitatus Act, which generally prohibits the use of federal military forces for domestic law enforcement without Congressional authorization.

Yet, the National Guard is not bound by that law when under state control, and when under federal control, there are exceptions that apply, such as the Insurrection Act.

In 2020, similar riots in Portland led to the deployment of federal officers, but not National Guard troops. Courts ultimately upheld the federal role in protecting federal property.

In 2024, about 230 members of the Oregon Army National Guard’s 2nd Battalion, 218th Field Artillery Regiment, were sent on a year-long deployment to the Middle East to support Operation Inherent Resolve.

The Oregon Legislature is expected to take up debate on the bill later this summer. If passed, it is likely to face immediate constitutional challenges in court.

Kevin McCabe: Alaska’s constitutional mandate and the Legislature’s capital budget shortfall

By REP. KEVIN MCCABE

Article IX, Section 16 of the Alaska Constitution is clear: At least one-third of our state spending must be reserved for capital projects and loan appropriations.

That’s not a suggestion, it is a constitutional mandate.

Yet the Legislature’s FY25 capital budget allocates just $2.9 billion, or 19% of the $15.7 billion total budget; well short of the one-third requirement. That failure carries real consequences, for roads, schools, and economy. When the Legislature falls short by over $1.6 billion, it is not just a math problem; it is a failure of priorities.

Pressure from expanded social programs continues to squeeze out infrastructure investments. While these have their place, they cannot come at the cost of letting our roads crumble, our ferries rust in port, or our schools fall into disrepair. When every dollar is treated as a zero-sum choice, infrastructure always seems to draw the short straw.

With oil revenue decreasing and unrestricted general fund income falling to $5 billion, the Legislature leaned into what it calls “fiscal restraint”. But real fiscal responsibility means investing wisely in projects that grow our economy, not pulling back so far that we risk stagnation.

Much of the FY25 budget debate centered on increasing the Base Student Allocation. While funding education is important, so is investing in the buildings where that learning takes place. Pouring money into operating costs while letting facilities rot is not a solution, it is a shell game that puts our students and teachers in unsafe or outdated environments. 

After the outright theft of the PFD, the Legislature’s approach favored so-called “maintenance-level budgeting” and avoided Constitutional Budget Reserve Fund draws, which require a three-fourths vote. In doing so, they left over $3 billion in community capital project requests unfunded. That is not balanced budgeting, it is deferred obligation.

There is a popular narrative circulating that paints a misleading picture of the governor’s recent veto of $52 million in state transportation match funding. Critics argue that this decision jeopardizes up to $500 million in federal infrastructure dollars and causes projects to stall, jobs to be lost, and economic momentum to falter. What that argument completely ignores is the reality of how our budget process works.

The governor used vetoes as a fiscal management tool in a system where budget inflation is routine. Some items do come back in supplemental budget requests, but that is not hypocrisy, it’s fiscally responsible governance in a state with wildly fluctuating revenues and real checks and balances.

More importantly, the outcry over the match veto conveniently ignores the fact that the Legislature had the power to fully fund that match upfront but chose instead to spread funding thin across operating programs and politically expedient projects. The match was not vetoed because it lacked merit, it was vetoed because the budget, as passed, overextended the state’s core funding capacity without regard for prioritization.

Now we hear that, without restoration, the Department of Transportation must revise its project schedule. That is not surprising. But it’s also not an indictment of the governor, it is a direct result of a Legislature that refused to follow the constitutional requirement to fund capital needs at one-third of spending. You cannot underfund the capital budget, ignore the constitutional mandate, then feign outrage when hard choices are made to bring things back into balance.

Capital budgeting must come first, not last, in our deliberations. Infrastructure investment is not optional, and it should not be traded away for temporary political gains. We cannot rely solely on oil revenue or federal handouts. Senate Joint Resolution 19 rightly calls for the 90/10 revenue split on federal lands, resources that belong to Alaskans and should be used for Alaskans.

Matching federal funds is smart fiscal policy, but only when we have a stable foundation. Budgeting match money should not come at the expense of constitutional compliance or critical needs elsewhere. We must integrate federal matches into a broader capital strategy, not treat them as afterthoughts or political footballs.

The Legislature should adopt internal safeguards that flag when the capital budget falls below one-third of allowable spending. Compliance with the Constitution should not be optional, or subject to political mood swings. The FY25 capital budget passed by the Legislature falls short of both our infrastructure needs and our constitutional responsibilities. Blaming the governor’s vetoes or trying to score political points with selective outrage misses the target. The real issue is legislative failure to prioritize capital investment in a meaningful, constitutionally compliant way.

This should not be about finger-pointing, or just beating up on the person with the last stage of fiscal restraint; it should be about fixing the broken process that allows these failures to recur year after year. The people of Alaska deserve infrastructure that works, roads that connect, schools that endure, and, most importantly, a legislature that obeys its own Constitution. Anything less is not just mismanagement; it is malpractice. Let us do better. Let us lead with principle, not politics. Let’s fund the Alaska our Constitution envisioned.

Kevin McCabe represents Big Lake in the Alaska Legislature.

Congressman Nick Begich’s first two bills clear Senate

Alaska Congressman Nick Begich has secured his first two legislative victories in Congress, as the US Senate passed both of his introduced bills, sending them to President Donald Trump’s desk for signature.

House Resolution 42, the Alaska Native Settlement Trust Eligibility Act of 2025, and House Resolution 43, the Alaska Native Village Municipal Lands Restoration Act of 2025, passed the House in early February with broad bipartisan support under a suspension of the rules. The Senate gave its approval to the measures on Wednesday, marking a milestone in Begich’s freshman term in the U.S. House.

Begich has been in office for just five months and 15 days and has many other pieces of legislation in the queue.

HR 42 amends federal law to ensure that certain payments made to Alaska Natives — specifically elderly, visually impaired, or disabled individuals — through Alaska Native Corporation settlement trusts are not counted against their eligibility for needs-based federal assistance programs.

The bill addresses a longstanding disparity that treated these trust distributions differently from other forms of Alaska Native Corporation shareholder benefits. By aligning settlement trust payments with existing exclusions in federal benefit determinations, the bill ensures that vulnerable Alaska Natives can receive both their rightful distributions and critical safety-net benefits.

HR 43 makes key amendments to the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act, specifically focusing on land conveyed by village corporations to the State of Alaska under a trust arrangement for future municipal governments.

Under the new provisions:

  • Village corporations will no longer be required to convey land to the state for future municipal governments.
  • Villages that previously conveyed land in trust may regain title by dissolving the trust through formal resolutions from both the village corporation and residents.
  • The bill retroactively ensures that no further land conveyances are required from the date of enactment forward.

The legislation gives Alaska Native communities greater control over their lands and clarifies ambiguities that have persisted since the passage of ANCSA in 1971.

With both bills now approved by the Senate, Begich becomes one of the first members of the 119th Congress to see original legislation advance to the president’s desk. The twin bills, which address issues important to Alaska Natives and their corporations, reflect the congressman’s early focus on tribal and rural matters.

These were two early bills that Begich identified as having strong potential for bipartisan support. They were also measures previously introduced by the late Congressman Don Young, who was unable to move them forward before his passing.

So far, only one other freshman member of Congress has successfully advanced a bill this year.

With these two measures, Begich’s legislation accounts for the 19th and 20th House bills to have passed both chambers and head to the president’s desk—meaning that 10% of all passed legislation in this Congress has come from Alaska’s congressman.

Passings: Former Rep. Clark Gruening, grandson of Gov. Ernest Gruening

Former Alaska State Rep. Clark Gruening, whose political and civic legacy traced back to the roots of Alaska’s territorial era and statehood movement, died June 17, 2025, at the Juneau Pioneers Home. He was 82.

Gruening was born March 28, 1943, into a family deeply intertwined with Alaska’s political heritage. He was the grandson of Ernest Gruening, the former Territorial Governor and US Senator who was one of the most prominent advocates for Alaska statehood. His father, Huntington Sanders “Hunt” Gruening, was a commercial airline pilot and aviation executive who also served on the inaugural City and Borough of Juneau Assembly.

Raised in Juneau, Clark Gruening graduated from Juneau-Douglas High School in 1961. He earned a bachelor’s degree in political science from the University of Oregon in 1965 and a law degree from George Washington University in 1969 before returning to Alaska to practice law.

He entered public service in the 1970s and was elected to the Alaska House of Representatives in 1974, serving two terms. During his time in the Legislature, Gruening played a key role in negotiations and legislation that laid the groundwork for the establishment of the Alaska Permanent Fund, a defining feature of the state’s fiscal structure. He had a unique ability to work across the aisle with Republicans.

In 1980, Gruening made national headlines when he defeated incumbent US Sen. Mike Gravel in the Democratic primary — a reversal of history, as Gravel had unseated Gruening’s grandfather in the same race 12 years earlier. Gruening went on to lose the general election to Republican Frank Murkowski.

Although he never returned to elected office, Gruening remained active in Alaska’s legal, civic, and philanthropic life. He contributed his time and leadership to numerous organizations, including the Juneau Community Foundation, the Foraker Group, Southeast Alaska Independent Living, and Outdoor Recreation Community Access.

In recognition of his decades of service to the state and its people, the University of Alaska Southeast awarded Gruening an Honorary Doctorate of Laws in 2020.

He is survived by his wife, Rosemary; sons Nathan (Selena) and Matthew; brothers Win (Anne) and Brad (Bonnie), all of Juneau; brother Peter Gruening; and sisters Kimberley (Steve) and Tiffany, all of Washington State.

Gov. Mike Dunleavy posted a statement: “Rose and I are saddened by the passing of Clark Gruening. He came from a long legacy of public service and devoted much of his life to Alaska’s future. We extend our deepest sympathies to his family and all who knew him.”

Funeral arrangements will be announced by the family at a later date. Governor Dunleavy will order flags to be flown at half-staff in honor of Clark Gruening on a date to be determined in accordance with the family’s wishes.