The National Park Service officially opened the Richard Proenneke cabin for the summer season last week, welcoming the first visitors of the year to one of Alaska’s most iconic and remote historic sites.
A group of military veterans joined park rangers in a ceremonial raising of the American flag beside the hand-built log structure on the shores of Upper Twin Lake, marking the start of the 2025 season.
The cabin, in the heart of Lake Clark National Park and Preserve, is open for self-guided tours daily from 10 am. to 4 pm through the summer. Park rangers are on site to offer historical context and answer questions about the life and legacy of Richard Proenneke, the man who constructed the cabin and lived there alone for nearly three decades before he died of a stroke at age 86 on April 20, 2003.
Dick Proenneke was a Navy veteran, naturalist, and master craftsman who became a symbol of self-reliance and wilderness stewardship. In 1968, at age 51, he arrived at Twin Lakes with the goal of living simply and more closely with nature. Over the course of that first summer, he built the now-famous log cabin, using only hand tools and local materials. He documented his efforts in detailed journals and 16mm film, which later formed the basis for the PBS documentary Alone in the Wilderness.
Proenneke, born in Iowa in 1916 and never married, lived in the cabin year-round, recording daily weather patterns, wildlife behavior, and natural changes in the landscape. He left his cabin in 1999, and spent the last four years of his life living with a brother in California but his detailed writings and films became important cultural and ecological records, and his lifestyle has inspired many others.
The cabin was designated a National Historic Site in 2007, and it remains a testament to craftsmanship, endurance, and harmony with nature. Visitors to the site can view Proenneke’s tools, furnishings, and original construction features, all preserved just as he left them.
Lake Clark National Park is accessible only by boat or small aircraft, and the journey to Upper Twin Lake is a pilgrimage for many seeking to walk in Proenneke’s footsteps.
This year, the presence of military veterans during the opening added a layer of reflection and honor to the occasion, underscoring the enduring respect for Proenneke’s life of service, solitude, and stewardship.
For more information about visiting the Richard Proenneke cabin or planning a trip to Lake Clark National Park, visitors can contact the National Park Service or visit nps.gov/lacl.
In what has become an annual tradition, and a practical opportunity for Alaskans looking to put down roots or invest in remote real estate, the State of Alaska has opened its annual Land Auction to resident bidders.
The auction, managed by the Alaska Division of Mining, Land, and Water, features a wide range of state-owned parcels that have been surveyed and appraised prior to listing. Bidding remains open until Oct. 1, at 4 pm, and is open exclusively to Alaska residents, in accordance with state eligibility rules for non-commercial land sales.
Among the parcels in this year’s auction are nine road-accessible lots in the Copper River Valley, within the One Thousand Skies–Sunrise Subdivision. These parcels begin at approximately 10 acres, with starting bids at $63,000. Accessibility is a key feature, with gravel road access improving the attractiveness of these rural properties for year-round or seasonal use.
One Thousand Skies-Sunrise is located between milepost 136 and milepost 137 of the Glenn Hwy, approximately 48 miles west of Glennallen. Access is from the Glenn Hwy to S. Millennium Loop, a gravel road which runs south through the subdivision. Parcel 1068, for example, is accessed from E. Sunup Dr, a gravel road. Parcels 1075 and 1076 are accessed via an undeveloped public access easement.
There is no municipal water supply or sewer system to the parcels. See plat notes and the Sewer and Water section of the land brochure for details. There are also no other utilities (electric, phone, or internet, etc.) in this area.
This area is within the boundary of the Matanuska-Susitna Borough and is subject to applicable platting authority, local ordinances, and property assessments. Local ordinances may impose setbacks, easements, or restrictions in addition to those mentioned in the land auction. Check with the borough for details. There is currently no zoning for the subdivision.
The auction parcels may contain wetlands. Also, purchasers must obtain permits from the US Army Corps of Engineers before developing any wetland areas. Floatplane access is not a viable option to some of the unnamed lakes in the area, as they either are too small or too shallow.
Lot 1 of Block 2 is temporarily reserved as parking until subdivision roads are upgraded and accepted for maintenance.
Easements affecting these parcels, as depicted on the plat, may include, but are not limited to, utility easements. Information on restrictions, easements, reservations, and setbacks may be depicted on the plat, contained in the plat notes, or recorded separately. There is a 75ft building setback from all bodies of water and apparent wetlands, and a 50ft public access easement along water bodies. Legal access to all lots is via interior rights-of-way. No direct access to Glenn Hwy is allowed. Parcel 1070 has a 20-foot drainage easement.
The sealed-bid auction allows eligible participants to submit bids through three channels:
Online, via the DNR’s Land Sales portal
In person, at designated offices
By postal mail, using forms provided in the auction materials
Bids must meet or exceed the minimum bid listed for each parcel. Following the close of the bidding period, the official bid opening will occur on Wednesday, Oct. 22, at 10 am where the highest qualified bidders will be awarded parcels.
The Department of Natural Resources offers land through three programs:
Land Auctions (like Offering #497)
Over-the-Counter (OTC) Program – unsold parcels from previous auctions available at fixed prices
Remote Recreational Cabin Sites (RRCS) Program – offering unique cabin site staking opportunities in remote areas
Each program caters to different buyer preferences, from competitive bidding to pre-priced purchases, and from road-accessible lots to wilderness cabin sites. There is also an agricultural land program.
A free auction brochure with detailed maps, parcel descriptions, and bidding instructions is available on the DNR Land Sales website. Interested Alaskans may also request printed materials or accessible formats by calling the Anchorage Public Information Center at (907) 269-8400.
With competitive pricing, scenic locations, and a uniquely Alaskan process, Auction #497 is more than just a land sale—it’s a chance for residents to stake a personal claim in the Last Frontier.
For more information or to explore available parcels, visit: landsales.alaska.gov.
The conservative movement prides itself on being the standard-bearer of life, liberty, and traditional values. We rally under the banner of “pro-life,” championing the sanctity of the unborn and the preservation of moral foundations.
Yet, when it comes to our political battles, we often turn our fiercest weapons not on our ideological opponents but on each other. The left may throw punches, but it’s conservatives who deliver the knockout blows; to ourselves.
The infighting within the conservative ranks is more than just a distraction; it’s a self-inflicted wound that cripples our ability to advance our principles. While the left maintains a disciplined front, coalescing around shared goals despite internal disagreements, conservatives splinter into factions; each claiming to be the “true” champion of the movement. From primary purges to social media slandering, we’ve become experts at devouring our own.
I will admit, it’s quite disheartening watching the onslaught of accusations from fellow Republicans shouting out “RINOS” any time a vote isn’t taken in a lockstep binding caucus fashion (because a binding caucus isn’t an ideal Republicans hold to). There is an old Ronald Reagan quote that “The person who agrees with you 80% of the time is a friend and an ally, not a 20% traitor.” Do we believe that?
Contrast this with the left’s approach. Progressives, even with their own flaws, know how to close ranks. When one of their own strays; like a senator or representative voting against a party-line bill; they don’t unleash a public execution. Instead, they negotiate, regroup, and redirect their energy toward their common political enemy; us. Their ability to maintain unity, even when fractured, gives them a strategic edge we squander through our relentless infighting over ideological purity.
Oh the irony. We call ourselves pro-life, yet we’re quick to politically abort anyone who doesn’t perfectly align with our ever-shifting litmus tests. This isn’t principle; it’s cannibalism. Every time we ostracize a conservative for a single disagreement, we shrink our coalition and hand the left a gift-wrapped victory.
The pro-life conviction should transcend legislation, promoting unity and collaboration with partners instead of constant discord.
If we want to win, we need to stop eating our own. That means embracing spirited debate without resorting to excommunication; recognizing that a conservative who disagrees on tactics or tone isn’t a traitor but a potential ally; directing our criticism toward the left’s policies we deeply oppose, rather than fixating on our own small differences; and sometimes picking up the phone and calling to ask questions instead of reading clickbait and becoming a Facebook ninja warrior.
The left doesn’t beat us because they’re stronger; they beat us because we’re too busy beating ourselves. If we truly believe in the principles we so proudly stand upon, we’ll stop the fratricide and start fighting as one. Only then can we live up to the pro-life label we claim; and turn our values into victories.
Before my dad passed, his last corporate message he gave to a group of leaders was charging them to lay down differences and unify for the sake of one cause (which was to be a light in this dark world and to leave people better than they were when you met them).
It is a message I will continue to build my own life upon and I charge others to do the same; especially in the realm of politics.
Jubilee Underwood is a representative for House District 27, Wasilla.
A Wasilla physician has been arrested following a federal grand jury indictment alleging possession of child sexual abuse materials, according to the US Attorney’s Office for the District of Alaska.
Dr. Jeffery Sponsler, 67, was charged with one count of possession of child pornography. Sponsler is a practicing doctor at the Alaska Brain Center and is also the owner of Alaska Music and Arts, a studio offering music, dance, and karate classes to children.
According to the Department of Justice, federal authorities allege that on March 17, Sponsler possessed and accessed a computer containing images of child sexual abuse. The material reportedly included depictions of a prepubescent minor under the age of 12.
The FBI Anchorage Field Office began investigating Sponsler after receiving a tip regarding his alleged possession of child pornography. A search of Sponsler’s residence led to the seizure of multiple electronic devices, including desktop and laptop computers, external hard drives, memory cards, DVDs, and VHS tapes.
The initial forensic review of these items revealed videos and images described in court documents as “nude beauty contests” involving both minors and adults, DOJ said. Prosecutors allege that Sponsler edited and enhanced the material to focus on the genitalia of girls believed to be between the ages of 5 and 12, creating slideshows from the images.
According to his biography at Alaska Brain Center, he sees patients with disorders such as epilepsy, neuromuscular disorders, neuropathy, stroke, headaches and migraine, multiple sclerosis, Parkinson disease, myasthenia gravis, spinal cord disorders, dysequilibrium, balance, dizziness, and carpal tunnel syndrome.
Sponsler has admitting and consulting privileges at Matsu Regional Medical Center in Palmer, where he manages a two-bed epilepsy monitoring unit with full time EEG technician monitoring.
“Dr. Sponsler enjoys backpacking, running, exploring Alaska and Shotokan Karate. He also knows 10 computer programming languages and plays 5 musical instruments. He plays piano and saxophone in the worship band of Wasilla Community Church and is an instructor of Shotokan Karate at Alaska Music and Arts,” his biography states.
Sponsler is scheduled to make his initial court appearance on June 9, before US. Magistrate Judge Kyle F. Reardon in Anchorage. If convicted, he faces up to 20 years in federal prison. Sentencing, if applicable, would be determined by a U.S. district judge in accordance with federal sentencing guidelines.
The FBI and Alaska State Troopers are leading the investigation. Authorities are urging anyone with information related to the case to contact the FBI Anchorage Field Office at (907) 276-4441 or submit tips anonymously attips.fbi.gov.
The case is being prosecuted by Assistant U.S. Attorney Jennifer Ivers.
People can peacefully protest to express dissatisfaction with policies or actions, to raise awareness about a cause, to connect with like-minded individuals, and to push for negotiation, compromise and policy changes.
Terrorism, however, is the unlawful use of protest, force and violence against persons or property to intimidate or coerce governments, civilian populations, or any segment thereof, in furtherance of political or social objectives. This includes actions that cause death, serious bodily injury, or hostage-taking, with the intent to provoke a state of terror in the public or to intimidate a population or compel a government. Indeed, Hamas’s horrific attack on Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, was an act of genocidal terrorism under the slogan of “Free Palestine.”
Historically, Nazi’s propaganda against Jewish people from 1933 to 1945 often used slogans and phrases designed to dehumanize, blame, and incite hatred. These slogans were a core part of the Nazi regime’s efforts to scapegoat Jewish people for Germany’s problems and justify their persecution.
The main purpose of Nazi’s antisemitic slogans was to blame Jewish people for Germany’s socio-economic problems; foster antisemitic sentiment; justify discrimination and persecution; and, ultimately, commit the horrific crimes against Jewish people during the Holocaust, exterminating six million European Jews.
Other forms of Nazi’s propaganda reinforced these ideas, including antisemitic publications; antisemitic public displays and signs; children’s books depicting Jewish people in a negative and hateful light and reinforcing harmful stereotypes. These slogans and other propaganda played a significant role in creating a hostile environment for Jewish people in Nazi Germany and, therefore, contributing to the atrocities of the Holocaust.
The most well-known Nazi term for the extermination of Jews was the “Final Solution of the Jewish Question.” This was a euphemism used by Nazi leaders to refer to their plan for the systematic and intentional mass murder or genocide of millions of European Jews.
The “Final Solution” represented the central part of the horrifying culmination of Nazi anti-Jewish policies and ideology, which viewed Jews as a dangerous threat to the German “race” and its racial purity. In fact, progression of the Nazi anti-Jewish policies evolved over time, starting with discrimination, exclusion, forced emigration, violent attacks of the civilian population, and culminating in the “Final Solution.”
The decision to systematically murder all European Jews, including my grandfather Roman Umansky and my uncle Shura Dolitsky, was made likely with the invasion of the Soviet Union on June 22, 1941.
It is well documented that implementation of the “Final Solution of the Jewish Question” was carried out through mass shootings by mobile killing units and in extermination camps with gas chambers in occupied territories. The Nazis used “resettlement” and “special treatment” tactics to hide the truth about their genocidal policies.
The Wannsee Conference held in the Berlin suburb of Wannsee on 20 January 1942 was a meeting of high-ranking Nazi officials to coordinate and formalize the implementation of the “Final Solution.” In summary, while the Nazis used various terms and slogans to promote their antisemitic agenda, the term “Final Solution of the Jewish Question” is the most direct and specific reference to their plan for the extermination of the Jews.
Today’s pro-Palestinian antisemitic slogan for freedom from the “Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea” is calling for a complete eradication of Israel and extermination of Jews worldwide.
Clearly, the Free Palestine organization and its movement opposes the existence of Israel and its historic connection to the ancient land of Judea. In fact, Israel is the only country in the Middle East that was founded by Jews nearly 3200 years ago, while other countries in the region in close geographic proximity to Israel, except for Egypt, were artificial constructs of British and French mandates of the early 20th century.
The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia was formally established in 1932 by King Abdulaziz (Ibn Saud) after unifying various regions and Bedouin tribes under his rule. Bedouins in Saudi Arabia were traditionally nomadic desert-dwelling tribes; part of a larger group of Bedouins who inhabited the Arabian Peninsula and other nearby regions.
The creation of Jordan as a modern state is a story of evolving borders and political transitions. It began with the formation of the Emirate of Transjordan in 1921 under British mandate. This entity was later transformed into the Hashemite Kingdom of Transjordan in 1946, gaining independence and eventually becoming known as the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan.
The modern Syrian state was officially created in 1946 after World War II, gaining independence from the French mandate after a long period of Ottoman rule and then French administration. Prior to this, Syria was part of larger empires and regions, including the Ottoman Empire, and was later administered by France under a mandate from the League of Nations.
The creation of Iraq as a modern nation-state followed the end of World War I (1914-1918) and the official collapse of the Ottoman Empire in 1922. Initially, the region, encompassing parts of the Ottoman provinces of Baghdad, Basra and Mosul, was placed under a British mandate by the League of Nations in 1920. This mandate period, lasting until 1932, saw the establishment of a Hashemite monarchy under British protection. In 1932, Iraq achieved independence and became a constitutional monarchy.
The modern State of Lebanon has existed within its current borders since 1920, when Greater Lebanon was created under French and British mandate, resulting from the dismemberment of the Ottoman Empire at the end of World War I.
The murder of Israeli diplomats Yaron Lischinsky and Sarah Lynn Milgrim outside the Capital Jewish Museum in Washington, D.C., on May 21, 2025, by a pro-Palestinian terrorist, along with the recent attack in Boulder, Colorado on a march in support of hostages held in Gaza (both terrorists were yelling “Free Palestine”) reverberates and resembles a beginning of the Nazi’s-like “Final Solution.”
European Jews and others were silent when antisemitic atrocities emerged in Europe, naively hoping that the “wind of the Final Solution” will eventually stop or change its direction; but it did not, resulting in a massive extermination.
American Jewry and all the civilized world must recognize a danger of the “Free Palestine” terrorist organization and its movement to all humanity and peace-seeking nations; and they must do all possible in preventing its growth, advance and being of existence. Indeed, the slogan “Free Palestine” is a call for the destruction of Israel and extermination of Jews worldwide.
Alexander Dolitsky was born and raised in Kiev in the former Soviet Union. He received an M.A. in history from Kiev Pedagogical Institute, Ukraine in 1976; an M.A. in anthropology and archaeology from Brown University in 1983; and enrolled in the Ph.D. program in anthropology at Bryn Mawr College from 1983 to 1985, where he was also lecturer in the Russian Center. In the USSR, he was a social studies teacher for three years and an archaeologist for five years for the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences. In 1978, he settled in the United States. Dolitsky visited Alaska for the first time in 1981, while conducting field research for graduate school at Brown. He then settled first in Sitka in 1985 and then in Juneau in 1986. From 1985 to 1987, he was U.S. Forest Service archaeologist and social scientist. He was an Adjunct Assistant Professor of Russian Studies at the University of Alaska Southeast from 1985 to 1999; Social Studies Instructor at the Alyeska Central School, Alaska Department of Education and Yukon-Koyukuk School District from 1988 to 2006; and Director of the Alaska-Siberia Research Center from 1990 to 2022. From 2006 to 2010, Alexander Dolitsky served as a Delegate of the Russian Federation in the United States for the Russian Compatriots program. He has done 30 field studies in various areas of the former Soviet Union (including Siberia), Central Asia, South America, Eastern Europe and the United States (including Alaska). Dolitsky was a lecturer on the World Discoverer, Spirit of Oceanus, and Clipper Odyssey vessels in the Arctic and Sub-Arctic regions. He was a Project Manager for the WWII Alaska-Siberia Lend Lease Memorial, which was erected in Fairbanks in 2006. Dolitsky has published extensively in the fields of anthropology, history, archaeology and ethnography. His more recent publications include Fairy Tales and Myths of the Bering Strait Chukchi, Ancient Tales of Kamchatka, Tales and Legends of the Yupik Eskimos of Siberia, Old Russia in Modern America: Living Traditions of the Russian Old Believers in Alaska, Allies in Wartime: The Alaska-Siberia Airway During World War II, Spirit of the Siberian Tiger: Folktales of the Russian Far East, Living Wisdom of the Russian Far East: Tales and Legends from Chukotka and Alaska, and Pipeline to Russia: The Alaska-Siberia Air Route in World War II.
A fall has claimed the life of a climber on North America’s tallest peak this week, the first fatality of the 2025 climbing season on Mount McKinley.
Alex Chiu, a 41-year-old ski mountaineer from Seattle, died on June 2 after falling approximately 3,000 feet from an area known as Squirrel Point, along the West Buttress route. According to the National Park Service, Chiu was climbing unroped with two partners when he fell.
After witnessing the fall, the climbing party lowered over the edge as far as possible but was unable to see or hear Chiu, the Park Service reported. They then descended the West Buttress route for additional help.
Due to high winds and snow, ground and air search was unable to access the accident site until the early morning hours of June 4. Two mountaineering rangers out of Talkeetna conducted a helicopter search to locate and recover the body.
Chiu was originally from New York but lived in Seattle and Brooklyn, N.Y., and was involved in the climbing community. He volunteered as an instructor with the Boeing Employees Alpine Society, teaching mountaineering, ice, and rock climbing. At the time of his death, was an aviation engineer at the Federal Aviation Administration, and prior to that, he worked as a software engineer at Boeing.
Chiu’s death was in the same general location as a 2010 fatality of a French climber, who was also unroped. His body was never recovered. The West Buttress route is McKinley’s most popular climbing path, but despite its accessibility, it has witnessed multiple fatal accidents since 1980, often involving unroped climbers.
The McKinley climbing season is entering its busiest phase. The National Park Service reports that 936 climbers registered for the 2025 season, which runs from early May through early July.
As of late May, 230 climbers were already on the mountain and 17 had completed successful climbs. Currently, approximately 500 climbers are reported to be on McKinley.
By this time last year, two climbers had died on McKinley. Over 130 climbers have died on McKinley since records began.
On Thursday, Alaska Republican Party District 26 (Wasilla) convened and voted in favor of a resolution to censure Sen. Lisa Murkowski. The resolution, charging Murkowski with a series of offenses against core GOP principles, was formally adopted and will now be forwarded for consideration at the State Republican Central Committee meeting on Saturday.
The district had sent the charges to Murkowski and given her time to respond, but did not hear back from her.
This action follows a growing trend across the state. Earlier this year, a Kenai district committee unanimously passed a censure resolution, citing Murkowski’s repeated criticism of former President Trump, endorsement of Democratic candidates (notably support for Mary Peltola in 2022 and 2024), resistance to Trump’s nomination of Pete Hegseth for defense secretary, and her advocacy for ranked-choice voting, viewed by Republicans as a direct conflict with their platform.
Since then, at least seven other districts have followed suit, supporting similar resolutions demanding sanctions. The Valley Republican Women of Alaska also passed a similar resolution condemning Murkowski.
This is not the GOP’s first move to formally rebuke Murkowski. In January 2021, the State Central Committee itself voted 77 percent in favor of censuring her, officially cataloging actions such as her public call for Trump’s resignation and her impeachment votes among the catalysts.
At this Saturday’s Alaska Republican Party State Central Committee meeting, delegates from around the state are expected to deliberate on these censures and consider another party censure of Murkowski.
Under party rules, if 19 of the 37 organized districts support, the Central Committee may enforce sanctions, ranging from formal censure to prohibiting Murkowski from receiving party support or attending convention events. Murkowski, originally appointed by her father Gov. Frank Murkowski to fill his seat in the Senate, has not actually received state party support since 2016 and she is not invited, nor does she attend party conventions.
The outcome would carry no direct effect on Murkowski’s Senate seat, which does not come up again for election until 2028. But a party-wide censure would send a message to Alaska voters that the Republicans are following a set process. Murkowski is the only member of the Senate or House in Alaska history who has been formally censured by her own political party.
For months, leftists have pushed the narrative that Elon Musk was the shadow president, the real power behind the curtain. “We didn’t vote for Elon Musk!” they cried on social media and in street protests, implying that his growing influence over public policy, whether through X, Tesla, SpaceX, or his brief stint heading the Department of Government Efficiency, was somehow undemocratic, dangerous, and unprecedented.
Well, now that Musk and President Donald Trump are locked in a very public, very messy war of words, that particular talking point has collapsed under its own weight.
This week, Musk and Trump went from political allies to billionaire ballistic enemies in a matter of hours, with attacks escalating over the so-called “One Big Beautiful Bill Act,” the sprawling piece of legislation that Trump backs and Musk opposes. Trump says Musk helped shape the bill. Musk says he never even saw it. Trump says Musk is just upset about EV subsidies being cut. Musk says the bill is a financial disaster that undermines all the work DOGE did to reduce government bloat.
And then it got personal — fast.
Trump took to X to suggest slashing all federal subsidies and contracts to Musk’s companies: “The easiest way to save money in our Budget, Billions and Billions of dollars, is to terminate Elon’s Governmental Subsidies and Contracts.” A stinging rebuke from a former ally.
Musk, in turn, didn’t mince words. He accused Trump of lying about his departure from DOGE, called for his impeachment, and even claimed, without evidence, that Trump’s name is in the Epstein files and that this is why they haven’t been released.
This is not how shadow governments behave.
This is not how puppet masters treat their marionettes.
If Musk ever was running the White House, he’s certainly been fired in spectacular fashion. The idea that he was ever really in charge is now laughable.
The truth is this: Elon Musk is not above politics. He’s in them now, deep in the mud like everyone else. And when billionaires enter the political arena, they lose the illusion of being untouchable geniuses floating above the fray. Musk has gone from revered innovator to cable-news feud fodder, and from technocrat to Twitter brawler.
It’s also worth noting how quickly the Left has shifted its tone. Remember when Musk was the face of authoritarian techno-dystopia, supposedly controlling everything from speech to subsidies? Now that he’s taking a blowtorch to Trump on the very platform he owns, where are those same voices? Suddenly, silence — or even applause. The Left may embrace him again, and quickly.
Musk is learning the hard way that politics isn’t physics. It’s not a clean equation. It’s dirty, personal, and often irrational. And Trump — well, Trump is a master of the battlefield. He builds you up until you’re useful. Then, if you cross him, he can burn you to the ground. That’s not new.
What is new is Musk learning it the hard way.
So to all the critics who insisted Musk was secretly calling the shots: You got your answer. Elon Musk was never in control of the White House. But today, it looks like he’s on the outside, bloodied, tweeting, and very much not running anything.
Suzanne Downing is founder and editor of Must Read Alaska.
On June 3, Alaska State Sen. James Kaufman shared an optimistic message on social media:
“One of my top priorities is supporting responsible resource development in Alaska… Alaska has the ability to provide reliable, affordable energy not just to Alaskans, but to America and our allies. I am excited that we are once again taking meaningful steps in that direction.”
On June 5th, Congressman Nick Begich started his opinion piece in MRAK:
“When we talk about Alaska’s energy potential – we are talking about more than molecules in the ground or development projects. We’re talking about a true cornerstone of American prosperity and a valuable tool for national security.”
These are the kinds of sentiments Alaskans have heard for decades. These sound bites are filled with promise, always met with public hope, and too often followed by disappointment. Despite rich natural resources and enduring public support for development, Alaska repeatedly fails to launch major projects that would secure energy independence, create jobs, and restore fiscal sustainability. The culprit isn’t a lack of federal interest or industrial potential. It is Alaska’s own state legislature and its unwillingness to eliminate bureaucratic entrenchment.
To fulfill its promise as a national leader in responsible resource development, Alaska must go beyond words. It must confront its internal inertia with decisive action. A new generation of legislators, united with the executive branch, must systematically dismantle the regulatory and administrative barriers that block progress.
Governor Dunleavy needs to start immediately to exercise constitutional executive control where applicable. A new 2026 legislature must do the rest, because the current state legislature won’t.
Breaking Bureaucratic Entrenchment: A Five-Point Action Plan
1. Audit and Streamline State Regulatory Agencies
Alaska’s Departments of Natural Resources (DNR), Environmental Conservation (DEC), and Fish & Game (ADF&G) have grown into overlapping bureaucracies that too often delay rather than facilitate development.
Action: Launch a performance audit across these agencies to identify duplication, inefficiencies, and regulatory bottlenecks.
Objective: Establish a unified, expedited permitting process for energy, mining, and infrastructure projects.
2. Assert State Sovereignty Under ANILCA and the Tenth Amendment
Federal agencies—including the EPA, BLM, and U.S. Fish & Wildlife Service—have exceeded their jurisdiction, imposing restrictions that undermine Alaska’s development goals.
Action: Expand the Department of Law’s litigation capacity to challenge unlawful federal actions and to press RS 2477 claims for access and infrastructure.
Objective: Reclaim state jurisdiction over submerged lands, navigable waterways, and resource-rich public lands guaranteed under the Alaska Statehood Compact.
3. Forge a Legislative-Executive Alliance for Permitting Reform
No governor can reform Alaska’s development framework alone. Legislative collaboration is essential.
Action: Introduce and pass legislation which clearly establishes Alaska’s state sovereignty to reform permitting laws, protect state authority, and fast-track responsible development.
Objective: Ensure Alaska’s legal infrastructure promotes rather than obstructs economic opportunity.
4. Incentivize Private Infrastructure Development
Large-scale infrastructure, roads, pipelines, terminals often face crippling delays due to litigation and red tape.
Action: Create a public-private development model, similar to North Dakota’s, through a State Development Corporation, but avoid the missteps created by Alaska state NGO’s like the Alaska Industrial Export and Development Authority, the Alaska Energy Authority and other failing Alaska NGO’s.
Objective: Attract private capital to build essential infrastructure quickly and cost-effectively.
5. Rebuild Public Trust Through Transparency and Local Benefits
Years of delays, reversals, and litigation have left many Alaskans skeptical. Public support will require visible returns.
Action: Increase transparency in permitting and revenue use. Implement revenue-sharing agreements with local communities impacted by development.
Objective: Ensure Alaskans see and feel the benefits of the resources developed in their backyards.
The Consequences of Inaction
If Alaska fails to confront bureaucratic inertia, the consequences will be immediate and compounding.
1. Permanent Loss of Resource Sovereignty
Without state-level assertion of permitting and land-use authority, federal agencies will dominate development decisions.
Result: Billions in untapped mineral, energy, and infrastructure potential will remain buried beneath federal red tape.
2. Economic Decline and Outmigration
Without new development, Alaska’s economy will stagnate, and its working-age population will continue to decline.
Result: High-paying jobs in construction, energy, and resource sectors will vanish or move out of state, further weakening the tax base.
3. Fiscal Crisis Under Low Oil Scenarios
If oil drops near $40 per barrel and production lags, state revenues will collapse.
Result: Alaska will face increasing pressure to impose a state income tax, further cut the Permanent Fund Dividend, or deplete the Permanent Fund itself.
4. Loss of National Influence
Inaction diminishes Alaska’s credibility as a serious development partner in national energy strategy.
Result: The federal government will bypass Alaska for states with stronger infrastructure and clearer permitting processes.
5. Entrenchment of Anti-Development Narratives
When Alaska fails to act, environmental and anti-development lobbies fill the vacuum, entrenching policies that make future reforms even harder.
Result: Alaska may permanently lose the legal and institutional tools needed to reclaim its economic destiny.
Conclusion: The Choice Is Now
Alaska can choose another decade of drift, rhetoric without reform, federal control over state destiny, or it can choose decisive action. With the right leadership and aligned will between the legislative and executive branches, Alaska can become what it has always had the potential to be: a global model of responsible resource development, prosperity, and self-determination.
But that future will not be handed to us. It must be claimed. A claim that can only be secured by clearing bureaucratic barriers, confronting inertia, and affirming that Alaska’s land and future belong to its people.
