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Mount Spurr feeling restless, observatory says

Suzanne Downing
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Mount Spurr feeling restless, observatory says

The Alaska Volcano Observatory reports that Mount Spurr remains in a state of volcanic unrest, as it has since last April, characterized by ongoing earthquake activity, surface deformation, and volcanic gas emissions.

Seismic activity has slightly increased compared to last week, with 145 earthquakes detected over the past seven days, primarily in the summit region and a smaller number near Crater Peak.

Mount Spurr, located about 75 miles northwest of Anchorage, stands 11,070 feet tall. An eruption could have a significant impact on air traffic to area airports, including Ted Stevens Anchorage International Airport, which is the third busiest cargo airport in the world, measured by tonnage. The highest volcano of the Aleutian Chain, it last erupted in 1992, shutting down the Anchorage International Airport for 20 hours.

Although no unusual activity has been observed in satellite or webcam data, minor steam emissions from the summit have been occasionally visible from nearby communities during periods of clear weather, the observatory said.

Recent overflights on March 7 and 11 measured elevated levels of sulfur dioxide (SO2) and carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions from the summit of Mount Spurr, with additional CO2 emissions and reactivated gas vents observed within the crater at Crater Peak.

AVO released a statement earlier this week outlining these observations and reaffirming that the volcano remains under close monitoring. The Mount Spurr monitoring network is fully operational, though the webcam at station CKT remains obscured by snow and ice.

AVO continues to track activity using a variety of monitoring techniques, including local seismic, infrasound, and geospatial stations, as well as regional infrasound, lightning networks, and satellite data.

If magma were to move closer to the surface, additional changes in seismic activity, ground deformation, the summit lake, and fumaroles would be expected. These signals would provide advance warning in the event of an impending eruption.

While the current activity does not indicate an imminent eruption, AVO said that one may occur within weeks or months, as the unrest at the volcano has been building since last year. In October, the observatory raised the warning signal to yellow, due to the increased activity detected.

Learn more about Mount Spurr’s current activity at the Alaska Volcano Observatory.

State’s predator control of brown bear loses in court to wildlife alliance

Suzanne Downing
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State’s predator control of brown bear loses in court to wildlife alliance

The Alaska Superior Court ruled in favor of the Alaska Wildlife Alliance in a lawsuit challenging the predator control of brown bears by the Alaska Department of Fish and Game on certain state public lands.

The litigation, filed by AWA, stemmed from a 2023 predator control operation that authorized by the Alaska Board of Game in 2022. In May and June of 2023, ADF&G conducted a predator-control operation in the Mulchatna caribou calving grounds, resulting in the killing of 94 brown bears, 5 black bears, and 5 wolves.

AWA raised a constitutional claim that the Board of Game failed to provide procedural due process under Article I, Section 7 of the Alaska Constitution. The group also claimed that the Board of Game’s decision violated Article VI, Section 4, which mandates that replenishable state resources be managed under the “sustained yield principle.”

“The notice provided by the BOG contemplating extension of an existing wolf control program to lands managed by the federal government that was altered to include a bear removal program on state lands substantially
changed the subject mater of the proposal. These changes went far beyond varying, clarifying or altering the specific matter of the proposal addressed in the original notice. As a result, the BOG failed to adhere to mandatory due process standards,” Judge Andrew Guidi wrote in his decision.

3AN-23-07495CI brown bear decisionDownload

The State of Alaska and others denied any constitutional violations and said the Alaska Wildlife Alliance lacked standing to bring the case. However, the court granted AWA standing to challenge the state’s actions.

ADF&G, represented by the Department of Law, has not yet announced whether it plans to appeal the decision.

Judge dismisses case of woman who claimed to be triggered by Alaska’s predator management program

Sen. Rob Yundt quietly withdraws support for tax on Hilcorp, but Sen. Cathy Giessel quickly adopts it

Suzanne Downing
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25
Sen. Rob Yundt quietly withdraws support for tax on Hilcorp, but Sen. Cathy Giessel quickly adopts it

Sen. Rob Yundt of Wasilla on Friday withdrew his support for his own bill, Senate Bill 92, which would create a tax that targets one company: Hilcorp, an oil and gas company doing business on the North Slope and in Cook Inlet.

Although Yundt now is not sponsoring his own bill, Sen. Cathy Giessel quickly adopted it as a bill sponsored by the Senate Resources Committee, which she chairs. The vice chair of the committee is Sen. Bill Wielechowski, who is one of the persons believed to have convinced Yundt to file the controversial legislation.

Thus, the Yundt Tax will continue to be considered by the Senate, although Sen. Yundt will now disassociate himself from the bill, which has growing opposition from his district. Three Republican organizations in the Mat-Su have passed resolutions opposing his tax and the Mat-Su Borough Assembly, which was considering a resolution in support, has turned against it, sources have told Must Read Alaska.

Earlier this month, when Yundt was still defending his bill, he commented, “Poor Suzanne, I’m afraid if brains were dynamite she wouldn’t have enough to blow a fart,” as his description of this author.

Also earlier this month, legislators have said Yundt claimed to have enough votes for his bill to override a veto of the governor.

Third Mat-Su Republican group opposes Yundt Tax targeting Hilcorp
Marcy Sowers: Sen. Yundt talks like a tax-loving social justice warrior, not a conservative
Video: Mat-Su Borough Assembly to consider resolution in support of Yundt Tax
Thomas Pyle: Senate Bill 92 contradicts Alaska’s values and sets a dangerous precedent
Sen. Rob Yundt starts his legislative career by introducing a new tax on oil

Third Mat-Su Republican group opposes Yundt Tax targeting Hilcorp

Suzanne Downing
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6
Third Mat-Su Republican group opposes Yundt Tax targeting Hilcorp

The District 26 Republicans passed a resolution opposing Senate Bill 92, introduced by Senator Rob Yundt of Wasilla. This bill proposes a 9.4% income tax on entities producing or transporting oil and gas in Alaska with taxable income exceeding $5 million, specifically targeting certain S-corporations, and more specifically targeting Hilcorp. 

The committee, chaired by Amy Demboski, argues that SB 92 sets a dangerous precedent for taxation on S-corporations operating in Alaska, constituting government overreach that threatens the stability of the state’s vital oil and gas industry. They assert that the bill contradicts the Republican platform, which supports economic growth, tax policies encouraging investment, responsible resource development, and opposes excessive government regulation and punitive taxation.

This marks the third Republican group in the Mat-Su Valley to oppose the so-called “Yundt Tax.” Previously, the Valley Republican Women of Alaska and District 28 Republicans passed similar resolutions.

During a recent Senate Resources Committee hearing, industry representatives echoed these concerns, with Kara Moriarty, president of the Alaska Oil and Gas Association, criticizing the bill as discriminatory and retroactive, potentially undermining business confidence and the investment climate. 

Proponents of SB 92 argue that it aims to ensure equitable taxation across different corporate structures within the oil and gas sector. However, opponents fear that the bill’s targeted approach could deter investment and harm Alaska’s economy and that the bill’s targeting of a specific company is a violation of constitutional rights.

In defense of his tax, Yundt has described the author of this article as “Poor Suzanne, I’m afraid if brains were dynamite she wouldn’t have enough to blow a fart.”

Yundt Tax illustrates economic fundamentals: If you want less of something, tax it
Movement: A second Alaska Republican Party committee passes resolution opposing Yundt Tax
Yundt Tax panned by public during Senate Resources Committee hearing
Video: Mat-Su Borough Assembly to consider resolution in support of Yundt Tax

Michael Tavoliero: Case for overturning Alaska’s tenure statute in favor of home rule authority

SENIOR CONTRIBUTOR
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Michael Tavoliero: Case for overturning Alaska’s tenure statute in favor of home rule authority

By MICHAEL TAVOLIERO

The teacher tenure system in Alaska, codified under AS 14.20.150, was designed to ensure job security for educators, promote workforce stability, and protect academic freedom. However, after decades of implementation, evidence suggests that tenure has not delivered the promised benefits. Instead, it has contributed to educational stagnation, high teacher turnover, and a lack of local control over school district management.

To better serve Alaska’s unique and diverse communities, AS 14.20.150 should be repealed in favor of home rule authority, allowing municipalities to tailor teacher employment policies to meet their specific needs.

Home rule authority ensures that local communities are empowered to make decisions that directly impact their education systems, aligning policies with the needs of their students, parents, and educators rather than adhering to an outdated, ineffective statewide tenure mandate.

One of the primary barriers to home rule reform in education is the entrenched influence of public education unions and special interest groups. These organizations have played a significant role in maintaining statewide tenure protections, lobbying against local control reforms, and ensuring that tenure benefits their members rather than prioritizing student success.

  • Public education unions’ political influence: Unions such as the National Education Association-Alaska (NEA-Alaska) wield significant power over state education policy. They contribute millions of dollars to political campaigns, lobbying legislators to protect tenure and other employment provisions that benefit their members rather than fostering student-centered reform.
  • Collective bargaining and resistance to reform: Many school districts operate under union-negotiated contracts that make it incredibly difficult to implement performance-based evaluations or remove ineffective teachers. Any attempts to change tenure policies at the local level are often met with strong union opposition, legal challenges, and strikes.
  • Special interests and public education funding: Special interest groups, including education non-profits, administrative associations, and political action committees (PACs), influence how state education funds are distributed. These entities often push for more spending on bureaucracy and administrative costs rather than directing funds to classroom improvements.
  • Union-backed teacher protection over student outcomes: The focus on protecting teachers, regardless of performance, has led to a system where mediocrity is rewarded, and excellence is undervalued. Tenure ensures that ineffective teachers remain in classrooms, and unions fight to retain these protections, even at the expense of student learning.

Alaska’s education system ranks among the lowest in the nation in key academic metrics. Despite tenure protections ensuring long-term job security, student proficiency in reading, math, and science remains critically low. The Alaska Department of Education’s most recent assessment data shows that:

  • Less than 40% of students are proficient in reading and math.
  • Alaska consistently ranks in the bottom five states in terms of student performance on national standardized tests.
  • The state’s graduation rate remains below the national average, with significant achievement gaps, especially among Alaska Native students.

If tenure were a true driver of educational excellence, these numbers should reflect a steady improvement in student learning. Instead, they show stagnation and decline, demonstrating that tenure has not delivered the educational quality it was intended to protect.

One of the original justifications for teacher tenure was that it would increase teacher retention and stabilize the workforce. However, the opposite has occurred.

  • Alaska faces one of the highest teacher turnover rates in the country, with some rural districts experiencing 50-60% attrition rates annually.
  • Many teachers leave due to lack of administrative support, poor working conditions, and limited incentives for performance—none of which tenure addresses.
  • The tenure system locks in long-term employment contracts, making it difficult for home rule municipalities to adapt to changing workforce needs.

Instead of increasing workforce stability, tenure has contributed to workforce rigidity, preventing home rule municipalities from hiring and retaining the best teachers while limiting their ability to replace ineffective educators.

Home rule municipalities should have the power to hire, evaluate, and dismiss teachers based on performance and community needs. Under AS 14.20.150:

  • Local school boards have limited authority in removing underperforming teachers.
  • The tenure system prioritizes longevity over effectiveness, making it difficult for home rule municipalities to respond to community expectations for higher education standards.
  • Rural and urban school districts face vastly different challenges, yet statewide tenure laws force a one-size-fits-all approach, ignoring local education needs.

By strengthening home rule authority, municipalities could:

  • Implement performance-based contracts that reward effective teachers rather than simply protecting longevity.
  • Establish flexible hiring and firing policies that allow districts to adapt to changing educational priorities.
  • Hold educators accountable to local school boards and parents, rather than state-mandated tenure protections.

Article X, Section 11 of the Alaska Constitution states that home rule municipalities may exercise all legislative powers not prohibited by law or charter. There is no compelling reason why teacher tenure—a policy that should be decided at the local level—should be imposed through statewide statute.

  • Home rule principles encourage local autonomy, allowing communities to set policies that reflect their educational priorities.
  • The state legislature has a duty to maintain a functional education system, but AS 14.20.150 has resulted in dysfunction, not progress.
  • Eliminating tenure laws at the state level would return decision-making power to home rule municipalities, ensuring that teacher employment policies align with community expectations.

AS 14.20.150 has failed to improve education quality, stabilize the workforce, or uphold accountability. It is a relic of a bureaucratic system that prioritizes job security over student learning. Alaska’s home rule municipalities must be given the authority to hire, evaluate, and retain teachers based on local needs, not outdated state-mandated tenure protections.

Michael Tavoliero writes for Must Read Alaska.

Michael Tavoliero: What happened to Sen. Rob Yundt?

BLM opens 30-day comment on Alaska Long Trail

Suzanne Downing
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34
BLM opens 30-day comment on Alaska Long Trail

The Bureau of Land Management opened a 30-day public comment period on a draft feasibility study for designating the proposed Alaska Long Trail as a “national scenic trail.”

The public is invited to submit comments until April 14, through the Alaska Long National Scenic Trail Feasibility Study page on the BLM National NEPA Register. 

The Alaska Long Trail is envisioned as a 500-mile route extending from Seward to Fairbanks, traversing diverse landscapes including wilderness forests, mountains, rivers, and valleys. The BLM prepared the study in response to congressional direction in the 2023 Consolidated Appropriations Act.

The purpose was to assess the feasibility, desirability, and suitability of designating the proposed routes associated with the Alaska Long Trail as a national scenic trail. This feasibility study is not a comprehensive plan, and doesn’t authorize implementation actions. 

The proposal has garnered both support and controversy.

Advocates, such as the nonprofit organization Alaska Trails, say the trail would enhance outdoor recreation opportunities and boost tourism, potentially attracting more residents to the state. They believe that national scenic trail designation would be a significant investment in Alaska’s outdoor infrastructure. 

However, concerns have been raised by many Alaskans. In the Mat-Su Borough, some say the federal designation could impose even more federal control of Alaska lands, potentially hindering local development and activities. 

The Alaska Outdoor Council criticized the proposed route, because it may limit access for certain user groups and impact existing trails. 

Representing thousands of Alaskans, the outdoor council says the first 130 miles already connects to the Iditarod National Historic Trail, while the next 320 miles parallel the Parks Highway, which has provided public access for decades. Designating this route as a National Scenic Trail would complicate access to state and private lands, requiring federal oversight that could restrict activities like hunting, fishing, and motorized travel.

“The majority of lands/waters along this +300 miles of the proposed Alaska Long Trail are state, private, or ANCSA Native Corporation. Establishing a NST on either side of the Parks Highway. This would dissect these easily accessed lands for 3/4 of Alaska’s population making management that much more cumbersome. Fifty years of public access along the Parks Highway has provided numerous opportunities for hunting, trapping, fishing, wood gathering, residential homes, resource development and year around outdoor recreation access to state and private lands off the highway corridor. Any amount of oversight by the U.S. Secretaries of the Interior and Agriculture would disrupt current use by a majority of urban Alaskans who regularly access state public lands and waters along the Alaska Long Trail proposed route,” the Alaska Outdoor Council says.

The AOC questions the the transparency of Alaska Trails, the nonprofit advocating for the project.

“The Alaska Trails NGO have been far from forthright in their publications and presentation as to what federal management of a National Trails System between Wasilla and Fairbanks would do to complicate the activities of many Alaskans who have accessed state public lands along the Parks Highway corridor since the completion of the Alaska Railroad in 1923,” the outdoor council says.

Instead, AOC suggests alternative routes, such as the historic Copper River Highway, which already has established rights-of-way and historical significance. The AOC has urged policymakers to consider trails that align with Alaskans’ needs rather than disrupting existing land use.

Only Congress has the authority to designate new national scenic trails. The BLM is actively seeking input from affected communities, the State of Alaska, private landowners, the public, and land management agencies to ensure a comprehensive evaluation. The final feasibility study will be submitted to Congress.

To participate in the public comment process visit the Alaska Long National Scenic Trail Feasibility Study page in the BLM National NEPA Register. To learn more about the study, review the Frequently Asked Questions about the proposed trail. 

What are your thoughts about the Alaska Long Trail project? Put them in the comment section below.

Democrat’s bill would grant homeless the right to medical and dental care, housing, showers, jobs, privacy

Suzanne Downing
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81
Democrat’s bill would grant homeless the right to medical and dental care, housing, showers, jobs, privacy

A new bill introduced in the Alaska Legislature by Sen. Elvi Gray-Jackson aims to codify certain “fundamental rights” for individuals facing discrimination based on a variety of characteristics, including race, gender, and housing status.

While Senate Bill 119 purports to protect vulnerable populations, its broad and ambiguous language threatens to create more legal confusion than solutions, inviting unintended consequences that could negatively impact businesses, public spaces, and law enforcement efforts. The bill strips away the rights of municipalities and boroughs to have orderly communities, but the bill would have no effect on tribal communities, which the state considers sovereign.

One of the aspects of SB 119 is its vagueness. The bill guarantees rights such as “reasonable privacy and autonomy,” “reasonable accommodation in the interest of family unity,” and the ability to “rest or seek shelter from the elements in a public space.”

While these sound compassionate, they lack clear definitions and could be interpreted in ways that overstep local control and burden municipalities and businesses alike. More than 66% of homeless in Alaska are either Natives or veterans, both of whom already have exclusive access to medical and human services set aside for them by the federal and state governments.

Read the bill at this legislative link.

For example, the provision allowing individuals to “occupy a legally parked vehicle or legally anchored, moored, or stored watercraft” raises significant concerns. Without restrictions, this could lead to unintended consequences such as people permanently living in public parking lots or on marina docks, creating public health and safety risks. Additionally, business owners might find themselves unable to prevent encampments in their own parking areas, leading to liability issues and sanitation challenges.

The bill’s sweeping protections could hinder law enforcement’s ability to address issues like vagrancy, public intoxication, and disorderly conduct.

The right to “seek shelter from the elements in a public space” is problematic. While ensuring humane treatment for the homeless is important, SB 119 effectively strips local governments of their ability to regulate encampments, leaving parks, sidewalks, and other public spaces vulnerable to overcrowding, disease, and deterioration.

Furthermore, the provision prohibiting “harassment, mistreatment, or fear of retribution from public servants” sounds reasonable in theory, but in practice, it could lead to frivolous lawsuits against police officers and city workers simply for enforcing existing municipal or state laws. The vague wording creates a legal minefield that could discourage authorities from taking necessary action to maintain public order.

  1. The bill guarantees medical and dental care for those who are experiencing homelessness. It also guarantees them gainful employment, the ability to get a voter ID, the right to clean, safe, and sanitary living conditions, the right to access to a toilet and shower, and other rights.

The bill allows individuals to bring civil lawsuits if they believe these “fundamental rights” have been violated. This provision opens the floodgates to costly litigation that could overwhelm local governments and business owners. Small businesses, already struggling with economic challenges that include increased minimum wage, could face lawsuits for denying drunken or drugged-up individuals access to their premises based on unclear interpretations of the bill’s language.

Provisions such as “access to a trash receptacle, toilet, and shower” imply new infrastructure obligations that could place an enormous financial burden on taxpayers. If these amenities are to be provided in all public spaces, who will bear the cost? Without an outlined funding mechanism, this bill creates more unfunded mandates.

While SB 119 seeks to address real social issues, its impracticality will raise concerns among those who have observed that homelessness is a serious issue that this bill will only exacerbate.

Alaska Forest Association takes action against US Forest Service for failing to sell timber in Tongass

Suzanne Downing
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29
Alaska Forest Association takes action against US Forest Service for failing to sell timber in Tongass

The Alaska Forest Association and two of its members have taken legal action against the US Forest Service.

The lawsuit, filed in the U.S. District Court for the District of Alaska, seeks to compel the federal agency to comply with the Tongass Timber Reform Act’s mandate for timber sales, a move that could help revive the struggling timber industry in southeast Alaska.

“Federal law requires the Forest Service to sell enough timber every year to meet market demand,” said Frank Garrison, attorney with the Pacific Legal Foundation, which represents the plaintiffs that include Viking Lumber and Alcan Timber. “By refusing to meet that requirement, failing to follow through on its own 2016 Management Plan, and issuing informal guidance rather than following formal federal rulemaking procedures, the agency has violated federal law three times over.”

The dispute stems from the US Forest Service’s 2016 Management Plan, which outlined a gradual transition from selling old-growth timber to younger trees over a ten-year period. The plan was designed to ensure a stable supply of timber during the transition, gradually reducing old-growth sales while increasing the harvest of younger trees. However, the plaintiffs argue that the agency abandoned the plan, ceasing old-growth timber sales immediately and failing to provide sufficient young-growth timber as promised.

In 2021, the Biden Administration’s Forest Service further tightened restrictions by issuing a guidance document that formally ended old-growth timber sales altogether—without a formal rulemaking process or adequate replacement sales of young-growth timber. The Alaska Forest Association argues that these actions have devastated the local timber industry, which once supported more than 4,000 jobs but has now dwindled to only 300 positions.

Timber harvested in Alaska has long been used for various products, from household fences to Steinway pianos. The industry was once a cornerstone of many southeast Alaska communities, providing stable employment and economic security for thousands of families. The abrupt policy shifts, however, have left sawmills struggling, businesses shuttered, and local economies reeling.

“Federal agencies cannot decide by fiat to ignore the law and make up their own rules that harm businesses and workers,” Garrison emphasized. “The U.S. Forest Service’s failure to uphold its obligations under federal law is not just a bureaucratic oversight—it has real-world consequences for communities that depend on this industry.”

The lawsuit, Alaska Forest Association v. Rollins, aims to force the U.S. Forest Service to honor its legal obligations and restore timber sales that sustain the region’s industry. If successful, the case could set a precedent for holding federal agencies accountable when they fail to follow statutory requirements. The case was assigned by the chief judge Sharon Gleason to her caseload. Gleason has a reputation for siding with the government against businesses.

As the legal battle unfolds, Alaska’s dying timber industry and its supporters hope for a resolution that will allow the sector to rebuild, protect existing jobs, and ensure that sustainable forestry remains a viable part of the state’s economy.

Irony alert: Tongass, a no-cut zone, will provide the Christmas tree for U.S. Capitol this year

Palmer voters will decide whether to recall mayor

Suzanne Downing
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7
Palmer voters will decide whether to recall mayor

Voters in Palmer will decide in a special election if Palmer Mayor Steve Carrington should be recalled. He is accused of exceeding his authority in the handling a separation agreement for controversial former City Manager Stephen Jellie.

The recall proponents say Carrington’s decision to hire an outside attorney to draft an agreement for Jellie’s departure without first consulting the city council was improper. The recall proponents say the agreement had “legal elements detrimental to the city of Palmer,” including $75,000 in severance pay and a non-disclosure clause that limits what Palmer officials can share with Jellie’s future potential employers.

In addition, a clause in the agreement prevents Jellie from suing Palmer, and prohibits the city from suing Jellie, who lasted less than two months in the role before being embroiled in a series of controversies around firing the police chief and how he treated municipal workers.

Mayor Carrington has defended himself by calling it a simple overlay contract that is standard for such terminations. But the city’s attorney Sarah Heath has argued that such an agreement requires the city council’s approval.

Although the drama only lasted a few weeks and although the council ultimately voted to approve the agreement, some have said it’s not enough and that Carrington, too, must go.

The petition by Palmer resident Cindy Hudgins, a watchdog of city government, states Carrington broke the law.

“This abuse of executive power by Mayor Steve Carrington constitutes unlawful behavior by a public officer in relation to the duties of his office, willful in character,” Hudgins wrote.

The petition to recall Carrington required at least 71 signatures, or 25% of those who voted in the last regular election, and had to be turned in no later than Feb. 16. The city clerk confirmed the signatures were adequate on March 11. The exact date of the special election, which is expected to be in May, has not yet been set. The regular municipal election is not until Oct. 7.

Palmer in upheaval over new city manager, who demanded the badge of cherished police chief
He’s done: Palmer city manager resigns, effective immediately
Shocking report: New Palmer council member documents fierce bullying of women members during executive session in October
Palmer police chief reinstated
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