Tuesday, April 29, 2025
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Law fare attorney Savannah Fletcher is subject of Fairbanks Assembly special meeting on ethics ruling

The Fairbanks North Star Borough Assembly will hold a special meeting this Tuesday at 5:30 pm to determine what action, if any, will be taken against former Assemblywoman Savannah Fletcher, following findings by the Assembly’s Board of Ethics that she violated the borough’s ethics code — three times.

Fletcher is a well-known “law fare” attorney who works for the Northern Justice Project and has made her living using the legal system to harass and intimidate conservatives. She harassed and won a legal settlement from the MatSu Borough over the removal of about 50 books from school district libraries.

As it turns out, she is an expert in violations; she violated the borough’s ethics code and will now face punishment, although it might be only symbolic.

According to the Board of Ethics’ official “Findings of Fact and Conclusions of Law,” Fletcher was found to have committed three violations of borough code FNSBC 6.12.010(O)(2), which governs how public officials must present their personal opinions. The Board determined that Fletcher, in a series of three radio advertisements in 2023, failed to clearly disclose that she was expressing personal opinions rather than speaking on behalf of the Assembly.

The Board of Ethics found that Fletcher’s statements in the radio spots selectively highlighted issues she cared about, used inflection and wording that conveyed opinions, and encouraged the public to take action, such as contacting Assembly members. Under borough ethics rules, public officials must clarify when they are not officially representing the Assembly.

Although the Board determined that the violations occurred, it recommended no penalty for Fletcher. They were deemed “technical.”

Fletcher, who previously served as presiding officer of the Assembly and ran unsuccessfully for State Senate, could be facing further ethics scrutiny stemming from her time leading the Assembly.

Fletcher, a prominent attorney with the Northern Justice Project who has made her career filing ethics complaints against legislators and community members, is accused of failing to disclose an attorney-client relationship during a controversial Assembly meeting held in the early morning hours of July 25–26, 2024.

At that meeting, Fletcher participated in Assembly discussions connected to a letter to the editor that cited exaggerated claims about conditions at Lathrop High School and Tanana Middle School to justify a special election. The letter referenced hyperbolic statements made by Liz Reeves Ramos, who at the time was Fletcher’s legal client.

Borough Code 6.12.010(H)(2) clearly states that a public official “shall be disqualified” from acting on matters involving a client within the past year when the matter is directly related to their representation. The Code further states in Section R that a public official must not fail to disclose a conflict of interest.

Neither Fletcher nor Reeves Ramos disclosed the attorney-client relationship during the meeting. Under borough code, this conflict could not be waived by a simple declaration; they were required to be disqualified outright. Fletcher’s participation in the matter raises serious concerns about whether she improperly used her Assembly position to further her private legal practice.

Records show that on Sept. 28, 2023, Fletcher, acting as an attorney for the Northern Justice Project, entered an appearance in a case on behalf of Reeves Ramos, who subsequently won a seat on the Assembly in October 2023.

The ethics complaint about the July 2024 meeting was filed on Feb. 20, 2025, by Kristen Schupp, wife of School Board member Bobby Burgess.

During the ethics process, Fletcher disclosed that Schupp had previously volunteered for her campaign and contributed financially, while Reeves Ramos noted a friendship with Schupp. These connections were initially considered typical of a small community dynamic. However, the attorney-client relationship between Fletcher and Reeves Ramos significantly changes the interpretation of those conflicts.

The situation gives the appearance that Fletcher, acting as legal counsel for Reeves Ramos, may have facilitated a complaint from one of her own campaign volunteers in an attempt to benefit her client and fellow Assembly member.

The underlying legal matter between Reeves Ramos and Shelly Malcott involved allegations that Reeves Ramos, in her previous professional capacity, facilitated fraudulent claims to the State of Alaska. When the client, Malcott, posted criticisms on social media, Reeves Ramos responded legally, claiming fear for her safety. Although the case initially appeared closed, it was later reopened in 2024.

The Assembly’s special meeting Tuesday will address the current ethics findings. However, the additional allegations about Fletcher’s conduct as presiding officer could prompt broader investigations and further complicate her reputation as an expert in government ethics.

Jim Minnery: LifeWise Academy invites you to a Tuesday night event focusing on turning the tide

By JIM MINNERY

“All your children will be taught by the Lord, and great will be their peace.” – Isaiah 54:13

It’s not hard to see what’s happening in our communities. In Alaska. All across the country. Fear, division and strife seem to rule the day. And Christians, who hold the remedy to society’s ailments, often feel on the defensive, shut out of the cultural conversation. The life-giving Word of God is reaching fewer and fewer ears and eyes, especially among our next generation.

The inverse correlation between the following facts is not surprising to Bible-believing Christians.

All-time lows in church attendance, biblical literacy, and professions of faith.  

All-time highs in depression, anxiety and suicide.

Alaska Family Council is privileged to partner with LifeWise Academy to help turn this trend around. Our plan is to launch the first LifeWise Academy at Clark Middle School in the Mountain View neighborhood in Anchorage this Fall. Mountain View is the most diverse neighborhood in Anchorage, and one of the most diverse in the country.

Ultimately, we hope to expand this program statewide.

LifeWise Academy operates through a Released Time Religious Instruction (RTRI) model, which is voluntary, off-campus, and privately funded. Legally permitted by the U.S. Supreme Court ruling (Zorach v. Clauson, 1952), this model provides an innovative approach to reaching public school students with the gospel that has proven to build character, lower truancy and disciplinary issues and gain widespread support. 

LifeWise’s success lies in its scalable, community-driven model, which empowers local stakeholders to establish and sustain programs effectively.

Here’s how the model works:

  • Local Engagement: Communities form steering committees to generate interest, gather parental support, and take ownership of the program.
  • School Collaboration: LifeWise works with schools to ensure the program is voluntary, off-campus, and fully compliant with legal guidelines.
  • Curriculum Delivery: Powered by The Gospel Project, a nationally recognized resource.
  • Ongoing Support: LifeWise provides training, operational guidance and resources, including logistics management and marketing tools, to ensure long-term program success.

LifeWise’s model overcomes the traditional barriers of funding, logistics, and administration, enabling communities to launch impactful programs with confidence. Since their launch in 2019, LifeWise has rapidly grown to serve over 594 schools across 27 states, reaching more than 40,000 students weekly. This growth has only been possible by addressing the logistical and financial barriers that have historically limited Released Time Religious Instruction programs. 

LifeWise measures outcomes annually through educator and parent surveys to assess impacts on students’ Biblical understanding, decision-making, and behavior. In 2024, 95% of parents noted growth in biblical understanding, 83% reported increased faith-based conversations at home, and 78% said LifeWise helps their child make better decisions.

Educators also reported benefits, with 76% agreeing their school and students benefit from LifeWise, 62% observing a positive impact on decisions and relationships, 65% noting improvements in outlook and motivation, and 56% seeing better behavior.

Additionally, a study by Thomas P. Miller & Associates, measured the implications of LifeWise programming across multiple states. The comprehensive report highlights the program’s positive effects on student attendance and reduced suspensions in public schools.

Alaska Family Council is privileged to partner with LifeWise Academy to invite people to an exclusive screening on Tuesday, April 29 at 5:30 pm at Mountain City Church in Anchorage of “Off School Property – Solving the Separation of Church and State.”

The documentary, less than an hour in length with Q & A following, exposes the historical removal of the Bible from public education, a societal shift that altered the course of American society. “Off School Property” explores a balanced approach to religious instruction that respects constitutional boundaries, offering transformative benefits to students, schools, and communities—and the hope our nation and state desperately needs. Come find out about how we can stand by our public schools, without any expense, to turn the tide.

I hope you can join us Tuesday, April 29, for some inspiration we all need as the issue of public education continues to dominate the headlines. 

Jim Minnery is Alaska Family Council’s founder and president and is a board member of LifeWise Academy Anchorage.

Trump Administration to host Alaska LNG summit with Japan, South Korea in June: Report

Alaska will roll out the red carpet in June, as the Trump Administration’s National Energy Dominance Council is set to convene a high-level summit in Anchorage to advance the Alaska LNG project, the $44 billion initiative that would get Alaska’s liquefied natural gas from the state’s North Slope to global markets, according to a report from Reuters.

The summit will bring together leaders from Japan and South Korea, two of Asia’s largest LNG importers, to discuss potential investments and purchase agreements for the project.

The Alaska LNG project involves constructing an 800-mile pipeline to transport natural gas from Alaska’s North Slope to a proposed liquefaction and export facility in Nikiski. The project, which has been stalled for decades due to its high costs, the high cost of the expected natural gas, and logistical challenges, is a priority for the Trump Administration as part of its push to expand US energy exports, advance American energy dominance, and strengthen energy ties with non-Chinese Asian allies.

The summit, scheduled around June 2, comes around the timeframe of Gov. Mike Dunleavy’s fourth-annual Alaska Sustainable Energy Conference, June 3-5. At a pre-conference event on June 2, the US Department of Energy will give a presentation called, “Partnerships Driving Success in the Arctic.” It’s a half-day workshop with the National Laboratories, and Department of Energy staff.

The summit with Japan and South Korea will build on Dunleavy’s recent diplomatic and economic efforts to secure international support for the project. In March 2025, when Dunleavy traveled through Asia to promote the project, Taiwan’s state-owned CPC Corp signed a non-binding agreement to purchase LNG and invest in the project, which broadened its financial backing.

The Dunleavy Administration has been focusing on Japan and South Korea, both of which rely heavily on imported LNG to meet energy demands.

Separate from the summit, South Korean officials are planning a visit to Alaska in the coming weeks to further evaluate the project. Thai officials are also scheduled to visit, indicating broader regional interest in the initiative, Reuters reported.

The U.S. Department of Energy has emphasized the Alaska LNG Project’s potential to create jobs and stimulate economic growth, projecting it could reduce the US trade deficit by approximately $10 billion annually through LNG exports.

The Alaska LNG Project aligns with the Trump Administration’s broader energy strategy of leveraging US natural gas resources to restore energy security for allies and boost domestic economic benefits.

Capping campaign dollars is on House floor for Monday vote

A bill introduced in the Alaska House of Representatives proposes sweeping changes to the state’s currently unlimited campaign contribution system.

Sponsored by Democrat-backed Rep. Calvin Schrage, House Bill 16 would establish contribution caps across the board and embed long-term campaign finance mechanisms into law. Alaska is one of the few states where campaign contributions are essentially limitless after a previous too-strict cap was struck down by the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals in 2021 in the Thompson v. Hebdon ruling.

The bill summary reads: “An Act requiring a group supporting or opposing a candidate or ballot proposition in a state or local election to maintain an address in the state; amending campaign contribution limits for state and local office; directing the Alaska Public Offices Commission to adjust campaign contribution limits for state and local office once each decade beginning in 2031; relating to campaign contribution reporting requirements; relating to administrative complaints filed with the Alaska Public Offices Commission; relating to state election expenditures and contributions made by a foreign-influenced corporation or foreign national; and providing for an effective date.”

Key Provisions of HB 16:

  • Individuals would be limited to donating $2,000 per election cycle to a candidate or non-group entity. Donations to campaign groups would be capped at $5,000 annually.
  • Groups not classified as political parties could contribute up to $4,000 per election cycle to a candidate and $5,000 annually to other groups or entities.
  • Non-group entities would also face a $4,000 cap per election cycle to candidates and a $5,000 annual cap to groups and parties.
  • Joint campaigns for governor and lieutenant governor would see individual contributions capped at $4,000 per election cycle, and group contributions at $8,000.

Importantly, HB 16 maintains that entities making independent expenditures — such as political action committees operating separately from campaigns — would remain unrestricted, in line with the Supreme Court’s decision in Citizens United v. FEC.

Alaska’s politics are heavily influenced by these independent expenditure groups, most of them funded by Outside dollars, and many of them with ties to dark money from the Arabella Advisors network of liberal billionaires.

To ensure limits stay current with economic conditions, the bill directs the Alaska Public Offices Commission to review and adjust the caps every 10 years, beginning in 2031, based on inflation rates. It also stabilizes campaign finance reporting by prohibiting APOC from altering reporting formats or methods mid-cycle, giving campaigns consistency throughout an election.

Additionally, the bill clarifies that an “election cycle” begins when a candidate is eligible to accept campaign funds and ends when the candidate files their final financial report.

On Friday, Republicans proposed several amendments to HB 16, but none were adopted by the Democrat-controlled House. The bill is scheduled for its third reading and a final vote on Monday, where it is expected to pass with solid Democratic support and a split among Republicans.

Separate petition effort seeks different limits

Meanwhile, a separate movement is underway through a citizens’ initiative petition to place limits specifically on individual campaign contributions as well, and the petition may be irrelevant if HB 16 goes into law in its current form.

Citizens Against Money in Politics, a Juneau-based group headed by Democat activist Bruce Botelho, has attained the more than 26,000 signatures needed to be on the next general election ballot in 2026. Anchorage Rep. Schrage, sponsor of HB 16, is also part of this group’s leadership.

The group is supported by outside “dark money” entities associate with the Arabella Advisors. It proposes capping individual contributions to candidates at $500 per year.

People would be limited to donating no more than $2,000 to a non-party group entity, or $5,000 a year to a party or other group, $1,000 a year to a candidate. Groups may not contribute more than $8,000 each election cycle ($2,000 per year). Read the specifics here.

The top three contributors to the “Citizens Against Money in Politics” petition are the usual suspects, who made themselves and other entities like them exempt from the limits. They are: New Venture  Fund (Arabella Advisors), AFL-CIO, and NEA-Alaska.

The petition is being driven by outside and union interests trying to restrict grassroots support in favor of well-funded independent expenditure groups that would remain largely unrestricted. It will appear on the primary ballot in 2026.

If enough valid signatures are gathered, the initiative could appear on the ballot in a future election, giving voters a direct say on imposing stricter contribution caps apart from legislative efforts like HB 16.

Justice Department reverses Biden’s radical ‘legal right’ to transgender surgeries for federal prisoners

The US Department of Justice filed two documents Friday, reversing actions taken under the Biden Administration regarding gender dysphoria claims by inmates who claimed a constitutional right to transgender surgeries provided by taxpayers.

The Justice Department’s Civil Rights Division, now headed by Assistant Attorney General Harmeet Dhillon, withdrew a prior statement of interest in Doe v. Fuller v. Georgia Department of Corrections and submitted a new statement of interest in Fuller v. Georgia Department of Corrections. The filings, in the US District Court for the Northern District of Georgia, address claims brought by inmates seeking taxpayer-funded, elective surgeries as treatment for gender dysphoria.

According to the Justice Department, the Biden Administration’s filings misrepresented the law by relying on politically motivated medical guidelines and asserting an unfounded legal right to elective surgeries under the Eighth Amendment and the Americans with Disabilities Act.

“The prior administration’s arguments in transgender inmate cases were based on junk science. There has never been an Eighth Amendment right for inmates to demand elective and experimental surgeries. States’ limited resources need not be wasted to provide these dubious surgeries to inmates,” said Dhillon. “The prior administration’s nonsensical reading of the Americans with Disabilities Act was an affront to the very people the statute intended to protect.”

In both cases, the plaintiffs requested state-funded sexual reassignment surgeries, with previous filings suggesting such procedures constituted necessary medical care under the Americans with Disabilities Act. Today’s filings reject that position, emphasizing that neither the ADA nor the Constitution entitles inmates to optional medical procedures.

The Civil Rights Division’s updated filings aim to clarify the legal standards for inmate medical claims and ensure that taxpayer resources are allocated appropriately.

While some inmates want gender dysphoria to be considered a disability to be protected by law, transgenders are also fighting to have it normalized in the military and are taking their case to the Supreme Court to have it not labeled as a disability.

Trump Administration appeals to Supreme Court to reinstate ban on military service by those with gender dysphoria

The Trump Administration has asked the US Supreme Court to allow enforcement of a new Department of Defense policy that bars individuals diagnosed with gender dysphoria, or those living as a gender different from their biological sex, from serving in the US military.

The emergency appeal comes after US District Judge Benjamin Settle issued an injunction on March 27 blocking the policy from taking effect. Judge Settle ruled that the new restrictions likely violated constitutional protections, siding with plaintiffs who challenged the administration’s actions.

Now, America will discover if the president is, in fact, the commander-in-chief, or if the judicial system is actually in charge of the armed forces.

The Supreme Court instructed lawyers representing the challengers of the Trump Administration to file their response by Thursday, May 1, setting up a legal debate that will determine the near future, at least, of transgender military service. Trump’s decision to exclude transgenders from the military could be reversed by another administration, most probably by a Democrat.

On his first day in office, Jan. 20, President Donald Trump signed an executive order revoking a 2021 order issued by then-President Joe Biden, which had allowed transgender individuals to serve openly in the armed forces. Shortly afterward, Trump directed newly appointed Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth, and he is implementing the ban.

People with gender dysphoria experience psychological distress due to incongruence between their actual biological sex and how they feel about their identity. It is a mental disorder. Transgenders take medication and have surgeries to alter their appearance so that the world will mistake them for the opposite sex.

Others who have medical and mental conditions are routinely denied enlistment into military service. Other disorders that prevent people from serving include things like bipolar disorder, generalized anxiety, panic disorder, or PTSD requiring treatment or medication, eating disorders, attention deficit disorder, suicide attempts and history of self-mutilation.

In February, the Department of Defense formalized a new policy that, with limited exceptions, disqualifies anyone diagnosed with gender dysphoria or anyone who has undergone medical procedures to switch genders.

The lawsuit challenging the policy was brought by seven transgender service members in the military and one transgender individual seeking to enlist.

The lead plaintiff is Commander Emily Shilling, a naval aviator for 19.5 years who has completed more than 60 combat missions, and has worked as a Navy test pilot. Shilling began his transition in late 2021, during the Biden administration’s inclusive policy era. In court filings, he, now living as a she, emphasized that the Navy has invested over $20 million in his/her training and experience.

The plaintiffs argue that the Trump administration’s policy violates the Constitution’s Equal Protection Clause, among other legal protections.

The case represents the first major legal test of Trump’s military policies since his return to the White House and will determine who is actually in charge of the military and determining the policies thereof.

Mayor LaFrance recreating LBJ’s ‘Great Society’ in Anchorage with ‘10,000 homes in 10 years’

Anchorage Mayor Suzanne LaFrance is betting big on big and costly government intervention to solve one of the city’s most visible and pressing issues: Vagrancy and makeshift shanties in greenbelts by those who are living the outdoor lifestyle.

With her “10,000 Homes in 10 Years” initiative, LaFrance has launched a large-scale effort to build housing, expand shelter options, and provide services — all with the belief that the public sector can engineer a solution to what many consider a deeply complex social crisis that involves mental health and chronic substance abuse.

She intends to somehow build 1,000 residential units a year. It’s unclear how many will be subsidized by working Alaskans.

Yet, there are not 10,000 lots in Anchorage, which means the mayor intends to increase density, creating more low-income housing, much of which will be provided to people at no cost or greatly subsidized cost. Property taxes will increase to offset what some real estate professional predict will most likely become tax-exempt residential units.

The philosophy behind LaFrance’s initiative echoes another massive government experiment: President Lyndon B. Johnson’s Great Society, a sweeping federal program launched in the 1960s with the aim of eradicating poverty and racial inequality. While Johnson’s vision was to end poverty, the Great Society’s long-term legacy was more complicated. Generations have become trapped in a pattern of government dependency and handouts started in the 1960s under Johnson. Poverty has only decreased because taxpayers are subsidizing others with public housing, EBT cards, and free services of all sorts, from health care to subsidized phones and power costs.

Since the launch of the Anchorage housing strategy in July 2024, LaFrance says she has opened over 530 winter shelter beds, launched warming centers, abated two dozen encampments, and directed millions of dollars toward housing development. The administration’s message is clear: Government action and spending will turn the tide on homelessness.

But the truth is also more complicated. To compare, during the Bronson Administration, there were 360 beds in mass shelters in the winter of 2023, and another 200 non-congregate shelter beds (double-occupancy rooms) in hotels. There were other shelters as well, such as Brother Francis.

In other words, LaFrance has not provided more shelter than the previous administration, but she does present it to the public as though it’s a crowning achievement.

The problem? The tide hasn’t turned in Anchorage. Despite her efforts, the outdoor lifestyle in Anchorage appears to have grown, not shrunk. Encampments are visible everywhere, shelters remain overwhelmed, and public frustration is mounting. Inebriates, drug addicts, and criminals have once again taken over the city streets and trails.

Yet, like President Lyndon Johnson did before her, Mayor LaFrance insists the answer lies in simply doing more of the same: more housing, more services, more spending.

Johnson’s Great Society was one of the most ambitious expansions of federal power in US history. Programs like Medicaid, Medicare, food stamps, and public housing aimed to lift the poor out of poverty and provide a social safety net. But while it may have reduced certain poverty metrics, such as hunger addressed with food samps, it created a permanent underclass dependent on government aid. Mass apartment housing created ghettos like the Cabrini Green project on Chicago’s north side, which became a hotbed of crime and despair.

Rather than fostering independence, the Great Society entrenched bureaucracy, discouraged work, incentivized poor lifestyle choices, and eroded personal responsibility. As economist Thomas Sowell noted, “The black family survived centuries of slavery and Jim Crow, but it disintegrated in the wake of the Great Society.”

Now, it appears Mayor LaFrance is repeating the same mistake on a municipal scale, trying engineer a fix without confronting the personal, cultural, social, spiritual, and systemic factors that drive chronic homelessness.

LaFrance promises visible results in three years: fewer people visibly camping, more people in services, and new pilot programs like microunits and RV-safe zones. Skeptics note that Anchorage has already poured millions into homelessness with little to show for it.

“It’s déjà vu,” a Must Read Alaska reader said. “We keep layering programs on top of programs, but the root causes — addiction, untreated mental illness, lack of accountability — remain untouched. And without real change, no amount of housing will fix that.”

The administration promotes its dashboard and data tools as transparency, but even the most robust analytics can’t mask a simple truth: More programs don’t necessarily equal more progress. After all, the Anchorage Coalition to End Homelessness has been in the business of reducing homelessness for several years, but has had no measurable effect.

In Anchorage, 2,940 were “experiencing homelessness” in July 2024, a 54% increase in five years, while the residential vacancy rate is over 9%, with apartments renting for about $1,400 a month.

In her public statements, LaFrance emphasizes compassion and collaboration. But her approach leans heavily on accommodation, or making the vagrant and homeless lifestyle more tolerable.

Camp abatements are balanced with shelter beds added, but personal responsibility is rarely mentioned. Designated parking for RVs and “micro-units” for transitional living may offer temporary relief, but may just as easily institutionalize homelessness as a permanent lifestyle.

In seeking to copy the scale and vision of the Great Society, Mayor LaFrance may also be repeating its most damaging assumption: that government alone can fix a human heart or spirit that is fundamentally broken.

Last year, the Anchorage Assembly dismantled single-family zoning to allow more density in neighborhoods.

The Assembly has already created its own five-year plan of building less than 200 units a year, and passed a new zoning ordinance allowing multi-family in B-3 zoning, which is commercial zoning, requiring very little in the way of permits and very little parking spaces required.

Those B-3 lots may be the target for LaFrance, and there are a few of them in Spenard and Muldoon.

In addition, Rep. Andrew Gray has a legislative bill, House Bill 13, that would allow Anchorage to give property exemptions to “certain long-term rental units, certain mobile home parks, real property rented to low-income families, real property owned and occupied as a permanent place of abode, and real property owned by first-time homebuyers.” This would add even more property tax exemptions to the hundreds of exemptions being given to for-profit developers across Anchorage.

The people living on Anchorage streets and greenbelts are probably never going to pay rent. When they are put into LaFrance housing, the working and taxpaying public will be paying for it, just as taxpayers are currently paying for homeless to stay in hotels.

But with the current exodus of taxpaying citizens to the Mat-Su Valley, Anchorage homeowners may find their homes devalued by neighboring “projects” of Mayor LaFrance’s Great Society.

Liquor can be served by teens in Alaska restaurants, as SB 15 passes into law without Dunleavy’s signature

Senate Bill 15, which allows young adults who may still be in high school to serve alcohol to customers at restaurants in Alaska, went into law on Friday, without the signature of the governor.

The bill, sponsored by Sen. Kelly Merrick, allows a person aged 18- 20 to be employed and serve alcohol in establishments such as restaurants, breweries, wineries, distilleries, hotels, motels, and resorts.

Critics argued that those who are still in high school would be allowed to bring adult beverages to tables, and that restaurant staff, including cooks, are notorious for drug and alcohol dependencies, and that these are the people who will be supervising the 18-year olds.

According to the National Institutes of Health, food service workers are the heaviest users of alcohol of any occupation. Nationwide surveys indicate that their rates of heavy drinking are 15.2% vs. an average of 8.8%. Research shows that those at risk for alcohol dependence may self-select into the restaurant industry.

“Relevant risk factors may include work stress, low-income jobs, younger age, high turnover positions, living alone, and irregular hours,” NIH wrote in this research summary. “Problem drinking was reported by 41% of the sample. There were no significant gender differences in problem drinking. Rates differed significantly by age categories, with nearly 50% of those aged 21–24 years old reporting problem drinking. Approximately 1/3 of underage respondents (18 to 20 years old) reported problem drinking.”

The study says that the restaurant work environment may reinforce alcohol use through alcohol access, as well as workplace norms and culture.

“Workplace-based environmental influences and processes facilitate food service workers’ engaging in high levels of alcohol consumption, particularly after work,” the NIH reports, and the problem is exacerbated by restaurant workers who socialize together outside of the workplace.

Proponents of the bill said it will create more jobs for young people. The Alcoholic Beverage Control Board wrote to the Legislature asking for the bill to get favorable consideration and that it go into effect immediately, as the tourism season is starting in Alaska and the board believes this will be helpful to businesses.

Recently, the Anchorage Assembly passed an ordinance that requires servers to check the identifications of all patrons to ensure they are able to buy alcohol.

Senate Bill 15, now in effect, means that those who are not able to buy alcohol are able to handle it in additional ways in the work space than they have been able to do. Now, not only can they handle booze while clearing tables, they can bring fresh drinks to customers.

Perpetual funding racket: Teachers’ union uses public money to demand more public money

By DAVID BOYLE

A circular funding mechanism has the National Education Association NEA-AK and its affiliates using public money to lobby the Legislature for even more funding.  

Let’s zero in on the Anchorage Education Association, which is the Anchorage School District’s teachers’ union. AEA is part of NEA-AK. Its members include teachers, nurses, librarians, psychologists, physical therapists, occupational therapists, speech therapists, and audiologists.

How does this circular funding work?  

Teachers are paid using public funds and those who are union members must pay their union dues. For the AEA members, the dues are deducted from their paychecks the following amounts for these annual totals:

NEA-National dues: $208

NEA-Alaska dues: $753

Local AEA dues: $182.60

NEA-AK PACE dues: $15 (political action dues used for lobbying, campaigning) 

This year every Anchorage teacher who is a union member has $1,158.60 deducted from his/her paycheck to pay for lobbying, campaigning on the national level, and for negotiating even larger salaries and benefits from the school district.

Most members don’t realize that their dues also fund national candidates and policies with which they may disagree. These policies may include open borders, males participating in girls’ sports, transgender bathroom policies, Diversity, Equity and Inclusion, and that slippery term, “restorative justice.”

NEA-Alaska proudly states that it has more than 13,000 members. The Anchorage teachers’ union says it has more than 3,000 members. Those 3,000 Anchorage members would equate to more than $546,000 annually in just the local portion of the dues. 

The NEA-AK PACE dues ($15 each member) would total $195,000 for all Alaska members, which the union would use to lobby for more K-12 education funding.  This money would also be used to fund legislators’ campaigns.  That is a lot of power, and we all know that money speaks, especially in Juneau.

The circular funding process works like this:

School districts get funding from the State, mostly in the form of the Base Student Allocation. When the BSA increases, school districts get more funding; when school districts get more funding, the teachers’ union can negotiate for more salary; when union members salaries increase, the union can extract more union dues; when union dues increase, the union has more power to lobby for more funding, especially in the form of the BSA.  

This is a self-sustaining funding machine.

The AEA collected $3,130,286 in dues from its Anchorage members in 2023. Since 2019 the AEA has extracted more than $16,640,226 in dues in Anchorage.

Each member of the Anchorage teachers’ union paid $1,138 in dues that year, an amount that increased to the current $1,158.60.  That is money that teachers and other union members could have used to pay for rent, mortgage, food and utilities. 

But wait … There’s more! 

There are seven unions in the Anchorage School District and each one requires its members to pay dues, some of which can be used for political purposes such as lobbying for more funding. Here are the other ASD unions:

UNION2023 DUES5 YEAR TOTAL DUES
ACE $238,144$1,257,257
BUS (TEAMSTERS)$88,464$381,719
CUSTODIANS$278,772$1,481,399
FOOD SERVICE$90,631$491,929
MAINTENANCE$229,460$1,357,620
TOTEM$372,821$2,350,717

The total for all ASD union dues was $4,525,384 for 2023. Since 2019 the total union dues extracted from members was $24,458,704. That’s a lot of power to use in Juneau to get even more funding and dues extraction money.

If the Base Student Allocation is increased this year by $700, which is in the current House Bill 57, how much more union dues will the unions be able to extract for the money machine unions?  

What’s more, some legislators benefit from this money machine because if they vote for an increase in K-12 funding, the NEA-AK PACE and the other K-12 education unions will pour money into their campaigns.

One does not have to join a government union to keep his/her job due to the US Supreme Court Janus v AFSCME decision of 2018. To keep more money for you and your family, go here to opt out. 

It’s always a matter of following the money. In this case, the money flows freely and as the unions negotiate for more money, that money just feeds into the system. Feeding the machine provides more fungible money to spend as the unions see fit.  

David Boyle is an education writer for Must Read Alaska.