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Sen. Dan Sullivan: Another good week for Alaska, a very bad week for Chuck Schumer

By SEN. DAN SULLIVAN

In my address to the Alaska Legislature last week, I described two historic, competing visions for our state.

The first, which I strongly agree with, envisions unlocking the wealth of Alaska to create sustainable, private sector economic growth and good-paying jobs. The other sees our state more as a territory run by an absent federal landlord who protects us and occasionally gives us scraps from the wealth of America’s table to keep us happy. 

This arrogant federal landlord view of Alaska reached its zenith under President Joe Biden with his “Last Frontier Lock-Up”—an unprecedented 70 executive orders and actions exclusively focused on Alaska and shutting down our private sector economy, harming working families, and killing hundreds if not thousands of jobs.

Thankfully, it is a new day in Alaska. With the stroke of a pen, on his first day in office, President Donald Trump started to undo so much of the harmful Biden Lock-Up.

President Trump’s day-one, Alaska-specific executive order (EO) revived the optimistic vision for our state and sent an unmistakable message that unleashing Alaska’s extraordinary resources and creating Alaskan jobs is one of his administration’s top priorities.

This once-in-a-generation EO and the strong support we have from the new administration led to a very good week for Alaska.

Literally as I was delivering my speech, the Department of the Interior released another order—which implements key elements of President Trump’s day-one EO—to lift a decades-obsolete Public Land Order, PLO 5150, long used to hinder major resource projects in our state. This order not only puts ANWR and NPR-A back on the table for responsible development, it also enables the State of Alaska to select the lands along the Dalton Highway Corridor for conveyance, including the land beneath the Trans-Alaska Pipeline. This is huge.

Last week, we also saw important progress behind our massive Alaska LNG Project, which now has the full-throated backing of the President of the United States and his entire cabinet. On Thursday, Taiwan’s state-owned oil and gas company, CPC, signed a letter of intent with the Alaska Gasline Development Corporation to purchase large amounts of clean burning Alaska natural gas. My team and I have worked relentlessly with Governor Dunleavy and his team to achieve this momentum and support.

Finally, the Alaska Department of Natural Resources just recently announced its official North Slope oil production forecast, which estimates an official forecast of nearly 657,000 barrels per day and a high forecast of 931,000 barrels a day by 2034The renaissance on Alaska’s North Slope continues.

Needless to say, it was a very good week for Alaska.

At the same time, National Democrats and Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer recently experienced perhaps their worst week in years. Since the passage of the continuing resolution (CR) in the Senate, they have been at each other’s throats. Many House and Senate Democrats have been calling for Schumer to step down as Minority Leader. He even had to cancel his book tour because of security concerns. Was it because of right-wing agitators? No, these threats came from far-left radicals, if you can believe that. 

The Democrats have spent the whole week attacking the Senate Minority Leader, which gives him much less time to continue damaging our country—and, particularly, Alaska. Chuck Schumer is almost certainly the most anti-Alaska Senate Leader in U.S. history, with a particular disdain for Alaska Native people.

But none of this would’ve happened—good week for Republicans; chaos for the National Democrats—had the Senate passed ANY amendments to the CR we were debating on the floor, which ended up being the source of Schumer’s very bad week. In advancing the CR, Republicans showed unusual and critically-important unity. The House passed the CR with only one  Democrat supporting it and only one Republican defector.

Most Beltway prognosticators—and Chuck Schumer—didn’t believe House Speaker Mike Johnson could pull off this daunting task. But he did.

When that bill came over to the Senate, Chuck Schumer had one major goal in mind: bring amendments to the floor and get them to pass. Why? ANY amendment that passed would’ve required the CR to go back to the House. 

The federal government would have shut down, because the House had already recessed and left town; President Trump and congressional Republicans would’ve been blamed; and the Democrats’ complete disarray and civil war would not have happened over the past week.

So, Senate Republicans’ goal was to make sure no amendments were attached to the CR. That included an amendment offered by Senator Rand Paul to codify cuts made by Secretary of State Marco Rubio, in conjunction with DOGE, to USAID—America’s foreign aid agency. 

I agreed with the substance of the Paul amendment. We need to scrutinize waste that clearly exists in our foreign aid programs, and properly put USAID under the clear authority and oversight of the State Department. But the timing of this amendment would’ve been a disaster had it passed. It would have let Schumer off the hook, and put the blame and focus for a federal government shutdown on President Trump and House and Senate Republicans.

Thankfully, the amendment didn’t pass. Some have criticized me for voting against it, but the whole point of my vote had nothing to do with the policy, but everything to do with the practical consequences of it actually passing.

If the CR had not passed, not only would the government have shut down, this would have blocked the largest pay raise for junior enlisted troops in decades, major funding for the US Coast Guard, and other important priorities for Alaska. 

As Alaska’s Senator, I am firmly committed to right-sizing our federal government, tackling the national debt, and working with the Trump administration to unleash Alaska’s extraordinary resource potential. I am also committed to delivering as many “bad weeks” for Chuck Schumer as possible.

Sen. Dan Sullivan has served in the US Senate for Alaska since 2015.

Thirty-three Alaska House members raise white flag to Canada, turn their backs on President Trump

The Alaska House of Representatives passed a resolution on Monday that raised a white flag to Canada in the modest trade war that has developed between the United States and its neighbor to the north. They may have raised a red flag in the White House.

Although none of the House members has the inside track on how President Donald Trump is working the international relationship, House Joint Resolution 11 might be interpreted by the president as a direct rebuke to his efforts to balance trade.

The resolution affirms Alaska’s deep ties with its neighbor and opposes restrictive trade policies.

It is a symbolic surrender to Canada amid rising tensions fueled by Trump’s response to Canada’s high tariffs. The resolution, while meddling in international affairs, does not acknowledge the numerous executive orders that Trump has signed to help Alaska restore its economy.

Introduced by House Majority Leader Chuck Kopp, HJR 11 passed on a vote of 33-4, with two Republicans absent. Only four members voted against it: Rep. Jamie Allard, Rep. Mike Prax, Rep. Bill Elam and Rep. Cathy Tilton. All four are Republicans.

The resolution highlights the “mutually beneficial” relationship between Alaska and Canada, with their shared history, economic interdependence, and mutual defense efforts, such as last summer’s joint interception of Russian and Chinese warplanes near Alaskan airspace. It explicitly calls on the federal government to refrain from imposing measures that would “harm the unique relationship between Canada and Alaska or negatively affect our integrated economies.”

The timing of the resolution’s passage — on March 24 — comes just days before Trump’s 25% tariffs on Canadian goods are set to take effect on April 2.

The Trump Administration may take it as a slap in the face to the president and appears to be raising a white flag to Ottawa, prioritizing state concerns over federal policy.

The House members caved into the threats of British Columbia Premier David Eby, who has said he will impose additional tariffs for any trucks coming from Washington State to Alaska and passing through his province.

The resolution follows a similar measure, Senate Joint Resolution 9, sponsored by Senator Cathy Giessel of Anchorage, which was introduced to the Senate earlier this month.

Before the trade dispute escalated, Canada’s tariffs on U.S. goods varied. Some US goods were allowed into Canada tariff-free, while others, such as milk (up to 270% tariff on US milk), cheese (up to 245% tariff), butter (up to 298% tariff), and chicken (up to 237% tariff), have long had high tariffs.

The current 25% tariffs Canada has imposed on the US are a retaliatory measure that will be administered by the Canada Border Services Agency as a surtax on top of existing duties, targeting goods originating from the US.

Rep. Jamie Allard wrote about her decision to vote against the resolution:

“Today I voted NO on House Joint Resolution 11. President Donald Trump, immediately upon taking office, signed historic executive orders to help Alaska and undo the damage of the prior administration. He singled Alaska among all 50 states out for his help because he knows how much damage was done to us. His executive orders position Alaska and our nation for prosperity and greater national security. Alaska has never had such a president who was so pro-Alaska in all of our state’s history. Sadly, the House turned their back on him and passed HJR 11, which counters our president’s strategic policies. I consider this resolution to be misguided and anti-American, and I surely hope our president does not lose confidence in Alaska’s ability to be a strong and pro-American home of patriots who put America First,” Allard wrote.

In contrast to the white flag raised by the Alaska House, US Sen. Dan Sullivan wrote last week that the president needs to change the law that requires foreign-flagged cruise ships to stop in a Canadian port before continuing on to Alaska.

Congressman Begich’s third bill passes House

He’s been in office for less than three months, and Congressman Nick Begich has gotten his third bill passed by the House.

The US House of Representatives on Monday passed the “DOE and NASA Interagency Research Coordination Act.” Sponsored by Begich and co-sponsored by Congressman George Whitesides of California, who was former chief of staff at NASA, the legislation passed under the suspension calendar with strong support from both parties. It will not cost the taxpayers but it will improve space and energy research.

“With today’s passage of the DOE and NASA Interagency Research Coordination Act, we are solidifying a critical partnership that has powered America’s leadership in space and energy innovation for decades,” said Congressman Begich. “This legislation ensures that two of our nation’s most advanced research agencies work hand-in-hand, driving the next generation of space exploration technologies while also advancing energy and communication systems here at home.”

“As NASA’s former Chief of Staff, I know that research collaboration is critical to the overall goal of advancing America’s leadership in space,” said Rep. George Whitesides. “By formalizing NASA’s partnership with the Department of Energy through bipartisan legislation, we can ensure greater efficiency, oversight, and progress in space exploration and energy innovation.”

For over half a century, the Department of Energy and the National Aeronautics and Space Administration have routinely collaborated on groundbreaking technologies, including Radioisotope Power Systems, nuclear thermal propulsion, and surface power systems. The partnership had never been formally codified—until now.

Key Provisions of the Act:

  • Directs the Department of Energy and NASA to jointly pursue cross-cutting research and development initiatives.
  • Requires the two agencies to submit a report to Congress within two years detailing their collaborative work and future research plans.
  • Ensures that coordination efforts are achieved within existing agency budgets, without authorizing additional spending.

The formalization of this partnership is expected to streamline research efforts, enhance efficiency, and drive technological breakthroughs that benefit both space exploration and energy innovation on Earth. The bill now moves to the Senate for further consideration.

Alexander Dolitsky: Assimilation and acculturation take time and understanding

By ALEXANDER DOLITSKY

I was a presenter at the Juneau–Gastineau Rotary Club in January 2020, speaking on “Several Sanctioned Avenues for Immigration to the United States.” At the end of my presentation, an attendee asked a question: “Alexander, what was the most difficult area of your acculturation and assimilation in the United States?”

“My behavior,” I said without any hesitation. As I answered the question, I instantly observed the reaction of the audience; they expected a different, perhaps more obvious response, such as food, language, customs, economics, politics, appearance, etc.

True, for a newcomer’s adaptation, these socio-economic categories are essential for survival in a foreign environment. Nevertheless, people’s behavior (e.g., temperament, manners, demeanor, gestures, conduct, actions, bearing, comportment, preferences, motivation, ambition, etc.) is the most critical obstacle to acculturation and assimilation into new cultural traditions.

According to prominent American sociologist Joseph Eaton, “Acculturation is the adoption of cultural traits, norms, and customs by one society from another… There is no clear line that can be drawn between acculturation and assimilation processes. Assimilation is the end product of a process of acculturation, in which an individual has changed so much as to become dissociated from the value system of his group, or in which the entire group disappears as an autonomously functioning social system.”

All of us live within a culture. Most cultural descriptions have labels such as “middle class,” “American,” or “Yupik and Inupiat.” These labels often become associated in our minds with certain habitual features. One such attribute for “middle-class Americans,” for example, might be typical foods—hamburgers, hot dogs, and Coca-Cola. Of course, this is a very broad and superficial understanding of culture.

Culture is learned behavior passed from one generation to another—an ongoing process that changes gradually over time as a learned means of survival. In contrast, all animals adapt to their environment through biological evolution. If an animal was well adapted to its physical environment, it prospered. If it was not, it either evolved or became extinct.

As a result of biological evolution and adaptation to the northern environment, for example, the polar bear developed a thick coat and layers of fat to protect it from the Arctic cold. But the Yupik and Inupiat do not possess fur. They wear warm clothing, and in the past, made sod houses to protect themselves from the harsh environment. Their ancient tools and dwellings were part of their culture—their adaptive system that coincides with the polar bear’s fur.

In short, language, religion, education, economics, technology, social organization, art, and political structure are typical categories of culture. Culture is a uniquely human system of habits, moral values, and customs carried by society from one’s distant past to the present.

Acculturation and assimilation into a dominant culture by newcomers is a personal and self-determined process—the right to make one’s own decisions without interference from others. No one can force a newly arrived legal immigrant to accept the cultural traditions, lifestyle, and customs of his or her new country. The newcomer himself must see a socio-economic necessity and benefit in accepting new traditions and values in order ultimately to embrace and accept his or her new culture without external influence.

Normally, a dominant host culture determines and directs a process of acculturation and assimilation for new ethnic minorities. For example, it is expected that core Judeo-Christian values in the United States will be embraced and accepted by newcomers. However, a massive influx of foreign cultures may significantly influence an ethnic landscape, social programs, political dynamics, and core cultural values of a host country, as is evident today with a large and unvetted wave of illegal immigration from all directions to the United States.

In 1978, prior to my departure from Europe to the United States, the French lived in France, Italians in Italy, Austrians in Austria, and other nations, for the most part, in their own native countries. In the last 40 years, however, European countries, with the exception of a few (e.g., Poland, Hungary), have experienced and allowed massive immigration from deeply religious Muslim countries. As a result, it has created cultural chaos, degradation of Judeo-Christian traditions, and incited regional conflicts in Europe that are sadly beyond repair.

I first visited Alaska in 1981 while participating in archaeological field research for graduate school at Brown University. At that time, I was one of few, if not the only, Soviet-born people in Alaska since 1945 (Russian Old Believers arrived in Alaska in the 1960s from Oregon and South America).

In fact, from 1946 to 1986, during the Cold War between the U.S. and the Soviet Union, travel to Alaska was officially closed to Soviet citizens, just as Siberia was closed to American citizens. There was an exception for select scientists visiting both places for research-related purposes under the auspices of the International Research Exchange Board. In 1981, I was already a permanent resident of the United States, with the green light for traveling to Alaska.

Then, as a recent political refugee from the Soviet Union, my behavior was still typically Russian—direct, impulsive, critical, opinionated, and emotional (certainly, a very general stereotype of the Russian character). Fortunately, my sponsors and hosts in Alaska, Charles Holmes from Anchorage and Glenn Bacon from Fairbanks, were trained and professional anthropologists; they were able to understand my behavior and occasional awkward expressions cross-culturally and guide me through rough waters and unfamiliar landscapes.

After 40 years, Charles and Glenn are still my good and loyal friends. From the mid-1980s onward, Bill Ruddy, Robert Price, Wallace Olson, and Tom Hanley of Juneau played a similar role in my life.

On one occasion, a humorous cross-cultural incident took place in Fairbanks in the summer of 1981. Glenn’s in-laws invited me to their house for dinner. To experience Russian cuisine, they asked me to cook some traditional Russian meals. So, I managed to cook borshch (cabbage and beet soup) and authentic Salad Olivye (boiled potatoes cut in cubes, green peas, boiled eggs, cooked carrots cut into cubes, cubed ham, olives, onion, large pickles cut into cubes, and ½ cup of mayonnaise—all mixed together).

After dinner, I played the guitar and performed several Russian songs for everyone. At some point, Glenn’s mother-in-law approached me and confessed, “I had always envisioned Russians as tall, dark, with shaking hands. But you are different.” I only smiled in response and took her description of a “Russian man” without offense. After all, I was the first Russian she had ever met, except for the demonic Russian characters portrayed in Hollywood.

Indeed, the process of acculturation and assimilation can be long and turbulent for many legal newcomers. It is critical, therefore, for American society to be selective and yet inclusive, tolerant, and educated in cross-cultural communication in welcoming legal newcomers to our diverse and exceptional country.

Alexander B. Dolitsky was born and raised in Kiev in the former Soviet Union. He received an M.A. in history from Kiev Pedagogical Institute, Ukraine, in 1976; an M.A. in anthropology and archaeology from Brown University in 1983; and was enroled in the Ph.D. program in Anthropology at Bryn Mawr College from 1983 to 1985, where he was also a lecturer in the Russian Center. In the U.S.S.R., he was a social studies teacher for three years, and an archaeologist for five years for the Ukranian Academy of Sciences. In 1978, he settled in the United States. Dolitsky visited Alaska for the first time in 1981, while conducting field research for graduate school at Brown. He lived first in Sitka in 1985 and then settled in Juneau in 1986. From 1985 to 1987, he was a U.S. Forest Service archaeologist and social scientist. He was an Adjunct Assistant Professor of Russian Studies at the University of Alaska Southeast from 1985 to 1999; Social Studies Instructor at the Alyeska Central School, Alaska Department of Education from 1988 to 2006; and has been the Director of the Alaska-Siberia Research Center (see www.aksrc.homestead.com) from 1990 to present. He has conducted about 30 field studies in various areas of the former Soviet Union (including Siberia), Central Asia, South America, Eastern Europe and the United States (including Alaska). Dolitsky has been a lecturer on the World Discoverer, Spirit of Oceanus, and Clipper Odyssey vessels in the Arctic and sub-Arctic regions. He was the Project Manager for the WWII Alaska-Siberia Lend Lease Memorial, which was erected in Fairbanks in 2006. He has published extensively in the fields of anthropology, history, archaeology, and ethnography. His more recent publications include Fairy Tales and Myths of the Bering Strait Chukchi, Ancient Tales of Kamchatka; Tales and Legends of the Yupik Eskimos of Siberia; Old Russia in Modern America: Russian Old Believers in Alaska; Allies in Wartime: The Alaska-Siberia Airway During WWII; Spirit of the Siberian Tiger: Folktales of the Russian Far East; Living Wisdom of the Far North: Tales and Legends from Chukotka and Alaska; Pipeline to Russia; The Alaska-Siberia Air Route in WWII; and Old Russia in Modern America: Living Traditions of the Russian Old Believers; Ancient Tales of Chukotka, and Ancient Tales of Kamchatka.

Bob Griffin: Alaska vs. Mississippi show why education reform matters more than money

recent columnist compared Alaska and Mississippi in the percentage of the state budgets that goes to K-12 education. 

That simplistic view avoids the real story about the huge difference between Alaska and Mississippi state government spending. 

In Fiscal Year 2023, Alaska spent $21,485 per capita for state government. That was by far the highest in the country — 44% higher than the second-highest state and 2.7 times Mississippi state spending per capita of $8,058.

That doesn’t include the fact that Alaska is also number one in the nation in federal spending (excluding defense spending), receiving $8,628 per person, while Mississippi received $6,880 per person. 

Cost of living is not a very good explanation for our enormous budget differential with other states. Alaska has the 13th highest cost of living in the US and the lowest cost of living of any state that touches the Pacific Ocean according to the U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis, Regional Price Parities — putting Alaska’s cost of living at just 1.4% above the US average. 

As far as K-12 spending, Alaska was ranked the 2nd most adequately funded education system in the U.S. in K-12 funding adequacy, scoring 95 out of a possible 100 according to a recent study from Rutgers University. Misssisppi scored a 23 out of 100 and was ranked 40th in the U.S. in K-12 funding adequacy. 

Despite the difference in funding adequacy, the difference in student outcomes is pretty stunning in favor of Mississippi — despite having nearly double the poverty rate of Alaska, Mississippi was first in the nation in 4th grade NAEP reading scores for low-income 4th graders while Alaska ranked 50th in 2024. 

Strong educational outcomes aren’t predetermined by funding or poverty rates. Mississippi has put the actual policy reform in place that is making a difference, and it’s time for Alaska to do the same.

Bob Griffin is a former member of the Alaska Board of Education and Early Development and a life-long learner.

DOGE-Alaska: Document drop on how Anchorage Assembly spends on staff, and staff returns the favor

The Assembly has spent over $1.13 million on staff who serve individual Assembly members from 2018 to now. These are not the generalist staffers, but more like the legislative aides to each member. The Assembly hires them through a sole-source contract.

Here’s a list of the aides (some have moved on to other jobs) and amounts that individually have been paid to them. (Note that Yarrow Silvers, who was assembly aide to Assemblywoman Karen Bronga, is now a candidate for Assembly):

We wondered how much these staff members have donated to Anchorage municipal candidate elections.

The total is $27,952, which isn’t an overwhelming amount—but it’s 11 pages long of individual candidates and issues to which they have been donated. It’s the self-licking ice cream cone. Here’s the list:

What about non-Anchorage races, such as Legislature, governor and partisan party?

That dollar amount of staffers donating to campaigns is $28,353, which again, isn’t a lot, but it’s 13 pages long of contributions. Here’s that list:

Readers may find it interesting to see who the “players” are. For “easy reference,” here’s the same information as the above two lists, but listed alphabetically by contributor’s last name in all races; it’s 31 pages that shows 643 contributions:

Sally Duncan: What was really ’empty’ at the Fairbanks town hall? The empty rhetoric from the left

By SALLY DUNCAN

I attended what I believed to be a town hall hosted for Sen. Dan Sullivan last week, based on a flyer I saw circulating. As a conservative, I was curious to hear from my senator and engage in a productive conversation with fellow constituents. However, what I walked into was not a town hall, but rather a protest against the very man I came to hear from.  

It looked like a standard town hall event: It was advertised at theNoel Wien Public Library’s auditorium in Fairbanks, the location and time seemed to line up. But upon arrival, the scene was anything but what I had expected. Instead of a discussion about policy or the senator’s actions, there was a palpable energy of frustration and dissent.

An empty chair was placed at the front, a symbol of Sen. Sullivan’s absence, though no one took ownership of the event. A young lady approached me, holding a piece of paper with a QR code, asking if I wanted to stay updated on similar events. When I asked her who was organizing the event, she replied with a cryptic response: “There is a different person that takes that responsibility each time so that we don’t get targeted.”  I

couldn’t help but find the irony striking. A group of about 125-150 people, gathered in what seemed to be a safe space for free speech, were apparently so fearful of backlash that they couldn’t even publicly claim responsibility for hosting the event?  

The flyer in question, which I later discovered had been posted on the Native Movement website and their recent newsletter, described the event as an “Empty Chair Town Hall.”

In this instance, the event was framed as a way to hold Senator Sullivan accountable for declining the invitation to attend the meeting. Did he really decline, was he really asked/invited or demanded of?   

This “Empty Chair” event was a missed opportunity, a chance for people to vent their frustrations (real or imagined or made up) without offering real solutions. This event, far from facilitating a thoughtful exchange of ideas, seemed more like a performance aimed at making a point rather than fostering understanding.  

Do we get to hold them accountable for a “fake” townhall?

Sally Duncan is from Two Rivers, Alaska.

Alive! Missing plane reportedly spotted on Kenai lake

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KSRM News reports that the family of those aboard a missing plane on the Kenai Peninsula says it has received a report that the plane was spotted on a frozen lake, with people walking around it.

The Piper PA-12 Super Cruiser was reported missing Sunday night; the US Coast Guard launched a search at daybreak on Monday in the area around Tustemena Lake.

A friend of the family says that the plane went through the ice.

“Earlier this morning, a good samaritan aircraft located the plane wreckage near the eastern side of Tustemena Lake. At approximately 10:30 am, the Alaska Army National Guard rescued the adult male pilot and two juvenile passengers from the plane. The three persons were taken to a Kenai Peninsula area hospital for treatment of non-life-threatening injuries. The Alaska State Troopers would like to thank the Alaska Army National Guard, US Coast Guard, the Alaska Rescue Coordination Center, and the good samaritan aircraft that assisted with this operation,” Trooper said in a statement.

Must Read Alaska has left a message with the Department of Public Safety and will update this story as more information comes in.

Plane missing on Kenai Peninsula with three souls

A search is under way after a Piper PA-12 Super Cruiser, with tail number N3342M, was reported missing on the Kenai Peninsula. There were three souls onboard, according to the Alaska State Troopers on Sunday.

Troopers said the location is believed to be in the area of Tustemena Lake and the Kenai Mountains, east of Homer. The call came in late Sunday night. On Monday morning at daybreak, the US Coast Guard launched a search.

The plane is registered to a John Morris of Sterling. One man wrote on Facebook that his son and his two granddaughters were aboard the plane.