Sunday, October 18, 2026
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Work requirement for some Medicaid enrollees?

WALKER ADMINISTRATION SAYS THAT WILL BE ANOTHER $79 MILLION

The Walker Administration testified it needs up to 53 new employees at the Departments of Health and Social Services and Administration to ensure Medicaid-enrolled able-bodied adults seek employment, enroll in school or training, or become volunteers.

The expanded state workforce would include administrative judges to hear appeals from those who challenge eligibility decisions based on the work requirement.

SB 193, a bill that would require able-bodied Alaskans enrolled in Medicaid to obtain a modest level of employment was heard in Senate Finance Committee on Tuesday and the hearing will continue on Wednesday.

With SB 193, no more than 20 hours of work-like activity would be required of this “Medicaid Expansion” population, which is estimated to be 25,000. These are the people who enrolled when Gov. Bill Walker expanded Medicaid in 2015 to able-bodied adults without children who are under 138 percent of the federally set poverty level.

There are numerous exceptions in the work requirement for those who are parents of minors, who are caregivers, or who are over the age of 64, victims of domestic violence, or pregnant, for example.

The Walker Administration says the requirement would cost the State budget almost $79 million. That amounts to spending $3,160 on each of the Medicaid enrollees that lawmakers want to see making an effort to work or contribute to society.  With the administrative law judges included, it represents the creation of a significant new bureaucracy in order to impose a work requirement.

The sponsors of SB 193 say they want Alaskans who can work to wean themselves off of state benefits when possible and not make a lifestyle of collecting benefits. A job is the quickest way to get on the road to self-sufficiency. Sen. Pete Kelly of Fairbanks is the bill’s prime sponsor.

Upon hearing the Walker Administration’s cost estimate for the program, which the Administration says could also cost it federal funding, Senate Finance Co-Chair Anna MacKinnon hit the proverbial buzzer:

“Deputy Commissioner [John] Sherwood, I just would say that this is one of the most interesting fiscal notes I’ve seen. I appreciate the detail that you have and it appears the department does not want to do this.” – Sen. Anna MacKinnon

Later, MacKinnon said that she’d been on Finance for a long time and had heard many fiscal notes, but never had seen one like this.

“Fifty positions is a round number that the department continues to give us in multiple fronts trying to get more bodies in the Department of Health and Social Services for Medicaid expansion,”  she said.

Monica Windom and John Sherwood testify.

The fact that Commissioner Valerie Davidson was not the one on the hot seat in front of the committee made it clear that this was not the Administration’s idea of a good plan, and it was the mission of Sherwood and Monica Windom, who directs the Division of Public Assistance, to fend off the requirement. That’s a signal that the governor is unlikely to sign such a measure, even if it makes it through the Democrat majority House.

SB 193 follows the Trump administration’s ruling that allows states to place expectations of work on Medicaid beneficiaries who are able to work.

The state already has a work requirement for the Alaska Temporary Assistance Program, which provides cash assistance and work services to low-income families with children to help them with basic needs while they work toward becoming self-sufficient. ATAP is a subsection of the federal Temporary Assistance for Needy Families block grant.

SB 193 would have the state request a “waiver” from the federal government to start a 20-hour-per-week requirement. The Trump administration has approved similar waivers for Indiana and Kentucky, and several other states have work requirements pending.

Flags at half-staff for JBER soldier killed in Afghanistan

Alaska flags are lowered for Spc. Gabriel D. Conde, who died Monday of small arms fire in the Tagab District of Afghanistan in support of Operation Freedom’s Sentinel.

Conde, who was raised in Loveland, Colo., was with the 3rd Battalion, 509th Infantry Regiment, 4th Infantry Brigade Combat Team (Airborne), 25th Infantry Division, Joint Base Elmendorf-Richardson — the Spartan Brigade. He deployed to Afghanistan in 2017.

Conde ran track in high school and attended the Colorado School of Mines before enlisting in the U.S. Army in 2015.

According to the Loveland Reporter-Herald, Conde’s nine-month deployment was coming to an end and his division was headed home to Alaska within weeks, and he was excited to be returning home.

“He had the greatest heart; he loved people,” is how one of his fellow high school track teammates described him.

Pentagon officials said Conde’s death occurred during combat but provided no details about the mission, in which one unidentified American soldier was also wounded. That soldier is in stable condition at Bagram Air Field and is expected to survive. The attack left several Afghan troops also killed and injured.

Conde is the first combat death of the Spartan Brigade’s current deployment. Staff Sgt. David Thomas Brabander died in December when a vehicle he was in crashed in Nangarhar Province in December.

Gov. Bill Walker lowered Alaska and U.S. flags in Alaska until Friday at sunset.

To be clear: These wildlife refuges are for hunting, too

HB 130 – HUNTING LANGUAGE ADDED TO EDUCATE PUBLIC

The governor offered a bill this session to adjust survey definitions and correct old information about game refuges and critical habitat areas.

HB 130 did that housekeeping matter without fuss, something that the Department of Fish and Game had requested. When the bill arrived at the Senate, it accomplished a little bit more: In Senate Natural Resources, the bill received a slightly changed title, which added the word “hunting” to wildlife refuges around the state where hunting is permitted:

  • Anchorage Coastal Wildlife Refuge “and Hunting Preserve”
  • Yakataga State Game Refuge “and Hunting Preserve”
  • Mendenhall Wetlands State Game Refuge “and Hunting Preserve”
  • Susitna Flats State Game Refuge “and Hunting Preserve”
  • Minto Flats State Game Refuge “and Hunting Preserve”
  • Trading Bay State Game Refuge “and Hunting Preserve”
  • Creamer’s Field Migratory Waterfowl Refuge “and Hunting Preserve” — allows moose hunting with archery and muzzle-loader firearms. Hunting with guns is disallowed in the part of the refuge and hunting preserve within Fairbanks city limits.

It was a small gesture, but in an era where environmentalists are increasingly aggressive about insisting humans not disturb nature, the Senate majority wanted to make it clear that hunting is an acceptable and traditional use of these areas. It’s a case of “just in case.”

The language was added by Sen. Cathy Giessel, who is an avid outdoorswoman, who also changed the word “protect” to “conserve,” so that anti-hunting groups cannot weaponize that part of the bill to hurt the access of hunters.

Sen. Cathy Giessel

“America’s hunting tradition is an important way of life that is quietly eroding,” Giessel said. “Recognizing areas that allow hunting, and were created with hunting support, and are financially backed and preserved by hunters — this is an essential recognition.” 

The bill is also important for public safety: To some non-hunters, a game refuge is synonymous with a hunting-free zone. Giessel’s revised terminology helps newcomers understand that hunting is allowed in parts of the state that are urban — Anchorage coastal Southcentral and Juneau’s Mendenhall wetlands, for instance. This reduces user conflicts while reminding people about the importance of hunting to Alaskans.

Sen. Bill Wielechowski was opposed to the Senate Natural Resources Committee substitute language, and was among the four Democrats who voted against it. He spoke against it on behalf of those who had contacted him and said they were opposed to the measure.

House Bill 130 goes back to the House for concurrence.

Robert Mueller oversaw witch hunt against Sen. Ted Stevens

CONGRESSMAN LOUIE GOHMERT LAYS OUT THE CASE AGAINST FORMER FBI DIRECTOR

The following is an excerpt from “Robert Mueller: Unmasked,” a report published by Congressman Louie Gohmert of Texas, in which he makes several claims about a number of witch hunts conducted by the former FBI director.

Here’s the section of his report pertaining to Alaska Sen. Ted Stevens:

Ted Stevens had served in the U.S. Senate since 1968 and was indicted in 2008 by the U.S. Justice Department. One would think before the U.S. government would seek to destroy a sitting U.S. Senator, there would be no question whatsoever of his guilt. One would be completely wrong in thinking so when the FBI Director is Robert Mueller.

Roll Call provides us with General Colin Powell’s take on Ted Stevens:

“According to former Secretary of State Colin Powell, who had worked closely with the senator since his days as President Ronald Reagan’s national security adviser, the senator was ‘a trusted individual …someone whose word you could rely on. I never heard in all of those years a single dissenting voice with respect to his integrity, with respect to his forthrightness, and with respect to the fact that when you shook hands with Ted Stevens, or made a deal with Ted Stevens, it was going to be a deal that benefited the nation in the long run, one that he would stick with.’”

Such a glowing reputation certainly did not inhibit Mueller’s FBI from putting Stevens in its cross-hairs, pushing to get an indictment that came 100 days before his election, and engaging in third world dictator-type tactics to help an innocent man lose his election, after which he lost his life.

As reported by NPR, after the conviction and all truth came rolling out of the framing and conviction of Senator Stevens, the new Attorney General Eric Holder, had no choice. He “abandoned the Stevens case in April 2009 after uncovering new and ‘disturbing’ details about the prosecution…”

Unfortunately for Ted Stevens, his conviction came only eight days before his election, which tipped the scales on a close election.

[Read: Prosecutors hid evidence in Stevens case]

Does this sound familiar yet?

The allegation was that Senator Stevens had not paid full price for improvements to his Alaska cabin. As Roll Call reported, he had actually overpaid for the improvements by over twenty percent. Roll Call went on to state:

“But relying on false records and fueled by testimony from a richly rewarded ‘cooperating’ witness… government prosecutors convinced jurors to find him guilty just eight days before the general election which he lost by less than 2 percent of the vote.”

After a report substantiated massive improprieties by the FBI and DOJ in the investigation and prosecution of Senator Stevens, the result was ultimately a complete dismissal of the conviction.

At the time there was no direct evidence that Director Mueller was aware of the tactics of concealing exculpatory evidence that would have exonerated Stevens, and the creation of evidence that convicted him in 2008. Nearly four years later, in 2012, the Alaska Dispatch News concluded:

“Bottom line: Kepner (the lead FBI investigator accused of wrongdoing by Agent Joy) is still working for the FBI and is still investigating cases, including criminal probes. Joy, the whistleblower (who was the FBI agent who disclosed the FBI’s vast wrongdoing, especially of Kepner), has left the agency.” 

[Read: Why the FBI agent who botched the Stevens investigation is still employed]

Director Mueller either did control or could have controlled what happened to the lead FBI agent that destroyed a well-respected U.S. Senator. That U.S. Senator was not only completely innocent of the manufactured case against him, he was an honest and honorable man. Under Director Mueller’s overriding supervision, the wrongdoer who helped manufacture the case stayed on and the whistleblower was punished. Obviously, the FBI Director wanted his FBI agents to understand that honesty would be punished if it revealed wrongdoing within Mueller’s organization.

Further, not only was evidentiary proof of Senator Stevens’ innocence concealed from the Senator’s defense attorneys by the FBI, there was also a witness that provided compelling testimony that Stevens’ had done everything appropriately. That witness, however, was who agents sent back to Alaska by FBI Agents, unbeknownst to the Senator’s defense attorneys.

This key exonerating testimony was placed out of reach for Senator Stevens’ defense. Someone should have gone to jail for this illegality within the nation’s top law enforcement agency. Instead, Senator Stevens lost his seat, and surprise, surprise, Mueller’s FBI helped another elected Republican bite the dust. Unfortunately, I am not speaking figuratively.

In August of 2010, former Senator Stevens boarded his doomed plane. But for the heinous, twisted and corrupt investigation by the FBI, and inappropriate prosecution by the DOJ, he would have still been a sitting U.S. Senator. Don’t forget, one vote in the Senate was critical to ObamaCare becoming law also. If Senator Stevens was still there, it would not have become law.

In the following month after Senator Stevens’ untimely death, in September of 2010, a young DOJ lawyer, Nicholas Marsh who had been involved in the Stevens case, committed suicide at his home as the investigation into the fraudulently created case continued. The report expressed, “no conclusion as to his (Marsh’s) conduct,” given his untimely death. Robert Luskin, an attorney for Marsh, said, “he tried to do the right thing.” [https://www.npr.org/2012/03/15/148687717/report-prosecutors-hid-evidence-in-ted-stevens-case]

If you wonder what happened to the valuable FBI agent who was an upstandingwhistleblower with a conscience, you should know that in Mueller’s FBI, Special Agent Joy was terribly mistreated. Orders came down from on high that he was not to participate in any criminal investigation again, which is the FBI management’s way of forcing an agent out of the FBI. On the other hand, the FBI agent who was said to have manufactured evidence against Senator Stevens while hiding evidence of his innocence was treated wonderfully and continued to work important criminal cases for Director Mueller.

If you wonder if mistreatment of an FBI agent who exposed impropriety was an anomaly in Mueller’s FBI, the Alaska Dispatch noted this about another case:

“Former FBI agent Jane Turner was treated much like Joy (the whistleblower agent in the Stevens case) after she blew the whistle on fellow agents who had taken valuable mementos from Ground Zero following the 9-11 terrorist attacks. She took the FBI to court over her treatment and ended up winning her case against the agency after a jury trial. When you blow the whistle on the FBI, ‘it’s death by a million paper cuts,’ she told Alaska Dispatch. Turner said that agents who violate the FBI’s omerta [code of silence] — those who internally challenge the agency — are undercut and isolated. ‘They (Mueller’s FBI supervisors) do everything they can to get you to quit’ she said.”

[Read the entire report by Gohmert here: Gohmert_Mueller_UNMASKED]

Republicans to challenge Elections Division decision

WILLING TO TAKE THEIR PRIMARY INTO CONVENTION NOMINATING FRAMEWORK

The executive committee of the Alaska Republican Party has unanimously authorized chairman Tuckerman Babcock to protect the Republican primary and move forward with a lawsuit, or injunction against the Division of Elections, if necessary.

The meeting was called Monday after the party had notified the Division that three incumbent Republicans were no longer qualified to run in the party’s primary in August. The Division of Elections Director Josie Bahnke disagreed, and said unless the court orders her, she will allow any declared Republican to be on the Republican ballot.

Reps. Gabrielle LeDoux, Paul Seaton, and Louise Stutes had been the subject of a series of increasingly specific sanctions from the Republican Party due to their direct involvement in turning over the power of the House of Representatives to Democrats and indie-Democrats, even though a majority of Republicans had been elected in 2016.

Reps. Paul Seaton, Gabrielle LeDoux, and Louise Stutes.

After the three defected from their party to flip the control of the House, their district Republicans voted to sanction them, and those sanctions then went to the State Central Committee, which voted to withdraw all support for their candidacy. The committee later voted to deny them access to the Republican primary ballot.

But Bahnke has denied Republicans the power to control their primary ballot, although a Supreme Court decision upheld Superior Court Judge Philip Pallenberg’s decision to allow Democrats to control their ballots by allowing non-aligned candidates to run in their primary.

Josie Bahnke, Director, Division of Elections

Bahnke ruled that allowing candidates to run is a different matter than disallowing candidates to be on a party’s ballot. She wants another court ruling before she can allow Republicans that authority. Apparently, Bahnke has concluded that ballot control applies mainly to Democrats.

Republicans in Alaska have a closed Republican Party primary ballot, unlike the Democrats, which allow anyone to vote on their primary ballot.

ARP Chairman Babcock said the unanimous decision of the executive committee authorizes “any and all appropriate action by the chair to enforce our rules with respect to the integrity of our primary election.  The authorization includes the filing of an injunction or a lawsuit to compel the state to follow the constitution.  We recommend the chair proceed with all due speed.  Legal expenditures by the ARP may not exceed those available in the ARP Legal Trust Fund.”

The executive committee then voted to approve a special committee to study an alternative to a state-run primary: Nomination by convention. That is the method parties use at the national level to nominate Republican candidates for president, and other states use the convention method to determine their candidates for state office: Connecticut, North Dakota, South Dakota, and Utah, for example.

A nomination by convention would necessitate the party paying for it itself, rather than participate in the state’s primary election on Aug. 21.

[Read: Republicans assert rule: No LeDoux, Seaton, Stutes allowed in primary]

Walker says his approval rating are at a ‘two-year high’

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A PRESS RELEASE HOPING TO BOLSTER HIS ODDS

The Walker campaign today said that two different polls show that he and Lt. Gov. Byron Mallott are set to win against the man they have picked as their opponent: Mike Dunleavy.

The Walker campaign’s press release says Walker is enjoying a two-year high in the polls and holds a “commanding lead with independents, rural Alaskans, and likely voters.”

“The Walker-Mallott campaign today released in-depth analysis of multiple polls taken over the last two months showing strong and growing support for the unity ticket over candidate Mike Dunleavy. Dunleavy is a State Senator from the Mat-Su who resigned his position at the beginning of the 2018 legislative session in order to campaign. The research memo can be found here. “

The “multiple” polls are two, and they have weaknesses associated with them. The polls are one that Patinkin conducted in February and one that Ivan Moore did in March, when it appears the Walker campaign bought a few questions on the Moore Alaska Research Survey poll, which is a grab-bag poll, with questions for hire.

The “here” is a crafted message from the Walker campaign’s polling firm, Patinkin Research.

The analysis is far from in-depth, but shows the governor favorably, as campaign operatives would expect.

[Read: Ivan Moore poll changes rifle term to “assault weapon”]

The problem they have is that a Morning Consult poll from February that shows Walker as the least liked governor in the nation. Morning Consult is not associated with a campaign.

WALKER CAMP’S WORRY

But the release of the information from the Walker camp so soon after the release of a summary of the first poll is also seen as the campaign further settling on who it thinks is Walker’s main opponent and attempting to define that in the mind of the media. Walker is going to try to appeal to the swing voters now, rather than waiting until the Republican field shakes out.

Walker is still worried that Mark Begich, a well-known Democrat, will get in the race, another reason for releasing another polling-related press release. A recently leaked poll from the Begich camp shows that he would beat Dunleavy, 53-42. Begich has been shopping that poll around with potential supporters, and it’s from the same Ivan Moore grab-bag poll.

Dunleavy, too, can boast some strong poll numbers that show something entirely different: “Dunleavy for Alaska,” a political action committee that formed to run a parallel effort supporting his candidacy, says Dunleavy is beating Walker, 47-41 percent, with “unsure or someone else” winning 12 percent.

That poll was done by Dittman Research, which has accurately predicted the winners of Alaska gubernatorial and senatorial races 100 percent of the time for the last 50 years.

Not so, says the More poll: Walker approval ratings are improving. Only 35 percent of Alaskans have an unfavorable view of the governor.

“The poll has 44 percent offering a positive perception of Governor Walker. Only 35 percent have negative perceptions. Positive reviews for the Governor are now the best he’s received since March of 2016,” the white paper reveals. But the Ivan Moore poll measures favorability on a three-point, instead of a four-point scale, which skews his results to the “neutral” category.

And yet, Morning Consult’s poll in March showed Walker’s disapproval rating at 52 percent, and his approval rating at just 29 percent.

Patinkin soldiers on with the message that there’s even “more good news for the Walker/Mallot campaign, Democrats (44%) and independents (40%) are the two partisan subgroups most likely to be undecided. The centrist coalition spear-headed by the Governor will have an easier time appealing to these voters than the more conservative Dunleavy campaign.”

And yet, by his own numbers, Walker has just half of the votes from Democrats. The other half have not come back to him since he ran under the Democrats’ banner in 2014 and won all the Democrat votes, since the Alaska Democratic Party pulled its candidates at the last minute and replaced them with Walker/Mallott.

Other candidates running for governor in 2018 are Scott Hawkins, who is a businessman based in Anchorage, and Rep. Mike Chenault, of Nikiski. Both are Republicans.

Must Read Alaska welcomes civil comments on these Walker polls and the analysis given by the Walker campaign consultant.

Spenard palm tree was not the first in Anchorage

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AN EARLIER PALM TREE GRACED DOWNTOWN’S 4TH STREET

The saga of the neon-lit palm tree that once graced the Paradise Inn in Spenard jogged the memories of some old-timers, who were reminded of a time before Statehood when a similar palm tree was on Fourth Avenue in downtown Anchorage.

Denali Disposal owner Bernadette Wilson was instructed by the U.S. Marshal last year to dispose of the Spenard artifact however she wanted — and she wanted to keep it. She went to great pains to preserve it.

That palm tree salvage operation led to a protracted legal battle with the U.S. Attorney’s Office, which culminated with a judge awarding the tree back to the U.S. Marshal. After all, if the tree had value to Wilson, it must have value to the U.S. taxpayer, the judge surmised.

[The story with the unhappy ending is here]

On a tip from a reader, we dug up some photos of the South Seas Nite Club, and sure enough, there was the Spenard palm tree’s older sister, on 4th and G Streets.

The club was a popular hangout for military personnel stationed in Anchorage in the 1940s and 50s. These photos and more are found at the Alaska Digital Archives.

Poll: No change in AK attitude on semi-automatics

POLLSTER IS WEAPONIZING OUR FIREARMS…

A poll released by Alaska poll-driver Ivan Moore last week asked some of us if we want to ban “assault weapons” in Alaska.

48 percent of his 761 survey sample said yes.

The media took the bit and ran with the story, never questioning why Moore used the term “assault weapon” to describe a semi-automatic rifle that is widely used in Alaska.

There’s no real news in that number, other than the fact that shootings at schools and night clubs over the past year did not alter the opinion of gun-toting Alaskans.

Why? Moore’s poll result is the same as the last one he conducted for the Alaska Dispatch News in late 2016, when he asked nearly the same question, but called the rifle something else: “Do you support or oppose a ban on the sale of semi-automatic weapons in Alaska?”

47.2 percent supported a ban in 2017. The polls have a margin of error of about 3.6 percent, he says.

(Note to Moore: Almost all handguns sold today are semi-automatic, and they are firearms, not weapons, unless used as weapons.)

A recent CNN poll reveals 53 percent of Americans want a ban on AR-15 semi-automatic rifles, and Moore’s poll shows that only five percent fewer Alaskans share that sentiment.

WHO WAS THE CLIENT FOR THOSE GUN QUESTIONS?

Ivan Moore’s current business model is to do a grab-bag poll that sells clients questions, because there are so few clients left in Alaska who can afford a $50,000 poll.

Those gun questions did not end up on the Moore poll by accident, nor would Moore simply throw a series of questions in for his own amusement.

Someone in Alaska paid for gun-related questions to be tested. There was money changing hands to get some information for someone to make a decision.

[Read: The Ivan Moore poll on gun attitudes, 2018: tony181gunfrq ivan moore gun survey]

The person who wants that information is in Anchorage, Must Read Alaska has learned. He’s a well-heeled Democrat with an interest in funding the current “youth movement” in Anchorage to restrict guns. Those youthful gun restricters will also reliably vote Democrat, so this is a two-for-one political action committee in the making.

But Moore’s poll will not give his client much comfort: Alaskans are not changing their minds on the Second Amendment, even after the tragedy in Parkland, Florida.

And then, there’s this:

SEMI-AUTOMATIC RIFLES — THE SUBSISTENCE HUNTER’S CHOICE

The use of modern sporting rifles — semi-automatics with detachable magazines — has grown in popularity in recent years. The National Rifle Association says 25 percent of the rifles produced in the United States are AR-15s or similar semiautomatic styles.

In Alaska, that number is higher, with some firearm experts estimating that between 50-80 percent of Alaska rifle owners own a semi-automatic, some of which are AR-style in shape. The actual numbers are hard to come by, because gun owners keep this information private.

The semi-automatic users are primarily rural Alaskans, where these firearms are the rifle of choice for subsistence hunters who are hunting caribou, an animal where there is a multiple bag limit of five a day — or no limit, in some game management units. They also hunt marine mammals, like seals, with them.

In other words, Moore’s poll asked the urban telephone respondents if they want to ban semi-automatics.

He didn’t tell them that the ban would lead to the confiscation of guns that hunters use to feed their families.

It’s another indication that the poll is skewed on this question. How many of respondents knew that the AR-15 is simply a semi-automatic rifle — i.e., a subsistence rifle in Alaska — not an “assault weapon?” Do 48 percent of Alaskans want to take away the hunting rifles of Alaska’s indigenous people?

WHAT ELSE IS IN THAT POLL?

Alaskans are not seeing the whole poll, but Moore’s poll also revealed some other intelligence:

  • 49 percent support a ban on high-capacity magazines. Nationally, CNN says 63 percent favor the ban.
  • 67 percent support setting a mandatory age of 21 or older to own a gun. Nationally, CNN pegs it at 71 percent favoring an age-related ban. In Alaska, you must currently be 18 to buy a gun.
  • 45 percent say the laws about firearms sales should be stricter, while 53 percent say they should be less strict or left alone.
  • 45 percent of Alaskans support teacher’s carrying guns on campus.
  • 84 percent support a petition for judges to be able to confiscate guns.
  • 19 percent of Alaskans live in a household with a National Rifle Association member.
  • 67 percent of respondents say their household has a firearm. The number is likely higher, as people typically are reluctant to say.
  • 16.6 percent of respondents said they own a semi-automatic “assault weapon” like an AK-47 or AR-15. Again, the number is likely higher, but privacy weighs heavy on owners of guns.
  • 81 percent of respondents said they do not read the print edition of the Anchorage Daily News ever. Less than 7 percent read it every day.
  • 65 percent said they don’t read the online edition of the Anchorage Daily News — ever.
  • 70 percent of respondent do use the internet for news.
  • 27 percent of respondents claimed to be Republican, 14 percent Democrat, and 59 percent something else.
  • 37 percent said they are conservative, 46 percent moderate, and 17 percent progressive.

Of course, the real poll on guns in Alaska is the one taken at the cash register: 67 percent of Alaskans have a gun in the house, and many have more than one.

MOORE: NOT ALWAYS ON TARGET

The question for critical thinkers is whether that new Moore poll is accurate. Moore’s polls are not well-regarded due to their wildly inaccurate results.

For example, in 2014, just two weeks before the General Election, Moore said candidate Forrest Dunbar trailed Rep. Don Young by one point, 43-44. In a smaller sample, Moore had Dunbar winning handily.

Young won 52-41, nearly 11 points ahead.

Moore also sampled the race between Mark Begich and Dan Sullivan for Senate in late October, 2014, just days before the election. He predicted that Begich would win, 48-42 against Sullivan.

Even the New York Times got a tingle up its leg on that one, writing hopefully: “The state fell off the radar over the last few weeks because just about every unsponsored survey was showing Dan Sullivan, the Republican, in the lead …Then, on Monday evening, Ivan Moore Research showed Mr. Begich ahead by a modest margin.”

“Unsponsored” was the key word. Likely, Moore had a sponsor for his poll.

The final result was 48-46, with Sullivan winning over Begich and Ivan Moore ending up with an 8-point miss.

The only way people can judge whether a poll is any good is by looking at the pollster’s track record.

FiveThirtyEight.com looked at that track record and gave Ivan Moore a “C” grade, with 40 percent of races called correctly.

 

John Torgerson is interim co-chair of Denali Commission

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(Sen. John Torgerson, Northern Gas Pipelines photo by Dave Harbour) 

Alaska’s congressional delegation today announced that former State Sen. John Torgerson of Soldotna will serve the Denali Commission as the  Interim Federal Co-Chair. The position is the person who runs day-to-day operations.

The appointment comes following a letter the delegation sent to Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross, requesting an interim federal co-chair as the Trump Administration vets candidates to fill the vacancy left by Joel Neimeyer, whose resignation took effect April 20.

“The Denali Commission plays a crucial role in the lives of Alaskans – especially to the health and economic development for those living in rural Alaska. John Torgerson’s vast experience in rural transportation and infrastructure, coupled with his wealth of knowledge in government small business, and budgeting will enable him to effectively meet the needs of the Denali Commission and the Department of Commerce,” said the letter from the Alaska delegation. “We have the utmost confidence that John will be a great fit to assist the Denali Commission during this time of transition as it continues its important mission of improving life in rural Alaska.”

For more information about Torgerson and the process for selecting a new Denali Commission Federal Co-Chair, view the letter sent by the delegation to Secretary Ross here.  

The commission was established by Congress in 1998 to fund economic development and infrastructure in rural Alaska and also serves as the lead agency to assist communities facing coastal erosion, flooding, and permafrost degradation threats. In the FY18 government funding bill, $30 million was allocated for the Commission to continue its critical mission of addressing infrastructure needs in rural Alaska.

Torgerson was elected to the State Senate in 1994 and 1998. Born in 1947, he has been a resident of Alaska since 1950.