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Juneau could do worse than Etheridge for Senate

AN OLD-SCHOOL LABOR GUY WHO WANTS JOBS FOR BLUE COLLAR WORKERS

By ART CHANCE
SENIOR CONTRIBUTOR

I don’t live in Juneau any more, but if I did, I’d probably be putting out yard signs for Don Etheridge’s Senate campaign.  Don is a union guy, so he’s a Democrat, but he’s the kind of Democrat that you can do business with; the kind of Democrat I used to be long, long ago.

You can’t be a Mat-Su Valley sort of Senator from Juneau.  I haven’t kept up with the district definitions lately, but Juneau is essentially two towns.   Downtown Juneau and Douglas Island are the Northern Edge of Ecotopia;  the Citizen’s Committee Against Virtually Everything (CAVE) people form the Politburo there.  That’s District 33, which in 2014 gave Bill Walker the highest percentage of votes of any district in the state — 64 percent.

If you live “out the road” in the Mendenhall Valley and beyond you feel like you need a visa to go downtown or Douglas.  Out the Road is District 34. In 2014, Bill Walker only received 49 percent of the vote for governor.

Who gets elected to the downtown House seat is decided over chardonnay and brie in somebody’s living room on Chicken Ridge or on 10th Street, so elections are pretty much a sham downtown.  That enables the communists — excuse me — Democrats, to devote all their efforts to deciding who gets elected from the Valley, which in this case is the Mendenhall Valley.

Don Etheridge, Cathy Munoz

Bill Hudson and Cathy Munoz have been Republicans elected from the Valley with enormous effort and expenditure to overcome the opposition from the Left. They’re better than a real Democrat, but not much.

After Sen. Kim Elton went to Hell, or as it’s called, Washington, D.C., to work under President Barack Obama, Dennis Egan became Juneau’s senator. Egan is far more conservative than Juneau Democrats would countenance had his name not been Egan. But there was no way Rep. Beth Kerttula was getting confirmed as a senator, so Egan pulled the short straw. Now Egan is leaving the Senate and the seat is, once again, open.

There is a line-up of lefty punks who’d like to be senator, and a Democrat Party that will pay for it.

And then there is Don Etheridge, who belongs to neither Democrats or Republicans.  I don’t remember when I first met Don; he was an executive board member as I recall when I was on the executive board of Laborer’s Local 71 back in the 1970s or early ‘80s.  We at least knew of each other, as we were on the union side. Unions, in those days, were made up of trade unionists, not communists.

In Local 71, we were understudies, disciples really, of Al Baffone. To this day even though I wound up on the opposite side of the table from him, I’ll freely admit that anything I ever knew about my trade, I learned from Al – and I beat him a few times.

Al Baffone

What we were about in those days was simply getting a decent deal.  We weren’t much about politics and most of us were pretty conservative, at least socially conservative.  None of us were communists; we were the inheritors of George Meany’s purge of the communists from the AFL-CIO in the Fifties.  We just wanted MORE, as Gompers said a century ago. We’d take what we could get, but we knew when there wasn’t any more blood in the turnip.

I went to work for State Labor Relations in 1987.  My co-workers were mostly college-educated white collar elitists, and I was a former member of the Laborer’s Union; we had our issues. It really shocked me how much they hated the State’s blue collar workers, and they weren’t real fond of me because of my association with them. The reality was that Al Baffone and the Laborers had embarrassed them.

Don got special opprobrium because in those days he was the State’s highest paid employee. He was responsible for maintenance of the State’s ferry docks. And by operation of the Fair Labor Standards Act and the Local 71 agreement, Don pretty much lived on overtime, Local 71’s version of very lucrative overtime pay.

Later on, he was with the District Council of Laborers and I was with the State. As I recall we never met in a hearing room, but we spent a lot of time in the Capitol halls.

Don Etheridge is a rational, practical man; Juneau can and has done a lot worse.

Art Chance is a retired Director of Labor Relations for the State of Alaska, formerly of Juneau and now living in Anchorage. He is the author of the book, “Red on Blue, Establishing a Republican Governance,” available at Amazon. He only writes for Must Read Alaska when he’s banned from posting on Facebook. Chance coined the phrase “hermaphrodite Administration” to describe a governor who is simultaneously a Republican and a Democrat. This was a grave insult to hermaphrodites, but he has not apologized.

Heads and tails: Who is running for office? Don Etheridge of Juneau

 

May is a busy month for filing for office. Be sure to keep up with who is jumping in the deep end of the pool by opening your Must Read Alaska Monday Newsletter and Wednesday and Friday News Flashes. Subscribe on the right side of this page.

The June 1 filing deadline fast approaches. Here are the recent additions to the political season:

Don Etheridge: For the District Q seat representing the capital city, union favorite Don Etheridge of Juneau has filed for Dennis Egan’s Senate position, which will put Egan’s aide Jessie Kiehl in a tough spot.

Kiehl, a Democrat who also serves on the Assembly, wants that Senate job, but Etheridge has union support.

Etheridge is undeclared with any party and is pro-Juneau Access Project. Kiehl is Democrat and anti-road. This will end up being a referendum on the road.

A 1971 graduate of Juneau-Douglas High School, Etheridge has decided to not run in the Democrats’ primary, but go on the ballot via petition.

Etheridge was once described by Must Read Alaska columnist Art Chance this way: “I like Don Etheridge; he’s a big, avuncular working-class hero kind of guy who had the distinction of once being the most expensive employee in State government. Etheridge is the Alaska State District Council of Laborers’ lobbyist in Juneau; he is a fixture in the halls of the Capitol and can get an appointment with anybody who is anybody in State government, whether the Administration is Democrat or Republican. He also has a cool tugboat.”

That is handy because he has also been chairman of the Docks and Harbors Committee for the City and Borough of Juneau. Read Art’s column from 2016 here.

Previously, Larry Cotter has filed for the District Q seat. He is a nonpartisan and will also file as a petition candidate.
Must Read Alaska is told Jessie Kiehl is planning to get in by June 22.
Tiffany Zulkosky
Tiffany Zulkosky: Rep. Zulkosky was appointed to replace the slap-happy Zach Fansler of Kotzebue, who was forced to retire after some dating violence allegations. She has filed to run for the seat.

House Democrats limp across finish line

SEXUAL HARASSMENT AND NO-RULES CAUCUS TOOK ITS TOLL

The drama of the Alaska House both last year and this year culminated this month with a painful limp over the finish line after a brutal 18 months of a “no caucus rules” Democrat-led majority.

To review:

Just last year, the new House liberal majority, feeling its oats and ready to rumble, censured Rep. David Eastman , a freshman Republican, for comments he made while not in the chamber.

Rep. Ivy Spohnholz led the chest-beating about Eastman’s remarks about rural women and their possible abortion-and-shopping trips to the city. Democrats, including Reps. Dean Westlake and Zach Fansler, chastened Eastman and tried to shame the Republican minority in the House, too.

A year later, not one, but three of the Democrats were forced from office for offenses against women: Westlake and Fansler were removed. Rep. Justin Parish was shamed into not running again. At least one other is running scared — scared that people will find out about his dalliances with staff members.

In happier times, Gov. Bill Walker poses with Reps. Zach Fansler and Dean Westlake, who he pushed into office.

The Democrats went from a majority of 22 to a fragile majority that teetered on 21 and at times 20, as first Rep. John Lincoln and then Rep. Tiffany Zulkosky were selected to replace Westlake and Fansler. They were solid, but they were brand new.

The Democrats were in trouble. They had a nonbinding caucus and the Rules Chair, Rep. Gabrielle LeDoux, had but one friend left in the House — Rep. Louise Stutes of Kodiak. By April things were going quite sideways for both of those women, who had already been kicked out of the Alaska Republican Party for double-crossing the Republican caucus.

Rep. Sam Kito

Then Rep. Sam Kito of Juneau said he wasn’t running again, and his votes and behavior started making the Democratic majority nervous.  He was erratic. They could not count on him.

This weekend, the operating budget was held up in the House for 24 hours because Kito was demanding that LeDoux be kicked out of the caucus. That, and he wanted $40 million for the ferry system. Or else.

The House leadership was split for much of the session, not only over whether to pay out a full Permanent Fund dividend, but also they were divided on the details of the restructuring of the Permanent Fund, moving to an endowment model — the POMV, as its called.

Between the reputation hits the Democrats were taking with Westlake, Fansler, and Parish, and the mess that the House had made in the fall during special session, when the governor asked for fixes to Senate Bill 91, (Senate Bill 54 reforming criminal justice reform), things had snowballed.

Democrats had sought repeated taxes on Alaskans and had gotten none, as the Senate held firm.

They’d sought levies on the oil industry, and gotten none, as the Senate held firm.

They had rashly tried to stuff the capital budget into the operating budget in 2017 (which ultimately went nowhere) and in 2018 sent over an education funding package to the Senate that had no funding attached to it (yet another embarrassment).

And this year, they all face re-election.

The Senate, a solid conservative majority, recognized that the House was in a mess and offered help: Pass a POMV bill and you can have your education funding for this year and next, the Senate offered. The House could either dig in its heels or agree. It agreed.

Reps. Geran Tarr and Louise Stutes

And miraculously, even Rep. Geran Tarr, who is rabidly anti-oil, pulled back her oil tax bill. Her co-chair of Resources Committee, Rep. Andy Josephson, let the oil tax credit bonding bill move ahead, even through he hates tax credits.

It was almost as if the House Democrats were saying, “OK, we’ve tried it the Bernie Sanders way. Now let’s try it the Joseph Lieberman way.” Enough of ideologues, it was time to deal.

And so, no taxes on Alaskans.

No taxes on oil producers.

Full funding of education.

Creative funding mechanism for past-due oil tax credits.

Funding for troopers.

And a budget that is bigger than what the Senate wanted but not embarrassingly so.

Speaker Bryce Edgmon

Speaker Bryce Edgmon, who had watched as his entire no-rules caucus nearly come apart at the seams with class warfare breaking out all over, was able to bring his whole difficult crew together to adjourn in the wee hours of Sunday morning.

Some say there is a maturing that has occurred. Others say it’s been a humbling experience for the Democrats, who have been embarrassed repeatedly by their butt-grabbing, cheek-slapping colleagues.

Being in a position where they have actually had to lead may have forced some of the Democrats to understand that lawmaking is about the art of compromise with an imperfect organization made up of mere mortals.

 

Stealth anti-Pebble resolution on Mat-Su agenda?

The borough manager of Mat-Su is asking the Assembly to approve a resolution that some say is a stealth endorsement of the “Yes for Salmon” initiative that appears to be headed for the November ballot. That initiative is a shot across the bow of the proposed Pebble project in western Alaska, but also has industries worried across the state.

Manager John Moosey’s resolution wording is elastic, but supports “requirements that outline a clear standard so that responsible resource development protects our fisheries and enhances our communities and our economies.”

The resolution is on the consent agenda of the Assembly’s Tuesday meeting. That’s what has some eyebrows raised.

Consent agendas typically are approved without much discussion, allowing governing bodies to sweep up routine business into one action. The items on a consent agenda are considered noncontroversial and self-explanatory, matters that can be consolidated and approved with one motion and vote, and usually take less than 30 seconds of a meeting.

The resolution loosely describes the need for “science-based standards and forward looking policies to help ensure a balance between the critical fish and wildlife resources of the region with other needs of the population, including responsible resource development.” These are all things that the State is already charged with doing — using science and balancing competing needs.

Skeptics wonder where the wording came from and who is behind the resolution. Brian Endle, one such critic, wrote that the resolution will:

  • Increase restrictions on nearly all development, especially the oil industry
  • Increase the ability of groups inside or outside of Alaska to bring litigation against Alaskan industry
  • Increase project time span and costs for Alaskan industry via permitting
  • Drastically increase the cost and decrease the ability to build ice roads in Alaska
  • Support riparian regulations (government regulation of shoreline)

But Borough Manager John Moosey explains that in 2017, the Alaska Board of Fisheries made a recommendation to strengthen the Department of Fish and Game’s permitting program by considering the creation of enforceable standards aimed at protecting fish habitat and guiding the permitting process. Alaska’s Title 16 has not been updated since statehood, he wrote.

However, the Yes for Salmon (or Stand for Salmon) initiative proponents are saying the same thing: A rewrite of Title 16 is needed to prioritize salmon habitat over all other needs and human endeavors. Yes for Salmon is a requirement that all andronomous fish be protected through stringent regulations throughout the watersheds of Alaska.

Some say that will destroy  mining, oil, and gas, and that the initiative is a naked attempt to shut down the Pebble Project by creating standards that are impossible to meet.

The Mat-Su Borough meeting is Tuesday, May 15 at 6 pm in the Assembly Chambers, 350 E. Dahlia Ave., Palmer.

Legislature passes operating budget

The House and Senate passed the final version of the State’s operating budget for the fiscal year starting July 1. Now, adjournment is just some formalities away.

With $3.1 billion in unrestricted general funds added to a previously passed $1.28 billion education budget, the total is $4.39 billion, plus $1 billion for Permanent Fund dividends of $1,600 each to qualifying Alaskans.

The minorities of each body voted against the budget, (Republicans in the House voted no, and two Democrats and two Republicans in the Senate did the same. Sen. Begich and Wielechowski, both Ds, voted for the budget, with Republicans Shelley Hughes and Mike Shower voting against it.)

This year’s operating budget inched higher than last year’s by $170 million, but is still $1 billion less than 2015.

The budget increases come in large part from the Department of Health and Social Services due to the Walker administration actively recruiting applicants for the traditional part of Medicaid (not the expansion), where the state must pay 50 percent of the cost.

The budget draws $600 million from the Constitutional Budget Reserve and covers some of the gap with a structured, sustainable drawdown of $2.7 billion from the earnings portion of the Permanent Fund, based on an endowment model approach called POMV — percent of market value. The Legislature earlier had passed the structure necessary to limit the amount of money lawmakers can spend from the Permanent Fund’s earnings.

None of this came with the multiple taxes that have been sought by Gov. Bill Walker and the House Democrats since 2015. The budget is also smaller than that requested by the governor; he asked for $4.7 billion.

And legislators set a Permanent Fund dividend that is more than 30 percent larger than what Gov. Walker proposed in December; he wanted dividends set at $1,216.

“The Legislature prioritized the state’s constitutional obligations in this budget,” said Sen. Anna MacKinnon, co-chair of the Senate Finance Committee. “There’s still much work to be done. The Legislature must continue to pursue legislative reforms to reduce the size of government and fix the structures and programs that aren’t providing the maximum return for Alaskans.”   

“A lot of thought and hard work went into this budget,” said Senate President Pete Kelly (R-Fairbanks). “I am grateful for the work of my colleagues as well as the patience of Alaskans throughout this process.”

The operating budget passed the Senate by a vote of 15 to 4 and the House 21 to 19 for a combined vote of 36 to 23.

The unrestricted general funds for agency and statewide operations — those funds that the Legislature has control over — is the $4.39 billion amount. Add in designated funds and federal funds, along with the Permanent Fund dividend payments, and the budget swells to $10.3 billion, or about $14,000 per Alaskan.

Quintillion business drama continues in Congress and Robert Mueller probe

2

Quintillion, a relatively new company in the wild-wild world of fiber-optic telecommunication business in Alaska, was in the news this week.

Like telecommunications itself, it was complicated. The news involved lots of money, the FCC, Congress, the Russians, and Robert Mueller.

A congressman from Illinois sent a letter to the chairman of the Federal Communications Commission, asking questions about the appointment to a federal advisory body of the former Alaska CEO of Quintillion, who is now under Department of Justice investigation. Elizabeth Ann Pierce served on the FCC’s Broadband Deployment Advisory Committee.

Pierce abruptly resigned months later after being charged by the Justice Department for fraud involving how she persuaded investors to plow large amounts of money into Quintillion.

In her role as CEO of Quintillion Networks LLC, Pierce was building an undersea fiber optic telecommunication network under the Arctic Ocean, which was eventually to link Asia and Europe, across the top of North America. She acquired investors, some of them Alaska Native Corporations.

In April of 2017, FCC Chairman Ajit Pai appointed Pierce be the chair of the committee that advises the FCC on the deployment of high-speed internet access.

[Read: Who is Len Blavatnik and why is Gov. Walker helping him?]

A year later, on April 12, 2018, Pierce was arrested for wire fraud. According to the Justice Department, between May and July of 2017, Pierce “engaged in a scheme to induce two investment companies to invest more than $250 million in the Fiber Optic System by providing them with forged broadband capacity sales contracts.”

A customer of Quintillion’s began questioning invoices and contracts they thought were forged by Pierce in April 2017.

According to the Justice Department’s complaint, on July of 2017, Pierce deleted the forged contracts from her Google account. Soon, she resigned from Quintillion, and the following month, resigned from the FCC committee.

Now, partisan politics has entered the fray. Rep. Keith Ellison, a Democrat from Illinois with ties to Louis Farrakhan, asked the FCC to explain the timing of the events more clearly.

“But if the allegations are true, it appears that Ms. Pierce may have been engaging in fraudulent behavior related to her own telecommunications company at the same time she was chosen by you to lead— and was leading — an important FCC committee. This is deeply troubling, raising questions about the process by which members of the committee were chosen, its deliberations, and its recommendations to the FCC commissioners,” Ellison said.

A key question he is asking is who recommended her to the committee because that would involve political connections.

[Read: High crimes: Former Quintilion CEO now charged]

MUELLER GOES AFTER BLAVATNIK

Meanwhile, the investigation into Donald Trump’s Russia connections has also put its glove on Quintillion’s universe.

Quintillion investor Leonard Blavatnik, who holds dual U.S. and British passports, but who is originally Ukranian, donated funds to the inaugural committee last year. Special Counsel Robert Mueller is especially interested in any donors with ties to Russia, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and Qatar.

Leonard Blavatnik

Blavatnik was raised in Moscow, and emigrated to the U.S. in 1978. He made his wealth selling his stake in a Russian oil company for $7 billion. He owns Warner Music and Access Industries, and also is behind Cooper Investments, a private equity fund in New York, which owns Quintillion through a series of intermediate trust funds and Delaware holding companies.

Len Blavatnik was one of the wealthiest donors to President Obama and also contributed to Mitt Romney. He has given tens of millions to Harvard, Yale and Oxford universities.

Between 2015-2016, he donated $7.35 million to six Republican political candidates, including South Carolina Senator Lindsey Graham, Florida Senator Marco Rubio and Arizona Senator John McCain, according to Wikipedia. He also gave over $1 million to an anti-Donald Trump GOP group, but another $1 million to the committee for the inauguration of Donald Trump.

He and his wife donated to the Democratic Party in equal measure, and candidates Kamala Harris, Chuck Schumer and Hillary Clinton. His money, it appears, always flows toward perceived power.

Heads and tails: Politicians on the move

BEGICH SIGHTINGS

Mark Begich was in Juneau last week and met with the governor and lieutenant governor, although there was a great deal of question as to whether the meeting would take place.

Must Read Alaska has learned it was not pleasant and at one point Lt. Gov. Byron Mallot had a bit of a temper. The report back to us is that Begich told Gov. Bill Walker that he (Begich) would not run for governor, but he had some advice for the pair on how to win the statewide election.

That was the part that set off Mallott, who was indignant. After all, he reportedly said, the Walker-Mallott team had won the last statewide election and Begich had lost his election to Sen. Dan Sullivan, who had never even run for office before. The meeting was uncomfortable after that outburst.

Two days later, Walker and Mallott filed to run on the Democrats’ primary ballot. A defensive move or business as usual? No one can say.

Is that the end of the story?  That’s the part that MRAK can verify. But there’s more to come in the coming weeks as the June 1 filing deadline nears.

The Daily Kos (left-leaning political blog) says, “Former Sen. Mark Begich has spent months flirting with a bid, and he reaffirmed over the weekend that he’s still considering.”

Begich told National Journal’s Zach Cohen, that he “has not made a decision” and “the only things impacting his decision-making process are his family and the future of Alaska.”

The Daily Kos wrote: Begich almost certainly knows that he’d face very tough odds in the general election if he had to face both a Republican and Walker, and maybe he’s hoping that if he defeated the governor in a primary, Walker would drop out rather than invite mutually-assured destruction.”

Begich on Friday was the keynote speaker at the IBEW convention in Anchorage, where he tested the waters with a group that would comprise his base: Labor

“Good paying jobs build the economy and support working families. The labor movement is alive and well in Alaska!” he said.

Begich would be a formidable opponent for Walker in the Democrats’ primary.

Grier Hopkins, right

REP. GUTTENBERG OUT / HOPKINS FILES

Grier Hopkins has filed for the seat now occupied by his uncle, Rep. David Guttenberg,who is getting long in the tooth and not running again to represent Fairbanks, District 4.

A Democrat, Hopkins is the son of former North Star Borough Mayor Luke Hopkins, and works for the National Education Association in Alaska. He is related by marriage to Gov. Bill Walker’s Chief of Staff Scott Kendall. He was a legislative aide in the past. Selena Hopkins-Kendall, married to Scott, is one of his treasurers; the other is Elyse Guttenberg.

This is a legacy political family in Fairbanks.

The Republican in the race is Jim Sackett. Sackett, a Republican, graduated from the University of Alaska Fairbanks in 1991 with a business management degree. He earned a master’s degree in business administration in 2000.

RUFFNER OUT OF SEATON RACE

Robert Ruffner has pulled out of the race for Rep. Paul Seaton’s Lower Kenai, District 31 seat.

This means either Seaton has changed his mind and is running, or Ruffner just isn’t ready to take on Sarah Vance and John Cox in the primary.

Seaton lost favor from the Republican Party after he flipped the House to Democrats’ control after the 2016 election. He has been told by the party he cannot run on its primary ballot, although the Division of Elections says it will force the party to accept him.

Ruffner is on the Board of Fisheries. He is a new Republican testing the waters, and may have found support tepid.

Spending spree: House majority wants $87 million more in capital budget

House Finance Committee, led by Rep. Paul Seaton, is looking to stuff some $87 million more in the Capital budget today — these are items that are not related to capital projects:

AHFC: $2 million for weatherization

DEED: $20 million more than base student allocation

DEEC: $6 million for pre-K, preschool

DEED: $403,400 for three education specialists

HSS: $48 million for Medicaid, supplemental

HSS: $18 million for clean up of a drafting error

University of Alaska: $7 million for deferred maintenance

DCCED: $20 million for Port of Anchorage and $1.6 million for Port of Nome

DCCED: $200,000 for Goldstream Valley Restoration project

DCCED: $15,000 for Fairbanks volunteers for policing

DCCED: language change on cruise ship berth expansion

The Democrat majority says it will accept these reductions from minority Republicans:

DCCED: -$250,000, a reduction taking away the increase added for the Healthcare Transformation Project.

(This information comes from a confidential document slipped to Must Read Alaska from the House Majority.)

The Berkowitz story that’s never been told

POWERFUL, RUTHLESS POLITICS, AND MEDIA NEGLIGENCE

The Anchorage mayoral race might not have been decided by media coverage, but the media certainly played a role. It took a keen interest in reporting on certain issues in the past of mayoral candidate Rebecca Logan, but were oddly silent about issues relevant to incumbent Ethan Berkowitz.

On Feb. 20, KTVA led with a story about mayoral candidate Rebecca Logan. She had been arrested for driving under the influence in 2010. She had been part of a messy divorce in 2006 and had owed a few thousand dollars, which took her a long time to pay off after her divorce. A collection agency was involved.

The report was an airing of a candidate’s dirty laundry, and it occurred right about the time when voters were paying attention in advance of receiving their ballots on March 15.

[Read the KTVA report here]

The Anchorage Daily News then followed with its own coverage.  But no reporter seemed interested in the personal difficulties of the incumbent mayor, and his family’s deadly past.

They could have written a book.

Mayor Ethan Berkowitz’s wife, Mara Kimmel, had been the driver of a Volvo station wagon on March 1, 2007, when her vehicle struck a man in a cross walk at the corner of Arctic Blvd. and International Airport Road. The man died.

The mayor comes into the picture in that incident because at the time he had just finished several years service as a well-known legislator, and at least one witness said that Kimmel received special treatment from Anchorage Police investigators due to her connection to powerful politicians. And he was preparing for another campaign — for Congress.

Police told the media at the time, “the driver of the Volvo was likely blinded by the sun as she was turning at the green light.”

One of hundreds of pages of court filings in the case of Thompson family vs. Mara Kimmel.

Thompson, on the other hand, was powerless. He was dead, although the police still ended up issuing a citation for him because he improperly crossed the street. It was mid-morning, bitter cold, and he  may have been staggering.

His family, in their wrongful death lawsuit, said they could not even get Kimmel’s name from police until March 21. The case, the family alleged, “is already compromised in favor of Mara Kimmel. It is ironic that the police are advocating against the victim’s request for expressed purpose of protecting the victim’s investigation.”

Meanwhile, Kimmel was asking to have all information related to the case quashed. Her attorneys practically called the Thompson family gold-diggers for wanting access to her insurance records and telephone records.

THE ACCIDENT

When Kimmel, who is a lawyer and who has a Ph.D., approached the intersection to turn, she seemed to be in a hurry to beat the light, said one of the witnesses, who was less than three feet away from the accident. The victim, George Thompson, ended up on Kimmel’s windshield.

Witness John Fox, a North Slope worker, jumped out of his car to render aid to Thompson, while Kimmel went over to the side of the road and started making phone calls on her cell phone. She never approached the dying man to render assistance, witnesses said.

Shortly thereafter, Fox would be told by the first officer on the scene to go over to a parking lot and wait, which Fox presumed meant that police would want a statement from him, since he saw everything from close up. Instead, police at that location shooed him off.

Media coverage was slight, mentioning the victim’s name, but not the driver:

It wasn’t until the family of the deceased man brought the wrongful death lawsuit against Kimmel that a private investigator contacted Fox and interviewed him. And only after that did Fox get a call from the police, and they interviewed him as well.

POWER COUPLE

Berkowitz was the Democratic Minority Leader in the Alaska House from 1999 to 2007. He had just unsuccessfully run for lieutenant governor at the time, and Mark Begich, his political ally, was mayor of Anchorage.

A year after the lawsuit was initiated by the Thompson family, Berkowitz was on another campaign and the local media was nowhere to be found.  The wrongful death case was still in court, Kimmel was trying to protect her phone records, trying to deny culpability, and trying to protect the family’s assets.

After all, Ethan and Mara had interests in several small businesses, including Snow City Café  and a real estate venture. Mara taught political science at the University of Alaska Anchorage and was a senior fellow at Institute of the North.

The dueling filings show the pattern of plaintiffs trying to gain information, and defendants trying to protect it. The Thompson family wanted those cell phone records to determine if defendant Kimmel had been on the phone at the time of the collision, and who she may have talked to after the accident. The family’s investigator would want to depose whoever spoke to her on the phone and see if she had admitted guilt to them.

These are the types of things that can create hundreds of pages of documents in the court system, and indeed, they did in this case. Must Read Alaska looked through them and discovered that there was certainly enough to add to any political story of the era that involved Berkowitz’s aspirations for higher office.

Witness John Fox said at the time, and still believes that Kimmel got off because she was connected to a powerful politician. Fox believes he is one of the best witnesses because the accident occurred right next to his vehicle in the intersection and he saw it all unfold. To this day he feels there was a cover-up.

Critics might say that the death caused by Kimmel in 2007 and the lawsuit against her that lasted into 2008 is not relevant to a campaign in 2018. But then, the same could be said of Rebecca Logan’s 2006 divorce and 2010 DUI.

Yet, the mainstream media appeared to consider it irrelevant in 2008, when Berkowitz ran against Rep. Don Young. The Kimmel lawsuit was still in the courts. There was no mention of the tragic occurrence, which could have had serious consequences for Kimmel — even jail, if the investigation had broken a different way.

Meanwhile, Mayor Begich, in charge of the Anchorage police, was running against Sen. Ted Stevens in 2008. Both Begich and Berkowitz are ambitious Democrats, and both had a lot to lose if this wrongful death and its handling in favor of Kimmel came to light. It never did.

Kimmel’s wrongful death history also wasn’t relevant to the media when Berkowitz ran for governor in 2010, nor when he ran for Anchorage mayor in 2015, and won against Amy Demboski, who the media had hounded mercilessly over a statement she had never made about Berkowitz’s sexual proclivities.

And in 2018, the media went after Logan, but once again was silent on Anchorage’s First Lady, Mara Kimmel.

And although Kimmel is not the candidate running for office, she has a distinct political role in the city, advises the mayor on matters involving immigration, and has even been given her own page on the municipality’s official web site, where she attaches a video of herself titled, ironically, “Creating Our Collective Impact.”