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DOGE Alaska: State union demands will drive costs

As the Alaska Legislature continues to debate the operating and capital budgets, the State of Alaska is engaged in ongoing negotiations with the General Government Unit, the largest collective bargaining unit representing over 10,000 state employees.

The GGU has some mega-sized demands that will be cost drivers that the Alaska Legislature will need to fund, if these demands are met even halfway. The total cost for the three major components of union demands is over $800 million.

With the current agreement set to expire on June 30, 2025, the parties have met 20 times since Oct. 30, with the most recent meeting on April 14.

To date, the State and GGU have tentatively agreed on 16 of the 42 contract articles. These agreements largely maintain existing language without changes, aligning with other collective bargaining agreements and incurring no additional costs to the State.

However, big financial demands from the union are still on the table.

The union’s proposed increases to the State’s health insurance contributions alone are estimated at over $234.9 million over three years. The demand is for a 38% increase in year one, 36% in year two, and 42% in year three.

Notably, the State has no representation on the Health Trust Board, which recently approved employee contribution hikes of $50 for Plan A (17% increase), $25 for Plan B (18%), $5 for Plan C (14%), and $5 for Plan D (12.5%).

The union’s three highest-cost proposals include a 12% inflation adjustment that would cost the State $316.7 million, a 10.5% market adjustment at $277.1 million, and cost-of-living increases tied to inflation starting July 1, 2027.

Additionally, the union has put forward over 50 other cost drivers, including additional leave, mandated salary study provisions, daily overtime, premium pay for working on days off, paid leave for new employees to attend union activities, and retention pay.

In contrast, the State has proposed more modest cost-of-living increases based on the Consumer Price Index for Urban Alaska (CPI-U), offering 1.25% in the first year, 2.5% in the second, and an estimated 2.5% in the third. The State also seeks flexibility to supplement the workforce during emergencies and to limit feasibility studies for cost-saving outsourcing initiatives.

All monetary terms in a successor agreement require legislative approval, with the State conducting a “costing out” analysis to compare expenses against the current contract over the proposed three-year term. As negotiations continue, the outcome will have significant implications for state employees and taxpayers alike.

With the deadline approaching, the gap between proposals suggests difficult negotiations in coming weeks.

The Legislature is currently debating both the capital and operating budgets, with legislators adding hundreds of millions of dollars to the already unfunded budget, and cutting Alaskans’ Permanent Fund dividends to pay for the extra spending.

On tax day, America’s national debt is actually…

By CASEY HARPER | THE CENTER SQUARE

As Americans file their taxes at the last minute this April 15, the federal debt – and Americans’ federal debt burden – continues to grow. 

While the federal government reports a national debt nearing $37 trillion, one budget watchdog says the figure is actually much higher: $158.6 trillion, amounting to $974,000 for each federal taxpayer.

Truth in Accounting, a nonprofit budget accountability group that emphasizes a different approach to government accounting, released those figures, arguing that they more accurately represent the fiscal situation of the federal government.

TIA’s report includes $51.6 trillion for Medicare and $67.1 trillion for Social Security for benefits that have been promised to recipients down the road but are not considered in the ordinary national debt conversation. 

“These numbers come from the Social Security and Medicare Trustees Reports, which include calculations of the present value of projected benefits over the next 75 years, offset by the dedicated receipts expected over that period,” TIA Founder and CEO Sheila Weinberg told The Center Square. “Our calculations focus only on current participants – we do not include receipts or benefits from future participants.

“For Medicare specifically, in addition to the estimates based on current law, the actuaries also provide projections under the ‘Illustrative Alternative Scenario’… This scenario includes more realistic assumptions about future physician payment rates, and we use the IAS in our estimates.”

For instance, current government debt levels do not take into account the future payments for Social Mecurity and Medicare in the coming years, some of the nation’s biggest and most problematic financial obligations. 

“The Treasury Department only included a fraction, $241 billion, of the Social Security and Medicare liabilities on the federal balance sheet because unknown to most people, according to government documents, recipients do not have the right to any benefits beyond the benefits to be paid next month, and laws to reduce or stop future benefits can be passed at any time,” reads TIA’s report, first obtained by The Center Square. 

Budget experts have raised the alarm for years about the federal government’s runaway spending – under both political parties – and the threat it poses to the U.S. 

“Our country’s financial condition continues to spiral out of control, and taxpayers are left holding the bag,” Weinberg said.

TIA argues current federal accounting downplays the severity of the U.S. debt problem.

“Nontransparent, flawed budgeting and accounting techniques currently produce inaccurate amounts, making the federal government’s finances difficult, if not impossible, to manage,” the report said. “The first step in managing the nation’s finances should be presenting accurate and transparent figures through full accrual budgeting and accounting that includes the costs and growth in the liabilities related to the two programs our seniors rely on the most, Social Security and Medicare. This would enable Congress, the President, and the American people to make better-informed tax and spending decisions.”

Judith Eckert: Time for Dunleavy to lead the rescue of our state’s children from the digital pandemic

By Judith Eckert

The US Department of Education is being dismantled, and not a moment too soon. For years, federal overreach has eroded local control, dumbed down curriculum, and pushed policies that treat screens as saviors rather than suspects. Now, in the wake of President Trump’s March 2025 executive order, it’s finally up to governors, communities, and, most importantly, parents to reclaim the hearts and minds of our children.

We are in the midst of a crisis that no federal agency is equipped to solve: America’s kids are neurologically hijacked by digital devices. From smartphones to “learning” apps, pixelated babysitters are rewiring developing brains, draining motivation, and flooding classrooms with anxiety, attention issues, and behavioral outbursts.

Parents across Alaska and the country know this instinctively. You’ve seen it at dinner, on family outings, in your own home. You’ve fought the tantrums and watched the sparkle leave their eyes. The time for action is now, and it’s urgent.

This isn’t an exaggeration. Brain scans show tech-addicted kids lighting up the same way people with an addiction do. Psychiatrists have begun calling screens “digital heroin” and “electronic cocaine.” And our schools are paying the price. In 2024, just 31% of American fourth graders were proficient in reading. That’s not a slip, it’s a collapse.

The federal bureaucracy failed to protect our kids from this silent epidemic. Now that it’s stepping aside, the responsibility falls on us. We, as Alaskans, must urgently, locally, and unapologetically fill the vacuum. Our children’s future is in our hands.

Here’s what Alaska must do:

  • Establish State Task Forces on screen addiction and child brain health.
  • Ban addictive edtech apps from classrooms unless they prove academic value and safety.
  • Bring back vocational and outdoor learning with hands-on activities that restore neurological balance.
  • It’s time to empower parents, not platforms, to guide their children’s development. You, as parents, have the power to shape your children’s future. It’s time to reclaim that power and steer your children away from the digital abyss.
  • Embrace each culture and encourage culturally appropriate education.
  • We don’t need more tech “solutions.” We need truth, courage, and leadership. Alaska is uniquely positioned to lead. We value faith, family, and freedom. We know what it means to live unplugged and raise kids who build forts in the woods, not just followers on TikTok.

This is a rescue mission, not just for academic achievement, but for the very soul of the next generation.

It’s time to stop outsourcing parenting to screens and treating kids like test subjects in a Silicon Valley experiment. Governor Dunleavy, pastors, teachers, moms, and dads across Alaska must stand up and say ENOUGH.

Let Big Tech peddle its dopamine traps elsewhere. Here in Alaska, we still know the value of dirt under your nails, eye contact, and the slow, sacred work of raising a child.

The federal government is stepping back. The question is, will we step up?

Judith Eckert is an educator with over 30 years of experience in K–12 and special education. Her upcoming book, The Pixel Pandemic: Restoring God’s Design for Our Children in a Digital World (launching April 29, 2025), explores the neurological, emotional, and spiritual impact of screen addiction and offers real-world solutions for families and communities. Learn more at PixelPandemic.org.

Alaska Bush Caucus violates oath of office by pushing for rural preference with congressional delegation

Members of the Alaska House and Senate who call themselves the “Bush Caucus” have written a letter to the Alaska congressional delegation, telling them that they think Gov. Mike Dunleavy might be working to preserve hunting and fishing rights for all. They think that is a bad idea, because the federal government manages its lands with rural residents having priority for fish and game, a model they support.

The letter, received Monday, April 14, states that the Bush Caucus members think Dunleavy is trying to challenge the “Katie John” decisions and the federal government’s awarding of special rights for Natives under Title III of the Alaska National Interest Lands Conservation Act (ANILCA).

However, the letter’s promotion of a rural subsistence priority directly conflicts with the Alaska Constitution, which raises a question about whether the legislators who signed it are, in fact, violating their oath to uphold the state constitution. This may expose them to civil action by their constituents.

Key points of the letter include support for ANILCA’s rural subsistence priority under Title III of ANILCA, which prioritizes subsistence uses by rural residents during resource shortages; and the accusation that the Dunleavy Administration is undermining the “Katie John” decisions (which affirmed federal subsistence priority on certain navigable waters) through litigation and by seeking to align the state with President Trump’s Executive Order 14153.

The letter references the Alaska Supreme Court’s 1989 McDowell decision, which ruled that a rural subsistence priority violates the Alaska Constitution’s common use clause, and notes the state’s failure to amend the constitution to align with ANILCA. The letter says that Gov. Tony Knowles in 2001 made the promise that the state would never undermine the Katie John decision, and the writers state that binds the hands of all future governors.

The letter was signed by Speaker Bryce Edgmon, Rep. Louise Stutes, Rep. Robyn Burke, Sen. Lyman Hoffman, Rep. Neal Foster, Rep. Maxine Dibert, Sen. Donny Olson, and Rep. Nellie Jimmie.

The problem for these legislators, Alaska Constitution contains provisions that directly conflict with the rural subsistence priority advocated in the letter. These include:

  • Article VIII, Section 3 (Common Use Clause): “Wherever occurring in their natural state, fish, wildlife, and waters are reserved to the people for common use.” This clause mandates equal access to natural resources for all Alaskans, without preference for any group.
  • Article VIII, Section 4 (Sustained Yield): Requires fish and wildlife to be managed on a sustained yield principle, subject to preferences among beneficial uses, but not among specific groups like rural residents.
  • Article VIII, Section 17 (Uniform Application): “Laws and regulations governing the use or disposal of natural resources shall apply equally to all persons similarly situated with reference to the subject matter and purpose to be served by the law or regulation.” This prohibits discriminatory preferences based on residency or ethnicity.

In the 1989 McDowell v. State case, the Alaska Supreme Court ruled that the rural subsistence priority in state law (that were modeled after ANILCA) violated these constitutional provisions because it granted preferential access to rural residents, thus denying equal access to others. The court held that such a priority conflicted with the common use and uniform application clauses, rendering it unconstitutional under state law.

Alaska legislators take an oath under Article XII, Section 5 of the Alaska Constitution: “I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the duties of [my office], and will to the best of my ability preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the State of Alaska.” This oath binds legislators to uphold the constitution’s provisions, including those governing natural resource access.

The Bush Caucus’s advocacy for a rural subsistence priority, as outlined in the letter, appears to contradict the Alaska Constitution by promoting an unconstitutional policy to the congressional representatives, undermining common use and equal access provisions, and by failing to address the constitutional barriers. The letter writers reinforce federal authority through ANILCA to bypass state law, effectively stepping on the constitution, rather than upholding it.

The Bush Caucus is now promoting a position that the Alaska Supreme Court has deemed unconstitutional. They are actively working contrary to their oaths to “preserve, protect, and defend” the Alaska Constitution, and they are blatantly ignoring the McDowell ruling, which is binding under state law, while criticizing the governor for upholding the law.

If rural legislators truly believe in a rural preference, they need to try to amend the Alaska Constitution, but until then, their oath requires the opposite — that they uphold the Alaska Constitution.

Here is their letter:

Michael Tavoliero: Alaska’s health services analysis

TAKING BACK ALASKA SERIES

By MICHAEL TAVOLIERO

Alaska’s healthcare system currently faces severe challenges affecting the quality, accessibility, and affordability of medical services statewide. While well-intentioned, Medicaid expansion and the transfer of Alaska Native healthcare responsibilities to state administration, originally aimed at improving coverage and patient outcomes, have unintentionally exacerbated bureaucratic mismanagement, inefficiency, regulatory delays, and high operational costs.

Bureaucratic Realities of Alaska’s Healthcare System — A Hierarchical Breakdown

1. Alaska Department of Health

Core Issue: Unchecked Medicaid growth and cost mismanagement. 

Systemic Failures:

  • Inability to implement cost controls
  • Excessive administrative waste
    Consequences:
  • Exploding budget obligations
  • Reduced funding for direct patient care
  • Rising tax burden with limited care improvements

2. Department of Commerce, Community, and Economic Development

Core Issue: Slow, bureaucratic healthcare provider licensing.

Systemic Failures:

  • Delayed approvals
  • Excessive red tape
    Consequences:
  • Worsening provider shortages
  • Longer wait times, especially in rural areas
  • Reduced competitiveness in attracting medical talent

3. Alaska Mental Health Trust Authority

Core Issue: Lack of transparency and impact measurement.

Systemic Failures:

  • Poor financial accountability
  • Ineffective program evaluation
    Consequences:
  • Eroded public trust
  • Misallocation of funds
  • Crisis services remain underfunded

4. Division of Health Care Services

Core Issue: Inefficient Medicaid administration and claims processing.

Systemic Failures:

  • Delayed reimbursements
  • Poor provider communication
    Consequences:
  • Shrinking provider participation in Medicaid
  • Increased overhead costs
  • Reduced access for Medicaid patients

5. Health Facilities Licensing and Certification Unit

Core Issue: Over-regulated facility approval processes.

Systemic Failures:

  • Redundant paperwork
  • Regulatory rigidity
    Consequences:
  • Fewer new or upgraded facilities
  • Higher patient-care costs
  • Suppressed innovation in care delivery

6. Office of Children’s Services

Core Issue: Chronic mismanagement and under-resourcing. 

Systemic Failures:

  • Overwhelmed caseworkers
  • Delayed services for vulnerable children
    Consequences:
  • At-risk children fall through the cracks
  • Staff burnout and turnover
  • Long-term public health and safety risks

Alaska’s healthcare bureaucracy is bogged down by inefficient systems, redundant oversight, and a lack of accountability. The result is rising costs, underserved populations, and an overstretched workforce. Without restructuring, these agencies will continue to siphon resources from frontline care while delivering diminishing returns to the people they are meant to serve.

In short, Alaska’s healthcare bureaucracy demands comprehensive reform or restructuring to prioritize direct patient services, fiscal responsibility, and administrative transparency.

Alaska faces a mounting fiscal challenge driven by long-term Medicaid growth and an aging population. According to a forecast by Evergreen Economics, between FY2024 and FY2044, Alaska’s population will grow modestly by just over 21,000 people, with a significant shift toward older age groups. The number of Alaskans 20 to 64 years of age will grow by 18,778. The number of residents aged 65 and older is projected to increase by 14,263, while the population under 20 is expected to shrink.

This demographic shift will increase demand for Medicaid, particularly among older, higher-cost enrollees. Per-recipient Medicaid spending is expected to rise 3.7% annually, nearly double the rate seen from FY2010 to FY2023. Reimbursement rates, after years of lagging behind medical inflation, have recently surged and are projected to continue growing at 2.7% annually.

Overall, total Medicaid spending is expected to grow 4.4% annually, reaching nearly $6.5 billion by FY2044. State general fund contributions are projected to rise even faster, 4.9% per year, reaching over $1.7 billion. This forecast underscores the urgent need for Alaska to address structural inefficiencies, cost controls, and the long-term sustainability of its healthcare system.

The real question that demands honest scrutiny is this: Why is a sprawling government bureaucracy deemed necessary to deliver healthcare? And more urgently for Alaska, why has the state assumed federal responsibilities under the guise of “partnership,” effectively becoming a proxy to validate and sustain the Affordable Care Act?

Rather than improving outcomes, these delegated roles have burdened Alaska with escalating costs, growing inefficiencies, and a healthcare system increasingly driven by compliance over care. It’s time to ask whether the state’s involvement is truly about serving Alaskans or just propping up a federal mandate at the expense of fiscal responsibility and healthcare quality.

Alaska’s healthcare system faces critical fiscal and administrative challenges affecting the quality, affordability, and accessibility of medical services. Medicaid expansion and the transfer of Alaska Native healthcare responsibilities to state administration, intended to enhance coverage, have instead intensified bureaucratic inefficiencies, regulatory delays, and unsustainable fiscal burdens.

Alaska’s decision to adopt Medicaid expansion, initiated by the Walker Administration, was built on promises of extending health insurance coverage to roughly 40,000 low-income Alaskans, reducing hospitals’ uncompensated care costs (especially in rural and tribal regions), and leveraging federal funds to support Alaska’s economy amid declining oil revenues. However, these promises have largely failed to materialize in meaningful and sustainable ways, leaving the state burdened by unsustainable costs, increased bureaucracy, and fiscal vulnerability.

First, while the expansion did temporarily increase insurance coverage, it also drastically inflated the administrative costs and bureaucratic complexity of Alaska’s healthcare system. Rather than efficiently directing resources toward patient care, Medicaid expansion diverted substantial state resources into layers of federal and state bureaucracy. This has negatively impacted care quality and inflated the cost structure, diminishing rather than enhancing the effectiveness of healthcare delivery.

Second, the intended reduction in uncompensated hospital care has not alleviated financial burdens as expected, particularly in rural and tribal communities. Hospitals continue to face significant financial stress due to Medicaid’s notoriously low reimbursement rates and the cumbersome, slow, and expensive administrative processes associated with Medicaid claims. Consequently, the expansion has not achieved its goal of easing rural and tribal hospitals’ financial burdens, instead complicating their financial management and hindering access to quality care.

Third, the reliance on federal funds as an economic stabilizer has proven to be shortsighted. Federal funding commitments to Medicaid expansion are vulnerable to future budget cuts or policy changes, leaving Alaska fiscally exposed and dependent on an unreliable federal financial stream. Additionally, instead of alleviating the state’s budget crisis, these federal dollars have fueled the uncontrolled expansion of the state bureaucracy, exacerbating fiscal problems rather than resolving them. This dependence has further reduced Alaska’s motivation and capacity to develop innovative, state-based healthcare solutions tailored to unique local needs.

Moreover, the delegation of federal constitutional trust responsibilities, specifically regarding Alaska Native healthcare, has added an undue burden to the state. Historically, these trust responsibilities, established under federal obligations, were designed to ensure comprehensive healthcare for Alaska Native populations. The shift of these responsibilities onto Alaska has resulted in an increased administrative and financial load on the state, complicating the healthcare landscape without corresponding improvements in care delivery. The rationale for this delegation, that local control would inherently improve responsiveness and efficiency, has not materialized. Instead, it has exacerbated systemic inefficiencies and imposed significant financial and operational strain on Alaska’s healthcare infrastructure.

Given these realities, Alaska urgently needs to reconsider and ultimately reverse Medicaid expansion. Removing excessive federal and state bureaucracy from healthcare and reverting constitutional trust responsibilities back to the federal government would allow Alaska to design a leaner, more efficient, and patient-focused system. Prioritizing direct healthcare delivery over administrative processes can empower local providers, stimulate competition in the private sector, improve access to high-quality care, and establish long-term fiscal stability.

By reversing Medicaid expansion and reclaiming appropriate federal trust responsibilities, Alaska can regain control over its healthcare policies, allocate resources more effectively, and create a genuinely sustainable model tailored to its citizens’ unique needs, especially in underserved rural and tribal areas. The state should transition from a dependency-based, federally dictated healthcare framework toward a more dynamic, responsive, and financially responsible system that puts Alaskans, not bureaucrats, first.

Michael Tavoliero writes for Must Read Alaska.

Elaine Donnelly: Congress must act to stop ‘Supreme Judicial Commanders’ of the military

By ELAINE DONNELLY | REAL CLEAR DEFENSE

Former Majority Leader Senator Chuck Schumer recently admitted that he is responsible for confirming 235 “progressive” judges who are “ruling against Trump time after time.”  Activist judges are Schumer’s Plan B.

Article I, Section 8, of the U.S. Constitution empowers Congress to make policy for the military. But as things stand now, unelected, unaccountable federal judges are overruling President Trump’s Executive Orders and arrogating to themselves power to run the armed forces.

Unless the 119th Congress intervenes, President Joe Biden’s radical policies regarding transgender people in the military will continue indefinitely.

Self-Appointed “Supreme Judicial Commanders” Take Charge 

President Donald Trump’s January 27 Executive Order #14183, titled “Prioritizing Military Excellence and Readiness,” is one of several calling for an undistracted focus on military warrior ethos, not “political agendas or other ideologies harmful to unit cohesion.” 

Executive #14168 (January 20) defined biological reality – differentiating “sex” from subjective “gender identity” and proclaiming the existence of two immutable sexes, male and female. This EO also prohibited male access to women’s sleeping, changing, or bathing facilities and discontinued use of inaccurate invented pronouns and bureaucratic markers that reflect subjective gender identity instead of biological sex.

The reality-based principles stated above, applied to DoD policies regarding persons having a history of gender dysphoria or identifying as transgender, logically justified orders to revoke President Joe Biden’s Executive Orders and Directives accommodating persons with gender dysphoria or identifying as transgender in the military.

Trump’s EOs and directives restored gender dysphoria to the DoD list of physical and psychological conditions that affect eligibility to serve, and ended Biden-era mandates and subsidies for irreversible treatments and surgeries for “transitioning” purposes that attempt to change sex.

Trump’s Executive Orders also mandated respectful treatment for persons separating with generous benefits due to gender dysphoria, and protected vulnerable children from chemical and surgical mutilation based on “junk science” recommended by discredited “experts” like the World Professional Association for Transgender Health (WPATH).

Lawsuits Filed to Halt Trump Gender Dysphoria/Transgender Policies

A lawsuit titled Nicolas Talbott v. U.S., plus two more, (Shilling v. Trump in Seattle and Ireland v. Hegseth in New Jersey), are challenging the directives and premises behind President Trump’s Executive Order regarding persons diagnosed with gender dysphoria or identifying as transgender.

In the Washington, DC Talbott case, District Judge Ana C. Reyes issued a nationwide preliminary injunction that blocked implementation of Trump’s order.  Judge Reyes, a longtime Democratic/left-wing activist described as the first gay Latina U.S. District Judge, displayed extreme bias in her handling of this case.  Her behavior toward the Justice Department attorney defending the Trump policy was so egregiously hostile, the office of the Attorney General filed a formal complaint

Not surprisingly, Judge Reyes’ March 18 opinion in the Talbott case lashed out at Trump’s recognition of only two sexes and concerns about male/female sexual privacy. Her strident rhetoric could be the start of a Plan B campaign of judicial lawfare against President Trump and his efforts to restore sound priorities in our military.

A similar national injunction in the Shilling case, a temporary restraining order in the Irelandcase, plus additional adverse rulings expected from other activist judges, could make Biden’s extreme transgender policies permanent while various lawsuits wind their way to an unpredictable Supreme Court.     

Absent Congress Action, Biden Policies Likely to Become Permanent 

The 78-page Talbott opinion exploited weaknesses in the government’s case, but Judge Reyes’ intemperate language and obvious bias showed why federal judges should not be making policy for our military.

Among other things, Judge Reyes disregarded Defense Department data on the costs and consequences of Obama-era treatments for gender dysphoria. In 2018, a DoD panel of experts reported to then-Defense Secretary James Mattis that 994 active-duty service members diagnosed with gender dysphoria accounted for 30,000 mental health visits – a 300% increase per capita. 

The Mattis panel’s report also cited long-term studies highlighting the operational and human costs of gender dysphoria, including disproportionately high risks of suicide. 

Why has this data not been updated? Perhaps because Biden’s policy prohibited discussion of problems with the transgender policy without approval from high-level officials.  Now Biden-era officials are praising their own policies before Congress and the courts.

We don’t know whether the Justice Department, representing the DoD, mentioned several empirical studies that have questioned lucrative treatments for gender dysphoria.  A 2025 University of Texas study, for example, reported elevated risks of depression and suicide following “gender-affirming surgery.” 

The Reyes ruling does not mention WPATH, a prominent organization advocating for irreversible puberty blockers and mutilating surgeries for minor children, which has been charged with medical ethics violations.  Nor does the record show consideration of the 2024 Cass Review in England, which questioned the benefits of “sex change” treatments for children.

Even if the Justice Department had presented many recent critical studies in court, the judge probably would have still described Trump’s policy (twice) as “soaked in animus and dripping with pretext.” 

Judge Reyes’ over-the-top opinion showed zero concern about operational complications, medical ethics, and overwhelming public opinion against men entering women’s private facilities and athletic teams.  Activist court injunctions that usurp power from Congress and the Executive Branch are about reality-denying transgender ideology, not military effectiveness.

Congress Should Enact Common Sense in Defense Bill (NDAA) for 2026

Years could pass before the issue reaches the Supreme Court, which may or may not hand down a decision favoring the Trump policy. This puts the ball squarely in Congress’ court.

Without principled congressional action, accomplished in a way that can withstand judicial scrutiny, members could be held accountable for not delivering on promises made during the 2024 elections.

It would help to inscribe four essential principles in the National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) for 2026: Merit as the exclusive basis for personnel actions, a prohibition on non-merit factors such as race in personnel actions, clear definitions of key terms such as “merit,’ “male,” and “female,” and narrow exceptions for operational reasons.

Congress also should dismantle ideological power bases in the Pentagon.  Non-discriminatory practices and common-sense, reality-based measures would support President Trump’s efforts to end woke policies in the military, while reaffirming purposes of the military that some federal judges refuse to respect.

Elaine Donnelly is President of the Center for Military Readiness (CMR), an independent public policy organization founded in 1993, which reports on and analyzes military/social issues. More information is available at www.cmrlink.org.

Bob Griffin: Add charter school authorizers to end the long waiting lists in Alaska

By BOB GRIFFIN

Alaska was ranked second in the nation in K-12 education funding adequacy by a recent Rutgers University study with a score of 95 out a possible 100 for funding adequacy.

Under that backdrop, any large increases in K-12 funding should also be accompanied by at least some modest education reforms — like expanding authorizers for public charter schools. Major increases in K-12 spending without education reforms have not worked in the past for Alaska. Between 2003 and 2023, state education spending increased 90.6% per student while inflation was 64.7%. And Alaska student NAEP test scores in every category declined significantly during that 20-year period.  

One result of the poor support is thousands of parents on waiting lists for Alaska’s most innovative and successful public charter school models. Programs lack capacity to meet public demand because local districts in Alaska have sole authority to dictate the terms of public charter school programs — like enrollment limits.   When districts have no competition from other potential authorizers, they’re not very motivated to be attentive to the desires of charter applicants. They can compel applicants to accept undesirable terms, like inability to expand to meet public demand.   

Alaska is one of only five states which leaves the power of approval and expansion of public charter schools solely in the hands of local school districts — which may be hostile to public charter schools. In other states, a university, the state department of education, specialized public or private entities are among the different types of authorizers. In Ohio, parents have five different charter authorities they can go through to “shop around” for a public charter school approval.  

There’s a myth that public charter schools authorized by local school districts somehow disrupt the concept of “local control.” Public charter schools are actually the ultimate in local control. Though the programs can be authorized by many different entities, the schools themselves are very much controlled by the parents and staff in the individual programs. It’s hard for control to get much more “local” than that.  

There’s also a myth that public charter schools are a partisan Republican issue. In Washington D.C., where 76% of voters identify as members of the Democratic Party, 48% of children are in public charter schools The rapid growth of charter schools in D.C. has a direct correlation to a rapid rise in student NAEP scores to the point that the average D.C. student outperforms the average Alaska student in every NAEP category, for both low-income and upper/middle-income kids. That’s true even considering that almost double the percentage of D.C. children are in poverty than are Alaskan children.  

A final myth is that public charter schools rob resources from neighborhood public schools. This is certainly not the case in Alaska, where per student spending in charter schools is significantly lower than traditional neighborhood schools. As more kids move to public charter programs, neighborhood schools are relieved of the burden of the variable cost of educating the kids who move, leaving more funding per student for the children who stay in their neighborhood schools.       

Finding education that fits your child’s learning style shouldn’t be reliant on winning a lottery. We should adopt the policy of multiple charter authorizers — already available in most states. That will allow our very successful, locally controlled, public charter schools to grow to meet the capacity demands of parents, while increasing per student dollars available for parents who choose their local neighborhood schools. 

Bob Griffin was a member State Board of Education and Early Development and senior education research fellow for the Alaska Policy Forum, writing on his own behalf. 

Bob Griffin: Alaska Reads Act is up for the challenge shown by national reading assessment scores

Paulette Simpson: RIP Juneau Access

By PAULETTE SIMPSON

The latest version of the capital budget reappropriates approximately $37 million from designated Juneau Access funds for use as federal match for transportation projects all over Alaska. Considering the State’s precarious financial position, I can’t blame the Legislature for re-appropriating these funds. Nonetheless, the story must be told.

During the Clinton Administration, (1993-2001) the timber industry in Southeast Alaska shed some 4,000 direct and indirect jobs – mostly in Ketchikan, Sitka and Wrangell. The population of Southeast has been in serious decline ever since. Alaska Marine Highway System (AMHS) ridership has mirrored the region’s demographic slide. 

In 2024, the AMHS carried 185,000 passengers and 65,000 vehicles – down from a peak of nearly 400,000 passengers and 110,000 vehicles during the early 1990s. 

To keep the AMHS from drowning in a sea of red ink, due to ever-increasing costs and declining ridership, when Governor Murkowski came into office (2002-2006), the state correctly changed course and appropriated $60 million for Juneau Access – the construction of a road connecting the Capital City to the Alaska highway system.  

This road option had actually been selected by Murkowski’s predecessor, Gov. Tony Knowles, in early January 2000 as the “preferred alternative” to address transportation in Southeast. Knowles, however, abruptly suspended work on the project a few weeks later and ordered the construction of two untested “fast ferries.” Note: British Colombia had just shut down its “fast ferry” program. 

Knowles’ two ferries cost Alaska about $80 million plus another $50 million for terminal modifications. Expensive to operate and problematic from the get-go, the ships failed miserably and eventually were sold for $5 million.

Why Juneau Access: By shortening the northern terminus of the system by 100 miles and eliminating the need for two mainline ferries in Lynn Canal, hundreds of millions of dollars in capital and operating outlays could be saved.  Southeast would then have an integrated, efficient and reliable transportation network that both the state and users could afford.

For over 20 years, local road advocacy groups met to promote Juneau Access. Often in attendance to offer expertise were three retired engineers who had served in leadership positions with the Alaska Department of Transportation and Public Facilities (DOT) – Bob Martin, Jon Scribner and Sandy Williams.   

We called them our “Road Scholars.” They loved Alaska and especially loved Juneau. All were men of competence and integrity, dedicated subject-matter experts in their chosen field of engineering. A commonality they shared was their devotion to the cause of Juneau Access. They supported the project from both a professional and community perspective.

In a 2002 Juneau Empire “My Turn,” Bob Martin articulated his staunch support for Juneau Access by characterizing it as fundamentally a freedom issue. Bob’s ending quote arguing in favor of the road was, “Let my people go!”

Jon Scribner was never more animated than when talking with his dear friend (and former Juneau mayor) Jamie Parsons about the need for Juneau Access. 

Sandy Williams was our Road Scholar historian who arrived in Juneau at statehood in 1959 and worked to plan, design and construct our new state’s transportation system. When Sandy testified before the Legislature, he enlightened lawmakers about the early days when the Alaska Marine Highway Service (AMHS) was first initiated, noting that it was never meant to provide a permanent solution to transportation in Southeast Alaska. In fact, the AMHS was conceived as an interim service to coastal communities. Roads were always envisioned as the state developed its infrastructure.

Our data-driven Road Scholars knew that to sustain and ultimately save the AMHS, and the island communities that depend on it, ferry links all over Southeast, not just northern Lynn Canal, had to be shortened, and roads built wherever possible.  

The benefit to the environment has always been that automobiles (like Juneau’s 1,000 electric vehicles) driving a highway burn exponentially less fossil fuel than a ferry does to carry those vehicles the same distance. 

When Gov. Bill Walker and his handlers sank Juneau Access in 2017, they lit a match to $30 million worth of professional engineering, economic and environmental studies* that validated the 51-mile road project. This, perhaps inadvertently, effectively scuttled the AMHS.

Unspent Juneau Access funds, however, remained in place and many held out hope that the project would eventually be revived. Apparently, that is not to be.

In the end, the loss is due to the total lack of vision and leadership of so-called “public servants” who caved to political manipulation, environmentalist hyperbole and sentimental arguments – in full denial of reality – instead of building Southeast for the future.

It won’t happen in my lifetime, but hopefully, a new generation of leadership will someday usher in a new era of sensible and sustainable travel in Southeast – by shortening ferry runs and building roads wherever feasible. 

Until then, we’re just re-arranging deck chairs on the Titanic. 

*  https://ftfakfoundation.org/area-of-focus/juneau-access/

Paulette Simpson is a longtime Juneau resident and civic leader.

Lucas Smith: Alaska students and teachers deserve better than the flawed funding patch of HB 69

By LUCAS SMITH

House Bill 69 is not the education bill Alaska’s public-school students and teachers deserve. HB 69 does nothing more than increase the Base Student Allocation. That is a proven recipe for disaster. 

HB 69 is unfair to the Anchorage School District’s dedicated students and teachers, and fails to consider current constraints and realities. Time and time again ASD Superintendent Bryantt has demonstrated where his allegiance lies and it is not to ASD students and their education. It is also not to ASD’s dedicated teachers. 

On Feb. 25 the Anchorage School District held a special meeting to approve the fiscal year 2025-2026 Preliminary Budget and authorize an upper limit spending authority of $866,250,188.  Where was Superintendent Jharrett Bryantt on Feb. 24? He wasn’t in his office fretting over how to improve student outcomes. He was in Juneau lobbying the Alaska Legislature on the subject of competitive wages for teachers. 

In a special meeting of the Anchorage Municipal Assembly held on April 2, 2025, Superintendent Bryantt was offered another opportunity to clarify the intent of ASD’s proposed budget. 

Bryantt was asked, “How are you going to take some of these funds and try to improve the current programs… beyond the charter schools that are doing well?”  Bryantt neither expressed a shared concern over student performance and outcomes, nor revealed even a hint of interest in providing any detail about a single improvement focused initiative. Instead, in what could be characterized as an arrogant lecturing retort, Bryantt spoke at length in support of defined benefits for teachers. 

Are you middle aged? The child whose education is compromised today in favor of tenured teachers’ defined benefits packages could one day be the public defender assigned to your case, or your primary Medicare physician. Even if you don’t have kids enrolled at ASD, you have a dog in this fight!

At the outset of this legislative session, the Legislature’s education committees were given ample fair warning with strong encouragement to begin work on producing an education bill focused on improving student outcomes and test scores through innovation and choice, and with incentives for students and teachers.  As an example, and a mighty good starting point, Governor Dunleavy proposed HB 76, a simple framework with sensible mechanisms for reforming and incentivizing Alaska education.  Although HB 76 was received by the legislature on Jan. 31, the bill’s first hearing happened just days ago, on April 9. 

HB 69 passed the House on March 12.  The minority caucus offered more than 50 amendments to improve HB 69. Nearly all were turned down by the majority caucus lead by Republican Chuck Kopp of House District 10. 

HB 69 must be vetoed, reminding both the legislature and Superintendent Bryantt that student outcomes do matter, and both teachers and students should be rewarded for achieving them together. 

Do not allow the legislature to pass an education bill that simply empowers Superintendent Bryantt to throw money at the teachers’ union.  This benefits no one.  Tell the Alaska Legislature and tell your legislator we want all options on the table – incentives, choice, innovation – not the same old tired flavor of education most of us seem to be gagging on. 

Alaska requires a long-term fiscal solution, and with that solution, perhaps then, and only then, might we all be willing to consider serious investment in public education; but definitely not now, and not through HB 69.

Lucas Smith is a parent in Anchorage.