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A government that would disarm its citizens…

ANCHORAGE DAILY PLANET

As Democrats prepare to assume control of the U.S. House of Representatives and promise a new and vigorous campaign against Americans’ Second Amendment rights, we are reminded of something the late Orlando Sentinel columnist Charley Reese wrote some years ago.

Reese was not somebody who trusted government and who was especially leery when it came to gun rights and the Second Amendment.

”A government that intended to protect the liberty of the people would not disarm them,” he wrote. “A government planning the opposite most certainly and logically would disarm them. And so it has been in this century. Check out the history of Germany, the Soviet Union, Cuba, China and Cambodia.”

He was right then. He is right now.

And never let the Left fool you. It intends to, incrementally and surely, despite any blather to the contrary, disarm Americans. It has said as much in plain language.

Just something to consider as our friends on the Left prepare to push this nation toward their vision of utopia where only the government and criminals would be armed.

API psychiatrist says he won’t resign?

HEAD OF PSYCHIATRY GOES PUBLIC WITH ‘RESISTANCE’ LETTER

Dr. Anthony Blanford of the Alaska Psychiatric Institute says he not about to resign just because the incoming governor has asked for resignations from all at-will employees. He is an at-will employee of the State.

Blanford, who is a registered Democrat, decided to take his grievance public; he wrote a letter to the editor of the Anchorage Daily News.

Perhaps he should have slept on that letter. Blanford makes $313,000 in salary plus benefits for a total of $430,000 a year.

After all that has occurred at API in recent years under his watch, Blanford is not in the position to make the case to the public that he is indispensable. API has been in the news for its dangerous conditions, a longstanding problem made worse by Alaska’s increasingly violent mental health patients.

Blanford

In fact, Blanford may have just proven a point of Gov.-elect Mike Dunleavy’s Chief of Staff Tuckerman Babcock, who sent a letter out to all at-will employees, letting them know they need to submit their resignation and also let the new administration know if they want to continue serving in the Dunleavy Administration.

The Dunleavy Administration wants to know: Do you want to serve in a Dunleavy Administration?

Blanford just communicated that not only is he not on board, but he believes he is entitled to his job. He also said that his refusal to resign is a matter of principle and that he wants some sort of budget guarantee. Instead of seeing a new governor as an opportunity to make productive changes, Blanford has chosen to make demands of a person who has been elected but has not yet taken office.

Blanford’s letter follows:

It is not a secret that the mental health system is in crisis in Alaska, as it is much elsewhere in the U.S. Though the Alaska Psychiatric Institute is often the focus of criticism, it’s only the most visible agency statewide undergoing a severe crisis in mental health services.

As Director of Psychiatry at API, I have worked hard with many others to sustain a system that at this point appears unsustainable unless adequate support and funding is forthcoming from the Dunleavy administration.

I am also an exempt employee of the state of Alaska, but I will not be offering my resignation. Whereas it might seem like a simple matter to offer my resignation with the likelihood of being retained, this symbolic gesture of deference doesn’t settle well with me.

I can’t say I’m in favor of further cuts and hiring freezes, because that’s not what’s needed at API at this time, and that’s the only plan I’ve heard so far. If API is not allowed to move forward with plans already in place, the crisis will continue or get worse. Politics have already cut deeply into our ability to care for the mentally ill.

The state of Alaska hired me for my expertise, not my political allegiance. My moral allegiance is to the mentally ill and the staff who care for them. There has been progress, but not nearly enough and not fast enough, with the state often getting in its own way. I would like to continue as Director of Psychiatry at API because I believe there are feasible and fiscally responsible ways improve API and our state mental health system, but I would also like to know first if the incoming administration is invested in making this happen.

Senate Democrats choose Tom Begich as minority leader

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Alaska Senate Democrats gathered in Anchorage over the weekend to form their minority caucus and elected Tom Begich as the Senate minority leader.

Begich was elected to fill the seat formerly held by Sen. Johnny Ellis and began serving in January, 2017. His colleagues in the minority put him in the leadership position, rather than more senior member, Sen. Bill Wielechowski.

“We congratulate Senator [Cathy] Giessel on putting her organization together, but are disappointed that our request for a Caucus of the Whole was not accepted by the other party,” Begich said of the majority caucus that was announced on Sunday.

Begich said in an email that the minority caucus would focus on crime, education and the Permanent Fund dividend.

“Senate Democrats were hoping all members of the Senate could focus strictly on those issues we all can agree would move Alaska forward,” Begich wrote. “Senate Democrats will focus on addressing crime in Alaska, putting resources in the classroom, and protecting the permanent fund dividend. All Alaskans deserve hope, opportunities to succeed, and safe communities and we will work to make that happen.”

The rest of the six-member caucus is comprised of Sens. Donny Olson of Golovin,  Bill Wielechowski of Anchorage, and three newly elected lawmakers: Scott Kawasaki of Fairbanks, Elvi Gray-Jackson of Anchorage, and Jesse Kiehl of Juneau.

Sen. Lyman Hoffman of Bethel was invited to join the Senate Democrat caucus, which is holding off releasing its committee assignments until they see where he settles.

This is a normal process where the rural senators wait to see what kind of openings exist in the majority and minority caucus and choose the caucus to join based on which is more advantageous to their district.

If the 30-year tradition holds, Hoffman could also join the majority Republican caucus.

Senate organizes: Cathy Giessel to preside

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The Alaska Senate Republican-led majority met this weekend to form its leadership team, which is comprised of three women and two men:

Sen. Cathy Giessel, Senate president
Sen. John Coghill, chair of Rules
Sen. Mia Costello, majority leader
Sen. Bert Stedman, co-chair of Finance, for operating budget
Sen. Natasha von Imhof, co-chair of Finance, for capital budget

The majority includes all 13 Republicans elected to the Legislature.

Clockwise from top left, Coghill, Costello, von Imhof, Stedman

Committee chairs have not been finalized but Sen. Gary Stevens of Kodiak will chair the Legislative Council, a group that meets and makes decisions when the Legislature is not in session.

Gary Stevens

“The Senate is committed to listening to Alaskans who have made their priorities clear: the state budget, public safety and protecting the Permanent Fund and the dividend,” said Sen. Giessel.  “We stand ready to serve Alaskans.”

The majority will meet over the next few weeks to finalize the committee chairs and articulate the specific priorities.

There have been three other women Senate presidents in the Alaska Legislature since Statehood: Drue Pearce (twice);  Lyda Green, 2007-2008; and Jan Faiks, 1987-1988. All were Republicans.

Giessel represents Northeast Anchorage, Anchorage Hillside, Indian, Bird, Girdwood & Portage. Through redistricting, she has also in the past represented an area that stretched as far as North Kenai. Giessel is a nurse practitioner who volunteers at a clinic in Anchorage when she is not working at her legislative duties.

Coghill is from Fairbanks, Costello and von Imhof are from Anchorage, and Stedman is from Sitka.

Not in the 13-member majority this term is a familiar face from rural Alaska who has often co-chaired Finance for the Republican majority: Sen. Lyman Hoffman of Bethel. The other rural Democrat who could probably still join the majority is Sen. Donny Olson of Golovin, near Nome. But for now, it’s a 13-member, all Republican majority, with a door left ajar for a couple of rural senators who, in order to be elected, must remain Democrats.

The Senate Democrat minority has been in Anchorage this weekend also organizing its seven-member caucus.

Walker to announce the 2020 budget on Nov. 26

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WEEKS BEFORE IT’S DUE, HE’S LAYING A POLITICAL TRAP — IN PUBLIC

Gov. Bill Walker is the featured speaker at the “Make it Monday” Forum on Nov. 26, a weekly event produced by the Anchorage Chamber of Commerce.

Walker’s topic?

The Walker Administration’s 2020 budget. The one he will not be implementing.

No governor has ever tried to paint the incoming governor into a corner the way Walker is about to do on Monday. He’ll likely give every group and constituency a going-away gift and set the stage for discord. He’s already told the Alaska Travel Industry Association that the budget will contain $12 million for the association — a promise he cannot keep.

The budget is not due until Dec. 15.  Generally, a simple working budget is left by the outgoing administration for the incoming one to work with.

For Walker to make a presentation about his budget seems to be his way of sandbagging Gov.-elect Mike Dunleavy, perhaps not for the last time.

When Walker took office in 2014, outgoing Gov. Sean Parnell left him a budget to work with, but did not attempt to back him into a corner by rolling it out in a public fashion. It was a “work in progress” budget that was handed over to the new administration privately as a deliberative document. Walker had two weeks to work with it before it was statutorily due to the Legislature. Rather than use that time and format a budget, Walker just filed it on Dec. 15 without his endorsement.

“As part of our commitment to having an open and transparent government, we are releasing the Parnell administration’s Work-In-Progress budget,”  Walker said back then. “We appreciate the effort that the previous administration put in to giving us a starting point.”

Walker further indicated that he would make significant amendments to that Parnell budget, which were due in February. By then, he had eliminated most of the capital budget, including the shovel-ready Juneau Access project.

“Make it Monday Forum” is held at the Dena’ina Center in Anchorage on Nov. 26, starting at 11:30 a.m.

What’s the matter with Fairbanks?

IS GOLDEN HEART CITY TURNING BLUE?

With the Senate Seat A flipping to Democrat Scott Kawasaki, Alaska conservatives are asking if Fairbanks has gone the way of downtown Anchorage. Has it become a left-leaning northern haven that voted into the Senate a guy whose most notable act in the House of Representatives was sticking his tongue out at the House Speaker?

A review of history says no. Something has changed, however, in the past decade.

The military personnel in the area hold the key to who gets elected. That community has grown and will continue to grow.

With 5,108 soldiers currently stationed at Fort Wainwright, and 2,000 at Eielson Air Force Base, the military community — with its additional civilian workforce and family dependents — defines much about the Golden Heart City.

The area leans right in its heart, and patriotism runs deep. But the military community simply doesn’t turn out to vote except in a presidential election year.

The other definer of the city is the University of Alaska Fairbanks community. It tacks deeply the other way, toward Democrats and more government spending.

In 2014, Senate Seat A was changed during redistricting, and it was placed on a midterm election cycle, rather than a presidential election cycle. Without military voters, the district is on the bubble, as this election shows.

In 2012, Republican Pete Kelly beat Democrat Joe Paskvan for what was then Senate Seat B. Kelly won 54 to 45 percent of the vote.

After redistricting, Kelly had to run for the seat again in 2014, rather than the usual four year term. He won with 61 percent against a little-known Democrat.

Some 11,517 voters cast ballots in 2012, and only 8,926 in 2014 for the Senate seat. Why?

There was a presidential choice on the ballot in 2012.

Fast forward to 2018, when again only 8,120 people voted in the Senate Seat A race.

The military stayed home. But by now, Democrats had a candidate in Scott Kawasaki, who had served the more liberal-leaning half of the district in the House for more than a decade. Kawasaki’s tongue-gate rebuke was far in the past and he’d been sending out birthday cards to everyone in his district for years.

District 1, which trends toward university voters, would turn out for him, and District 2, where more military people live, could be counted on to stay home.

It was an expensive race, costing more than a half million dollars, between the candidates’ coffers and the independent groups that supported them. Still, a well-known Democrat is only winning the seat with 173 votes.

Kawasaki, not including union-fueled political action committees, raised and spent about $210,000 on his campaign. Kelly raised nearly $188,000, some $22,000 less than Kawasaki.

CAN DEMOCRATS HOLD THE SEAT?

Senate Seat A is a swing vote region. Fort Wainwright and Eielson Air Force Base voters cannot be persuaded to turn out. Even if Kelly had raised another $50,000, he might not have convinced soldiers and airmen to vote in enough numbers to turn the ballots his way.

This is where the next redistricting can have an impact, and why holding the Senate majority and the House majority is so critical for Republicans. The redistricting board will have the ability to put Senate Seat A on a cycle that matches the presidential election.

To get a sense of how the impact of the two military bases impact elections in Fairbanks, the last presidential election is the best marker.  Here is how the individual precincts voted:

Aurora Precinct 1

  • Hillary Clinton 295
  • Donald Trump 434

Fairbanks No. 1

  • Hillary Clinton 65
  • Donald Trump 113

Fairbanks No. 2

  • Hillary Clinton 120
  • Donald Trump 157

Fairbanks No. 3

  • Hillary Clinton 205
  • Donald Trump 218

Fairbanks No. 4

  • Hillary Clinton 86
  • Donald Trump 149

Fairbanks No. 5

  • Hillary Clinton 228
  • Donald Trump 365

Fairbanks No. 6

  • Hillary Clinton 119
  • Donald Trump 182

Fairbanks No. 7

  • Hillary Clinton 216
  • Donald Trump 228

Fairbanks No. 10

  • Hillary Clinton 58
  • Donald Trump 119

THE BOTTOM LINE

For Senate Seat A to return to Republican control in 2022, they’ll need a well-known, well-regarded, and well-funded Fairbanks person to run in four years, and they’ll need to have that seat aligned with the presidential election cycle. Failing that, Republicans will need to motivate military personnel to come to the polls.

He fired all those selfless public servants!

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BY ART CHANCE
SENIOR CONTRIBUTOR

We’ve all seen the breathless headlines and if you’re on social media you’ve seen all the wailing and gnashing of teeth about Governor-elect Mike Dunleavy’s demand for the resignation of all “at will” employees of the State.

Since the fake news reporters and the union shills are clueless, I’ll explain it for you.

First, the governor-elect asked the current administration to give notice to the “at will” employees in the Executive Branch that the new administration desired their resignation by Nov. 30.

“At will” has an arguable meaning under Alaska law, but at least some of the people in the State’s partially-exempt and exempt services are something like “at will” employees.

Exempt employees are as a matter of law not subject to the State Personnel Act and the State Pay Plan established in statute.  The purpose is to be able to recruit people in skill sets that are very hard to recruit, or people who are to serve the State in some temporary and special endeavor.

High-dollar professionals get recruited here like petroleum geologists and psychiatrists and other highly pedigreed professionals.

People who write the right checks or sleep in the right beds also get recruited here as “temporary exempts,” jobs that if you have a friend in a high place get you $100K a year or more just because of who you know.

The essence of being an exempt employee is the fact that when you accept the job, you are a temporary employee; you enjoy none of the protections of the State Personnel Act; you cannot appeal your dismissal. You could sue if you had the money, but you had to prove that the State violated the law by firing you; many have gone there, but few have prevailed. That said, some have prevailed.

Partially-exempt employees are mostly the true political appointees in State government. Partially-exempt or PX employees are the commissioner’s staff, the directors, the special assistants, and most important for this discussion: the lawyers in the Department of Law, and they’re screeching like banshees.

The Legislature determined that all the lawyers in the State government were political appointees who served at the pleasure of the Governor. The courts a couple of times have said that, “we’ll decide that,” and told the governor s/he couldn’t fire some attorney; it’s not a settled matter. Some State lawyers are just brief writers and briefcase toters and have no policy role; some are involved in policy and are truly “at will” employees.

These are temporary jobs. You don’t buy half-million dollar houses in Juneau if you have a temporary job that may not last even the four-year term of the governor who appointed you. If you don’t have private wherewithal to go back to, you don’t take a political appointment unless you’re completely prepared to be out looking for a job sometime in the next four years.

If you’re a career state employee at the level that can look to become a political appointee, you’re out of your mind if you accept an appointment if you’re more than four years from retirement eligibility. That calculus has changed a bit with the implementation of the defined contribution Tier IV PERS, but few people in Tier IV are at the level to be vying for political appointments.

Governor-elect Dunleavy did the right thing; it is time to hit the reset button on the State’s political appointees. Some are apolitical subject matter experts; the governor should fire them anyway and accept their application if they want to keep their job.  Most are just hangers-on and should go trade their blue suit for a blue vest or find a new address in a zip code that doesn’t start with 99.

Art Chance is a retired Director of Labor Relations for the State of Alaska, formerly of Juneau and now living in Anchorage. He is the author of the book, “Red on Blue, Establishing a Republican Governance,” available at Amazon. 

Southeast Alaska faces a redistricting peril

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By WIN GRUENING
SENIOR CONTRIBUTOR

After U. S. independence, the country’s population grew, but did not grow equally. Some towns and counties grew much faster and larger than others. In order to keep pace with changing population and provide balance in their legislative bodies, some jurisdictions shifted the number of elected representatives assigned to each district, or reconfigured district lines; others did not.

In a series of court cases starting in the mid-1960s, the Supreme Court decided that large disparities in district populations violated the U.S. Constitution. It required roughly equal population for each legislative district. This meant, to account for population changes, district boundaries must be readjusted every ten years after each new U.S. Census.

Win Gruening

How and when this is implemented can impact future elections significantly.  All candidates for the U.S. House, state legislatures, and even some municipal assemblies or councils are elected from districts.

Since U. S. Senators, Governors, and other state-wide offices represent entire states without regard to districts, redistricting does not affect them.  Alaska is one of only seven states that contains just one congressional district representing the entire state, so redistricting doesn’t affect the U.S. House seat now held by Representative Don Young.

If a state’s population shifts dramatically, it can either lose or gain seats in Congress through re-apportionment. Likewise, within each state, redistricting may result in changing legislative representation. In Alaska,redistricting affects the seats held by our state legislators – 20 in the State Senate and 40 in the State House.

Alaska’s constitution mandates that state legislative lines are drawn by a five-member independent commission. The governor chooses two commissioners. The state Senate president, House speaker, and chief justice of the state Supreme Court each choose one.  A commissioner may not be a public official or government employee and must be an Alaskan resident for at least one year. At least one commissioner must be appointed from each of the state’s four judicial districts.

It shouldn’t be surprising that redistricting has led to legal challenges during both Republican and Democrat administrations. This has resulted in the state Supreme Court requiring plan revisions for non-compliance with Alaska constitutional standards.

Alaska districts must be, as much as practicable, equal in population size, socio-economic make-up, and be contiguous and compact – all more exacting than federal requirements – and difficult to achieve in a state as large as ours with widely separated population centers. Assuming compliance with these standards, it would be difficult to “gerrymander” districts in a way that would pass constitutional muster.

Nevertheless, recent demographic trends will have enormous implications for Alaskans and especially those living in Juneau and Southeast.

Despite election races currently pending, Republicans will still likely control both legislative bodies along with the Governor’s House.  They would also control four of the five appointments to the Redistricting Board and will determine major legislative leadership positions, committee chairs, and therefore, scheduling and control of legislative action.

All three members of Juneau’s newly-elected legislative delegation are Democrat and just one legislator in Southeast Alaska (Sen. Bert Stedman from Sitka) would be in a legislative majority.

Equally important, large population increases in the Mat-Su, coupled with continuing declining population in Southeast, and Juneau in particular, presage a loss of regional representation in the Legislature.

Since 1980, Southeast’s nine legislative seats have declined to six and, given current population trends, may decline even further.  Remember, after the 2010 census, redistricting required re-allocation of district boundaries in order to offset declines in Juneau and other areas of Southeast.  This resulted in the loss of one house seat to Wasilla, requiring Haines, Skagway, and Gustavus to be absorbed into Juneau’s downtown district.

This doesn’t bode well for Southeast region’s ability to influence state operating and capital expenditures (especially in connection with the marine highway system) or future debates regarding the location of Alaska’s capital or legislature.

Long term, in order to stem the region’s dwindling political clout, Juneau and Southeast should consider working with the new administration and legislative majorities to embrace economic growth that will provide stable jobs and a lower cost of living – thereby attracting additional population to its communities.

The alternative is to do nothing and watch Southeast communities continue to shrink in population and influence.

Win Gruening retired as the senior vice president in charge of business banking for Key Bank in 2012. He was born and raised in Juneau and graduated from the U.S. Air Force Academy in 1970. He is active in community affairs as a 30-plus year member of Juneau Downtown Rotary Club and has been involved in various local and statewide organizations.

Assessing the midterm election: Ballot Measure 1 failed to turn out voters

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TURNOUT MODERATE

Two weeks after the Nov. 6 General Election in Alaska, enough of the absentee votes are counted that we can take a look at turnout.

Statewide, turnout was 49 percent, a strong number considering that the Division of Elections has a massive 571,851 registered voters for this election cycle — the most in Alaska history.

That means over 77 percent of the entire Alaska population is now eligible to vote.

Some 184,000 Alaskans are under the age of 18 and therefore ineligible to vote. These numbers are according to the U.S. Census and are, by nature, inexact.

280,458 of the 571,851 eligible ended up casting ballots before 8 pm on Nov. 6.

The voter rolls have ballooned in the decade since 2008, when there were only 495,000 registered voters.

An anomaly is that although the overall population of the state has increased by 7.28 percent in those 10 years, the registered voters have increased by 15 percent.

The biggest jump came between 2016 and 2018, when the number of registered voters jumped nearly 8 percent. At the same time, applicants for the Permanent Fund dividend dropped by 2,118 by the March 31 deadline this year, an indicator of a falling population. Actual population dropped by 2,629, according to the State of Alaska.

How can the population drop and yet Alaska has more registered voters than at any time in the history of the state? Chalk it up to automatic voter registration during the Permanent Fund dividend application process.

668,588 applied for a Permanent Fund dividend. Anyone who was eligible to register was automatically enrolled as a voter. The opt-out provision was badly managed.

IMPACT OF BALLOT MEASURE 1

Ballot initiatives are used to drive voter turnout, but Ballot Measure 1 underperformed for the Democrats who pushed it.

Ballot Measure 1 would have made salmon protections more stringent than current laws provide. Millions of dollars were spent by both the environmental lobby and the business community to motivate people to vote either yes or no on what became known as the “Stand for Salmon” or “Stand for Alaska” ballot question.

Ballot Measure 1 earned fewer total votes than the other two statewide items on the ballot, which were the governor’s race with 278,597 votes and the congressional race with 277,647 votes.

Yet for all the millions spent on persuasion, Ballot Measure 1 only brought 271,168 votes.  Several thousand voters either were undecided or found the dense language on the ballot confusing and put-offish.

Generally, higher voter turnout favors Democrats. But in this election, Republicans took the Congressional race, the Governor’s Office, the State House and the State Senate. They also crushed Ballot Measure 1.

With Ballot Measure 1 failing by a landslide, 62.4 to 37.6 percent, it appears that a large number of Democrats and progressives — as much as 18 percent — voted against the measure that was placed on the ballot specifically to bring them out to the polls.

TOP DISTRICTS FOR TURNOUT

The most avid voters in the state were in House District 28, Rabbit Creek-South Anchorage, with a 62 percent turnout.

The lowest performing district in the state remains House District 15, JBER-Muldoon, where 28 percent of the voters turned out.

District 2 Fairbanks, where Rep. Steve Thompson is the incumbent, had only a 29 percent turnout — a poor showing that resulted in the defeat of incumbent Senator Pete Kelly.