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Failing the future: Amendment to operating budget would have said no state-funded abortions of convenience, but one key Republican voted no

Amendment 10 to House Bill 53, the state operating budget, failed on Monday to protect the unborn in Alaska. Offered by Rep. Sarah Vance, it had language to prevent money to be used for most abortions.

“No money appropriated in this appropriation may be expended for an abortion that is not a mandatory service required under AS 47.07.030(a). The money appropriated for the Department of Health may be expended only for mandatory services required under Title XIX for optional services offered by the state under the state plan for medical assistance that has been approved by the United States Department of Health and Human Services.

The amendment failed on a split vote of 20/20.

Sponsors and yes votes were Rep. Vance, DeLena Johnson, Cathy Tilton, Kevin McCabe, George Rauscher, Jubilee Underwood, Frank Tomaszewski, Rebecca Schwanke, Jamie Allard, David Nelson, Bill Elam, Dan Saddler, Justin Ruffridge, Mia Costello, Alexi Moore, Will Stapp, Jeremy Bynum, and Mike Prax.

The only Republican to vote no was Rep. Louise Stutes of Kodiak. Hers was the pivotal vote that keeps taxpayer dollars funding the violent taking of a human life.

The no votes also included all Democrats: Robyn Burke, Ashley Carrick, Maxine Dibert, Bryce Edgmon, Ted Eischeid, Zack Fields, Neal Foster, Alyse Galvin, Andrew Gray, Carolyn Hall, Sara Hannan, Rebecca Himschoot, Ky Holland, Nellie Jimmie, Andy Josephson, Donna Mears, Genevieve Mina, Cal Schrage, and Andi Story.

Alaska is one of 17 states use state funds to cover “medically necessary” abortions under Medicaid beyond the federal Hyde Amendment restrictions (which limit federal funding to cases of life endangerment, rape, or incest). Medically necessary is an elastic term that is open to interpretation. In addition to Alaska, the following states also use taxpayer money to pay for abortions. Most of them are heavily Democrat: Arizona, California, Connecticut, Hawaii, Illinois, Maryland, Massachusetts, Minnesota, Montana, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, Oregon, Vermont, Washington, and West Virginia.

Congressman Nick Begich sets campaign fundraising record for first quarter

Congressman Nick Begich raised $2.8 million for his election in 2024, winning against a much better funded former Rep. Mary Peltola, who had at least $13.8 million in her campaign, plus the money of side groups like unions.

This cycle it’s different for Begich. On Tuesday the Republican from Alaska announced he has raised a record amount in the first quarter of 2025, with more than $824,279 coming from 21,644 individual contributors, for an average contribution size of $38.

During the same quarter in 2023, Peltola had set the Alaska record by raising $375,000.

“I am deeply grateful to the thousands of supporters who made our record-setting quarter possible,” Begich said. “This strong start puts us in a solid position to hold this seat next year so we can continue to deliver results for all Alaskans. Under President Trump’s leadership, we can and will unlock Alaska’s vast potential and bring prosperity to our state while providing the resources America needs.”

Although House members come up for reelection every other year, their campaigns are busy even on the off years building the support to win in the following year. Begich’s strong showing is a signal to the Democrats that he will be tough to beat in 2026. He has, however, been placed on the Democrat Congressional Campaign Committee’s target list. The Democrats believe that Alaska’s only congressional seat is “in play.”

In 2024, that same Democrat group put Peltola on its “rescue” list, but was unable to pull her over the finish line first, as Alaska voters were able to see how she performed in Congress with their own eyes. She was one of President Joe Biden’s most ardent supporters, and he lost the state by a margin of over 13%.

For 2026, the center-left Cook Political Report puts Begich in the “driver’s seat” for keeping the seat, as of February. However, it’s still unclear who the Democrats will put up against Begich, with Peltola appearing to be uninterested in returning to the campaign trail, as she is reportedly making more than $400,000 as a consultant with the law firm Holland and Hart.

Bob Bird: Holy Week, Holy Shroud

By BOB BIRD

In an amazing turnaround from the Biden era, the Trump White House issued Holy Week greetings to the entire country. As a flawed human being, and one who has escaped death by a hair’s breadth, as well as the preposterous dirty tricks of the Deep State, it appears that Trump is discovering something that every person must come to grips with: the soon-to-be experienced Divine Judgment.

We live in a culture that sweeps such soul-chilling realities under the rug, but within every soul exists the basic understanding of right and wrong. There is no escaping it. You do not have to study or be schooled in this truth. The Bible says that God has implanted it in everyone’s heart. We will be called to account, and we are all guilty.

Why is Holy Week necessary to be understood and commemorated? Because to have any chance at eternal life, the Son of God had to become Man, preach to us, demonstrate His powers and accept the preposterous suffering that a Roman crucifixion entails. In our time, we have used the medium of books and movies to impart to us how this may have been like, 2,000 years ago. All are different, all recognize that their version may not be entirely accurate, and yet we can be utterly slammed when we see the following list of non-fiction books or motion pictures:

The Day Christ Died by Jim Bishop.

The Last Hours of Jesus by Ralph Gorman.

The Founding of Christendom by Warren H. Carroll.

But it is the motion picture that our culture has come to chiefly rely upon. Mel Gibson’s The Passion of the Christ and Franco Zeferelli’s Jesus of Nazareth take very little artistic license, and must be classified technically as fiction, yet are based upon solid Biblical narrative and researched facts. Currently an animated feature is out, The King of Kings, and appears to be worthy. Many have seen Risen, starring Ralph Fiennes, a fictionalized yet plausible story of a Roman tribune who encounters the risen Christ.

But what if we could get into a time machine and be there? At the foot of the cross, on Friday, April 7, 30 AD? Or at the moment of resurrection on April 9? What would it really have looked like? How did people react? What about the two disciples on the road to Emmaus? Mary Magdalen’s encounter in the cemetery? What is it like to actually see an angel, as the women coming to anoint the body did? Or the 10 apostles on Easter evening, when Jesus walked through a locked door? Or when Thomas placed his hands into Jesus’ wounds a few days later?

Well, we actually can. Sort of. And you can do it today. On the internet are hundreds of documentaries, brief interviews and talk-show discussions about the Holy Shroud of Turin. It may be from the BBC, National Geographic, the History Channel. If you encounter the opinions of the fast-evaporating skeptics, they are probably hopelessly outdated. 

These discussions involve its scientific properties, its history and current theories — which are constantly being revised by honest science. The Holy Shroud is the most scrutinized artifact in human history, exceeding the Rosetta Stone, moon rocks, the Zapruder film or photos from Mars.

What does this artifact tell us? Whenever I lecture on it, with a life-sized replica in the room, you should see what I see: the eyes of the audience, whenever its properties begin to communicate the dynamics of the self-torture of crucifixion. Or the pain of hematidrosis, the sweating of blood. The BB-studded whips of the Roman flagrum. The carrying of a 100-pound cross beam on the shoulders, and the bruising of the knees and head from the face-plants that follow each stumble. Or the fixture of a helmet of thorns.

Only God could leave us His photograph, implanted on linen, and in the medium of a photographic negative. As Lord of Time, only He could reach His loving hand across the centuries to blast our layers of complacency away, in our age that worships anything and everything but Him.

Truly, in every century, mankind is a flock of lost and scattered sheep, ripe for easy picking by wolves. Likely our imagination of the demons and goblins of hell pale before the reality. The voice of the Shepherd calls us, for only He can protect us. The rage of the demons screams at every soul that accepts, with humility, the admission, confession and cost of our sins. 

The Holy Shroud silently awaits the investigation of those who have chosen to regard the Bible as a fairy tale. Our electronic age makes it possible to do so without going to Italy or attending a lecture. Only God could be so loving, and so patient, with his sheep. 

Go to www.shroud.com and begin the search.

Bob Bird is former chair of the Alaskan Independence Party and the host of a talk show on KSRM radio, Kenai.

Murkowski blasts Trump over defunding of middleman program coordinating migrant legal aid

Sen. Lisa Murkowski of Alaska and Democrat Sen. Jon Ossoff of Georgia co-wrote a letter of criticism to the Trump Administration over an immigration policy decision to defund a legal representation program for unaccompanied minors.

Murkowski, one of the most vocal Republican critics of Trump, condemns the Department of Health and Human Services for halting the program after the last contract came to an end in March.

In her April 15 letter, Murkowski urged HHS Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. to immediately reinstate legal representation for over 26,000 unaccompanied minors currently in federal custody.

There is no indication that these minors will not get representation through the usual means, but Murkowski seems to think the worst will happen. Some nonprofits, like Kids in Need of Defense, as well as state-run programs continue to provide legal aid to unaccompanied minors.

Her letter expresses “serious concern” over what she calls a “reckless and harmful” move that directly violates the Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization Act of 2008. Yet the funding of this program did not start until 2023, raising a question about how the law had been violated throughout the Obama Administration.

“Terminating legal representation for more than 26,000 unaccompanied children flouts this mandate,” the letter reads. “Without legal representation, children will face significantly higher risk of predation by traffickers.”

The termination of what has been a two-year-old program started by President Biden occurred shortly after the contract with the Acacia Center for Justice ended on March 21. The center had been funded by the Biden Administration since 2023 and has some philanthropic sources of funding.

The termination of the federal contract represents a shift in border priorities that includes stronger enforcement. Trump has also now sent the military to the southern border to beef up protection.

The Amica Center for Immigrant Rights and other nonprofit organizations filed a federal lawsuit against HHS, arguing the termination violated the Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization Act of 2008, which mandates access to legal counsel for unaccompanied children to the greatest extent practicable.

The lawsuit claims the decision leaves vulnerable children without representation, risking deportations without due process. But before the $200 million annual funding for the program, youth were represented, but without the middle man of the Acacia Center.

A temporary restraining order was granted on April 1 to halt the termination’s effects until at least April 16, indicating the federal judge will side with the complainants and set up another case to be fought at the Supreme Court.

According to Murkowski, many of the minors are now left to navigate complex immigration proceedings alone, which is a falsehood.

She imagines that toddlers will be standing in front of immigration judges without an advocate or without even understanding the language of the court.

“This population has no meaningful alternative to ORR-administered legal representation,” her letter states, referring to the Office of Refugee Resettlement. “Without restoration of these legal services, too many unaccompanied children will be on their own.”

Her latest move is the most recent flashpoint in Murkowski’s increasingly strained relationship with the Trump Administration. Although a registered Republican, Murkowski has a record of being anti-Trump nearly to the point of obsession, most certainly harming her Alaska constituents by creating hostilities.

In Anchorage this weekend, she told a group of nonprofit leaders that “We are all afraid. It’s quite a statement. But we are in a time and a place where I certainly have not been here before. And I’ll tell ya, I’m oftentimes very anxious myself about using my voice, because retaliation is real. And that’s not right,” according to a report by the Anchorage Daily News. Notably, she does not repeat these statements to other groups, but nonprofits in Alaska are a major siphon of federal funds and have become one of her main constituencies.

Murkowski is one of the leaders of the resistance to Trump, who won the state of Alaska by 13.13 percentage points over Kamala Harris, doing better last year than the 10.06 percentage point win he had in Alaska in 2020, when he was challenged by Biden.

Murkowski’s letter was also cc’d to Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem and Angie Salazar, acting director of the Office of Refugee Resettlement. Here’s the letter:

DOGE Alaska: State union demands will drive costs

As the Alaska Legislature continues to debate the operating and capital budgets, the State of Alaska is engaged in ongoing negotiations with the General Government Unit, the largest collective bargaining unit representing over 10,000 state employees.

The GGU has some mega-sized demands that will be cost drivers that the Alaska Legislature will need to fund, if these demands are met even halfway. The total cost for the three major components of union demands is over $800 million.

With the current agreement set to expire on June 30, 2025, the parties have met 20 times since Oct. 30, with the most recent meeting on April 14.

To date, the State and GGU have tentatively agreed on 16 of the 42 contract articles. These agreements largely maintain existing language without changes, aligning with other collective bargaining agreements and incurring no additional costs to the State.

However, big financial demands from the union are still on the table.

The union’s proposed increases to the State’s health insurance contributions alone are estimated at over $234.9 million over three years. The demand is for a 38% increase in year one, 36% in year two, and 42% in year three.

Notably, the State has no representation on the Health Trust Board, which recently approved employee contribution hikes of $50 for Plan A (17% increase), $25 for Plan B (18%), $5 for Plan C (14%), and $5 for Plan D (12.5%).

The union’s three highest-cost proposals include a 12% inflation adjustment that would cost the State $316.7 million, a 10.5% market adjustment at $277.1 million, and cost-of-living increases tied to inflation starting July 1, 2027.

Additionally, the union has put forward over 50 other cost drivers, including additional leave, mandated salary study provisions, daily overtime, premium pay for working on days off, paid leave for new employees to attend union activities, and retention pay.

In contrast, the State has proposed more modest cost-of-living increases based on the Consumer Price Index for Urban Alaska (CPI-U), offering 1.25% in the first year, 2.5% in the second, and an estimated 2.5% in the third. The State also seeks flexibility to supplement the workforce during emergencies and to limit feasibility studies for cost-saving outsourcing initiatives.

All monetary terms in a successor agreement require legislative approval, with the State conducting a “costing out” analysis to compare expenses against the current contract over the proposed three-year term. As negotiations continue, the outcome will have significant implications for state employees and taxpayers alike.

With the deadline approaching, the gap between proposals suggests difficult negotiations in coming weeks.

The Legislature is currently debating both the capital and operating budgets, with legislators adding hundreds of millions of dollars to the already unfunded budget, and cutting Alaskans’ Permanent Fund dividends to pay for the extra spending.

On tax day, America’s national debt is actually…

By CASEY HARPER | THE CENTER SQUARE

As Americans file their taxes at the last minute this April 15, the federal debt – and Americans’ federal debt burden – continues to grow. 

While the federal government reports a national debt nearing $37 trillion, one budget watchdog says the figure is actually much higher: $158.6 trillion, amounting to $974,000 for each federal taxpayer.

Truth in Accounting, a nonprofit budget accountability group that emphasizes a different approach to government accounting, released those figures, arguing that they more accurately represent the fiscal situation of the federal government.

TIA’s report includes $51.6 trillion for Medicare and $67.1 trillion for Social Security for benefits that have been promised to recipients down the road but are not considered in the ordinary national debt conversation. 

“These numbers come from the Social Security and Medicare Trustees Reports, which include calculations of the present value of projected benefits over the next 75 years, offset by the dedicated receipts expected over that period,” TIA Founder and CEO Sheila Weinberg told The Center Square. “Our calculations focus only on current participants – we do not include receipts or benefits from future participants.

“For Medicare specifically, in addition to the estimates based on current law, the actuaries also provide projections under the ‘Illustrative Alternative Scenario’… This scenario includes more realistic assumptions about future physician payment rates, and we use the IAS in our estimates.”

For instance, current government debt levels do not take into account the future payments for Social Mecurity and Medicare in the coming years, some of the nation’s biggest and most problematic financial obligations. 

“The Treasury Department only included a fraction, $241 billion, of the Social Security and Medicare liabilities on the federal balance sheet because unknown to most people, according to government documents, recipients do not have the right to any benefits beyond the benefits to be paid next month, and laws to reduce or stop future benefits can be passed at any time,” reads TIA’s report, first obtained by The Center Square. 

Budget experts have raised the alarm for years about the federal government’s runaway spending – under both political parties – and the threat it poses to the U.S. 

“Our country’s financial condition continues to spiral out of control, and taxpayers are left holding the bag,” Weinberg said.

TIA argues current federal accounting downplays the severity of the U.S. debt problem.

“Nontransparent, flawed budgeting and accounting techniques currently produce inaccurate amounts, making the federal government’s finances difficult, if not impossible, to manage,” the report said. “The first step in managing the nation’s finances should be presenting accurate and transparent figures through full accrual budgeting and accounting that includes the costs and growth in the liabilities related to the two programs our seniors rely on the most, Social Security and Medicare. This would enable Congress, the President, and the American people to make better-informed tax and spending decisions.”

Judith Eckert: Time for Dunleavy to lead the rescue of our state’s children from the digital pandemic

By Judith Eckert

The US Department of Education is being dismantled, and not a moment too soon. For years, federal overreach has eroded local control, dumbed down curriculum, and pushed policies that treat screens as saviors rather than suspects. Now, in the wake of President Trump’s March 2025 executive order, it’s finally up to governors, communities, and, most importantly, parents to reclaim the hearts and minds of our children.

We are in the midst of a crisis that no federal agency is equipped to solve: America’s kids are neurologically hijacked by digital devices. From smartphones to “learning” apps, pixelated babysitters are rewiring developing brains, draining motivation, and flooding classrooms with anxiety, attention issues, and behavioral outbursts.

Parents across Alaska and the country know this instinctively. You’ve seen it at dinner, on family outings, in your own home. You’ve fought the tantrums and watched the sparkle leave their eyes. The time for action is now, and it’s urgent.

This isn’t an exaggeration. Brain scans show tech-addicted kids lighting up the same way people with an addiction do. Psychiatrists have begun calling screens “digital heroin” and “electronic cocaine.” And our schools are paying the price. In 2024, just 31% of American fourth graders were proficient in reading. That’s not a slip, it’s a collapse.

The federal bureaucracy failed to protect our kids from this silent epidemic. Now that it’s stepping aside, the responsibility falls on us. We, as Alaskans, must urgently, locally, and unapologetically fill the vacuum. Our children’s future is in our hands.

Here’s what Alaska must do:

  • Establish State Task Forces on screen addiction and child brain health.
  • Ban addictive edtech apps from classrooms unless they prove academic value and safety.
  • Bring back vocational and outdoor learning with hands-on activities that restore neurological balance.
  • It’s time to empower parents, not platforms, to guide their children’s development. You, as parents, have the power to shape your children’s future. It’s time to reclaim that power and steer your children away from the digital abyss.
  • Embrace each culture and encourage culturally appropriate education.
  • We don’t need more tech “solutions.” We need truth, courage, and leadership. Alaska is uniquely positioned to lead. We value faith, family, and freedom. We know what it means to live unplugged and raise kids who build forts in the woods, not just followers on TikTok.

This is a rescue mission, not just for academic achievement, but for the very soul of the next generation.

It’s time to stop outsourcing parenting to screens and treating kids like test subjects in a Silicon Valley experiment. Governor Dunleavy, pastors, teachers, moms, and dads across Alaska must stand up and say ENOUGH.

Let Big Tech peddle its dopamine traps elsewhere. Here in Alaska, we still know the value of dirt under your nails, eye contact, and the slow, sacred work of raising a child.

The federal government is stepping back. The question is, will we step up?

Judith Eckert is an educator with over 30 years of experience in K–12 and special education. Her upcoming book, The Pixel Pandemic: Restoring God’s Design for Our Children in a Digital World (launching April 29, 2025), explores the neurological, emotional, and spiritual impact of screen addiction and offers real-world solutions for families and communities. Learn more at PixelPandemic.org.

Alaska Bush Caucus violates oath of office by pushing for rural preference with congressional delegation

Members of the Alaska House and Senate who call themselves the “Bush Caucus” have written a letter to the Alaska congressional delegation, telling them that they think Gov. Mike Dunleavy might be working to preserve hunting and fishing rights for all. They think that is a bad idea, because the federal government manages its lands with rural residents having priority for fish and game, a model they support.

The letter, received Monday, April 14, states that the Bush Caucus members think Dunleavy is trying to challenge the “Katie John” decisions and the federal government’s awarding of special rights for Natives under Title III of the Alaska National Interest Lands Conservation Act (ANILCA).

However, the letter’s promotion of a rural subsistence priority directly conflicts with the Alaska Constitution, which raises a question about whether the legislators who signed it are, in fact, violating their oath to uphold the state constitution. This may expose them to civil action by their constituents.

Key points of the letter include support for ANILCA’s rural subsistence priority under Title III of ANILCA, which prioritizes subsistence uses by rural residents during resource shortages; and the accusation that the Dunleavy Administration is undermining the “Katie John” decisions (which affirmed federal subsistence priority on certain navigable waters) through litigation and by seeking to align the state with President Trump’s Executive Order 14153.

The letter references the Alaska Supreme Court’s 1989 McDowell decision, which ruled that a rural subsistence priority violates the Alaska Constitution’s common use clause, and notes the state’s failure to amend the constitution to align with ANILCA. The letter says that Gov. Tony Knowles in 2001 made the promise that the state would never undermine the Katie John decision, and the writers state that binds the hands of all future governors.

The letter was signed by Speaker Bryce Edgmon, Rep. Louise Stutes, Rep. Robyn Burke, Sen. Lyman Hoffman, Rep. Neal Foster, Rep. Maxine Dibert, Sen. Donny Olson, and Rep. Nellie Jimmie.

The problem for these legislators, Alaska Constitution contains provisions that directly conflict with the rural subsistence priority advocated in the letter. These include:

  • Article VIII, Section 3 (Common Use Clause): “Wherever occurring in their natural state, fish, wildlife, and waters are reserved to the people for common use.” This clause mandates equal access to natural resources for all Alaskans, without preference for any group.
  • Article VIII, Section 4 (Sustained Yield): Requires fish and wildlife to be managed on a sustained yield principle, subject to preferences among beneficial uses, but not among specific groups like rural residents.
  • Article VIII, Section 17 (Uniform Application): “Laws and regulations governing the use or disposal of natural resources shall apply equally to all persons similarly situated with reference to the subject matter and purpose to be served by the law or regulation.” This prohibits discriminatory preferences based on residency or ethnicity.

In the 1989 McDowell v. State case, the Alaska Supreme Court ruled that the rural subsistence priority in state law (that were modeled after ANILCA) violated these constitutional provisions because it granted preferential access to rural residents, thus denying equal access to others. The court held that such a priority conflicted with the common use and uniform application clauses, rendering it unconstitutional under state law.

Alaska legislators take an oath under Article XII, Section 5 of the Alaska Constitution: “I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the duties of [my office], and will to the best of my ability preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the State of Alaska.” This oath binds legislators to uphold the constitution’s provisions, including those governing natural resource access.

The Bush Caucus’s advocacy for a rural subsistence priority, as outlined in the letter, appears to contradict the Alaska Constitution by promoting an unconstitutional policy to the congressional representatives, undermining common use and equal access provisions, and by failing to address the constitutional barriers. The letter writers reinforce federal authority through ANILCA to bypass state law, effectively stepping on the constitution, rather than upholding it.

The Bush Caucus is now promoting a position that the Alaska Supreme Court has deemed unconstitutional. They are actively working contrary to their oaths to “preserve, protect, and defend” the Alaska Constitution, and they are blatantly ignoring the McDowell ruling, which is binding under state law, while criticizing the governor for upholding the law.

If rural legislators truly believe in a rural preference, they need to try to amend the Alaska Constitution, but until then, their oath requires the opposite — that they uphold the Alaska Constitution.

Here is their letter:

Michael Tavoliero: Alaska’s health services analysis

TAKING BACK ALASKA SERIES

By MICHAEL TAVOLIERO

Alaska’s healthcare system currently faces severe challenges affecting the quality, accessibility, and affordability of medical services statewide. While well-intentioned, Medicaid expansion and the transfer of Alaska Native healthcare responsibilities to state administration, originally aimed at improving coverage and patient outcomes, have unintentionally exacerbated bureaucratic mismanagement, inefficiency, regulatory delays, and high operational costs.

Bureaucratic Realities of Alaska’s Healthcare System — A Hierarchical Breakdown

1. Alaska Department of Health

Core Issue: Unchecked Medicaid growth and cost mismanagement. 

Systemic Failures:

  • Inability to implement cost controls
  • Excessive administrative waste
    Consequences:
  • Exploding budget obligations
  • Reduced funding for direct patient care
  • Rising tax burden with limited care improvements

2. Department of Commerce, Community, and Economic Development

Core Issue: Slow, bureaucratic healthcare provider licensing.

Systemic Failures:

  • Delayed approvals
  • Excessive red tape
    Consequences:
  • Worsening provider shortages
  • Longer wait times, especially in rural areas
  • Reduced competitiveness in attracting medical talent

3. Alaska Mental Health Trust Authority

Core Issue: Lack of transparency and impact measurement.

Systemic Failures:

  • Poor financial accountability
  • Ineffective program evaluation
    Consequences:
  • Eroded public trust
  • Misallocation of funds
  • Crisis services remain underfunded

4. Division of Health Care Services

Core Issue: Inefficient Medicaid administration and claims processing.

Systemic Failures:

  • Delayed reimbursements
  • Poor provider communication
    Consequences:
  • Shrinking provider participation in Medicaid
  • Increased overhead costs
  • Reduced access for Medicaid patients

5. Health Facilities Licensing and Certification Unit

Core Issue: Over-regulated facility approval processes.

Systemic Failures:

  • Redundant paperwork
  • Regulatory rigidity
    Consequences:
  • Fewer new or upgraded facilities
  • Higher patient-care costs
  • Suppressed innovation in care delivery

6. Office of Children’s Services

Core Issue: Chronic mismanagement and under-resourcing. 

Systemic Failures:

  • Overwhelmed caseworkers
  • Delayed services for vulnerable children
    Consequences:
  • At-risk children fall through the cracks
  • Staff burnout and turnover
  • Long-term public health and safety risks

Alaska’s healthcare bureaucracy is bogged down by inefficient systems, redundant oversight, and a lack of accountability. The result is rising costs, underserved populations, and an overstretched workforce. Without restructuring, these agencies will continue to siphon resources from frontline care while delivering diminishing returns to the people they are meant to serve.

In short, Alaska’s healthcare bureaucracy demands comprehensive reform or restructuring to prioritize direct patient services, fiscal responsibility, and administrative transparency.

Alaska faces a mounting fiscal challenge driven by long-term Medicaid growth and an aging population. According to a forecast by Evergreen Economics, between FY2024 and FY2044, Alaska’s population will grow modestly by just over 21,000 people, with a significant shift toward older age groups. The number of Alaskans 20 to 64 years of age will grow by 18,778. The number of residents aged 65 and older is projected to increase by 14,263, while the population under 20 is expected to shrink.

This demographic shift will increase demand for Medicaid, particularly among older, higher-cost enrollees. Per-recipient Medicaid spending is expected to rise 3.7% annually, nearly double the rate seen from FY2010 to FY2023. Reimbursement rates, after years of lagging behind medical inflation, have recently surged and are projected to continue growing at 2.7% annually.

Overall, total Medicaid spending is expected to grow 4.4% annually, reaching nearly $6.5 billion by FY2044. State general fund contributions are projected to rise even faster, 4.9% per year, reaching over $1.7 billion. This forecast underscores the urgent need for Alaska to address structural inefficiencies, cost controls, and the long-term sustainability of its healthcare system.

The real question that demands honest scrutiny is this: Why is a sprawling government bureaucracy deemed necessary to deliver healthcare? And more urgently for Alaska, why has the state assumed federal responsibilities under the guise of “partnership,” effectively becoming a proxy to validate and sustain the Affordable Care Act?

Rather than improving outcomes, these delegated roles have burdened Alaska with escalating costs, growing inefficiencies, and a healthcare system increasingly driven by compliance over care. It’s time to ask whether the state’s involvement is truly about serving Alaskans or just propping up a federal mandate at the expense of fiscal responsibility and healthcare quality.

Alaska’s healthcare system faces critical fiscal and administrative challenges affecting the quality, affordability, and accessibility of medical services. Medicaid expansion and the transfer of Alaska Native healthcare responsibilities to state administration, intended to enhance coverage, have instead intensified bureaucratic inefficiencies, regulatory delays, and unsustainable fiscal burdens.

Alaska’s decision to adopt Medicaid expansion, initiated by the Walker Administration, was built on promises of extending health insurance coverage to roughly 40,000 low-income Alaskans, reducing hospitals’ uncompensated care costs (especially in rural and tribal regions), and leveraging federal funds to support Alaska’s economy amid declining oil revenues. However, these promises have largely failed to materialize in meaningful and sustainable ways, leaving the state burdened by unsustainable costs, increased bureaucracy, and fiscal vulnerability.

First, while the expansion did temporarily increase insurance coverage, it also drastically inflated the administrative costs and bureaucratic complexity of Alaska’s healthcare system. Rather than efficiently directing resources toward patient care, Medicaid expansion diverted substantial state resources into layers of federal and state bureaucracy. This has negatively impacted care quality and inflated the cost structure, diminishing rather than enhancing the effectiveness of healthcare delivery.

Second, the intended reduction in uncompensated hospital care has not alleviated financial burdens as expected, particularly in rural and tribal communities. Hospitals continue to face significant financial stress due to Medicaid’s notoriously low reimbursement rates and the cumbersome, slow, and expensive administrative processes associated with Medicaid claims. Consequently, the expansion has not achieved its goal of easing rural and tribal hospitals’ financial burdens, instead complicating their financial management and hindering access to quality care.

Third, the reliance on federal funds as an economic stabilizer has proven to be shortsighted. Federal funding commitments to Medicaid expansion are vulnerable to future budget cuts or policy changes, leaving Alaska fiscally exposed and dependent on an unreliable federal financial stream. Additionally, instead of alleviating the state’s budget crisis, these federal dollars have fueled the uncontrolled expansion of the state bureaucracy, exacerbating fiscal problems rather than resolving them. This dependence has further reduced Alaska’s motivation and capacity to develop innovative, state-based healthcare solutions tailored to unique local needs.

Moreover, the delegation of federal constitutional trust responsibilities, specifically regarding Alaska Native healthcare, has added an undue burden to the state. Historically, these trust responsibilities, established under federal obligations, were designed to ensure comprehensive healthcare for Alaska Native populations. The shift of these responsibilities onto Alaska has resulted in an increased administrative and financial load on the state, complicating the healthcare landscape without corresponding improvements in care delivery. The rationale for this delegation, that local control would inherently improve responsiveness and efficiency, has not materialized. Instead, it has exacerbated systemic inefficiencies and imposed significant financial and operational strain on Alaska’s healthcare infrastructure.

Given these realities, Alaska urgently needs to reconsider and ultimately reverse Medicaid expansion. Removing excessive federal and state bureaucracy from healthcare and reverting constitutional trust responsibilities back to the federal government would allow Alaska to design a leaner, more efficient, and patient-focused system. Prioritizing direct healthcare delivery over administrative processes can empower local providers, stimulate competition in the private sector, improve access to high-quality care, and establish long-term fiscal stability.

By reversing Medicaid expansion and reclaiming appropriate federal trust responsibilities, Alaska can regain control over its healthcare policies, allocate resources more effectively, and create a genuinely sustainable model tailored to its citizens’ unique needs, especially in underserved rural and tribal areas. The state should transition from a dependency-based, federally dictated healthcare framework toward a more dynamic, responsive, and financially responsible system that puts Alaskans, not bureaucrats, first.

Michael Tavoliero writes for Must Read Alaska.