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House Finance Committee Adopts Revised Election Integrity Measures

Todd M Lindley
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House Finance Committee Adopts Revised Election Integrity Measures

The Alaska House Finance Committee moved swiftly Monday morning to adopt a committee substitute for SB64, the elections reform package aimed at strengthening ballot curing, voter roll maintenance, and citizenship verification. Co-Chair Rep. Neal Foster (D-Nome) presided over the session, emphasizing the need for a clear working document ahead of an amendment deadline set for Thursday, March 19, at noon. The substitute, incorporates targeted refinements from prior discussions, reflecting a careful effort to enhance election security while respecting operational realities and taxpayer resources.

Staff from both the sponsor’s office and the committee walked members through the redlined changes. Key updates include clarifying voter roll maintenance triggers by ensuring any single criterion—rather than all—prompts a notice. The previous out-of-state physical address rule spanning 28 months was removed to align with federal constraints under the National Voter Registration Act. On citizenship verification, specific reference to the DHS Systematic Alien Verification for Entitlements (SAVE) program removed.

“I am not aware of any other system that verifies citizenship,” questioned Rep. Will Stapp (R-Fairbanks), “so what exactly are we referencing?” Dunsmore indicated that the bill intended to broaden to “one or more systems,” that may be developed granting the Division of Elections flexibility amid ongoing litigation.

New data security “sideboards” require encryption and prohibit retention by outside entities, addressing privacy concerns for Alaska’s 600,000 registered voters.

Additional technical adjustments refined breach notification timelines to 30 days (with election-specific safeguards), updated rural liaison duties, and eliminated an unworkable PFD data transmission requirement. Uncodified transition language now authorizes immediate regulation drafting and procurement, with an immediate effective date for those sections. The bulk of the bill, including ballot curing and tracking, takes effect August 31, 2026—after the primary but before the general election—while the “true source” clarification for ballot measures is delayed until January 1, 2027.

Fiscal notes remain unchanged, Director Carol Beecher confirmed, “we do not anticipate that it would reduce the cost,” she stated, underscoring the measured approach. Committee members probed implementation feasibility. Rep. Alyse Galvin (NA-Anchorage) asked whether staggered effective dates could accelerate certain provisions before the primary. Sponsor staff David Dunsmore described the package as “carefully negotiated,” advising collaboration before amendments. Rep. Jeremy Bynum (R-Ketchikan) pressed for an updated sectional analysis and a section-by-section timeline from the Division, both promised by day’s end.

Rep. Nellie Jimmy (D-Toksook Bay) highlighted the stakes of inaction: without the bill, rejected ballots stay rejected with no cure option. Co-Chair Foster noted plans for an additional hearing this week before amendments and set the bill aside. The substitute was adopted without sustained objection after a brief at-ease.

The changes prioritize accurate voter rolls, verifiable citizenship, and secure data handling—without rushing untested technology. The Division committed to delivering detailed implementation timelines by afternoon, allowing informed decisions on any further tweaks.

Anchorage Volunteers Needed to Process Nearly 2,000 Tax Assessment Appeals

Natalie Spaulding
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Anchorage Volunteers Needed to Process Nearly 2,000 Tax Assessment Appeals

This year’s property tax assessments caused quite an uproar in the Municipality of Anchorage. Many residents saw their property valuations rise significantly with little to no apparent reason. Some residents noted suspiciously targeted assessments that seem to favor politicians. Residents’ frustration resulted in 1,953 appeals submitted to the Anchorage Assembly.

According to Board of Equalization Chair Ian Moore, the nearly 2,000 appeals is “a record number which is beyond the capacity of the existing Board to address in a timely manner.” To address the issue, Assembly Chair Christopher Constant and Vice Chair Anna Brawley called on Anchorage residents to apply to serve on the Board of Equalization, an adjudicatory board that determines resolution of tax assessment appeals.

As of March 11, only 9 of 21 Board seats are filled. Without more volunteers to help process appeals, Board Chair Moore expects appeal resolutions to take until November 12, 2026 to complete.

Interested residents with backgrounds in real estate, taxes, banking, engineering, title companies, mortgage companies, or law can apply to serve on the Board by sending a resume and cover letter to the Municipal Clerk at [email protected].

Board of Equalization Members Needed for Property Valuation AppealsDownload

Opinion: Alaska GOP Convention Costs Silence the Voice of the Everyday Republican

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Opinion: Alaska GOP Convention Costs Silence the Voice of the Everyday Republican

By Zack Gottshall

Editor’s note: This op-ed was updated on 3/14/26 to reflect Zack Gottshall’s decision to attend the 2026 Alaska GOP Convention. Zack Gottshall, who is running for Chair, hopes to resolve the persistent issues which exist within the Party.

As the Alaska Republican Party prepares for its next State Convention, many grassroots Republicans are talking about something other than platform debates or the direction of the party. Instead, the conversation has increasingly turned to the cost of attending.

A State Convention should be about participation and representation within the party—not about pricing out the very grassroots activists who keep the party alive. Yet the looming cost of attending the next convention suggests that the priority remains fundraising over accessibility.

This concern is not new. In September 2024, I prepared and submitted the 2024 ARP Biennial Convention After Action Report to the Party Chair. The report summarized attendee feedback following the convention, and one issue came up repeatedly: the cost of registration. Several respondents specifically referenced the $275–$375 ticket price as being too high and noted that it discouraged participation. Others went further, stating that convention registration should not be used as a fundraising tool because it limits access for everyday Republicans.

Given that these concerns were formally documented and presented to party leadership in 2024, it would be reasonable to expect that pricing for the next convention would reflect those lessons. Unfortunately, that does not appear to be the case.

The venue comparison makes the situation even harder to explain. The 2024 State Convention was held at the Captain Cook Hotel in Anchorage—a beautiful and historic hotel widely considered one of the premier venues in the state. The 2026 convention, however, is scheduled to be held at the Soldotna Field House, a 54,000-square-foot athletic and community facility. Despite the obvious difference between a premier hotel venue and a public athletic facility, ticket prices for the 2026 convention show no meaningful reduction from the 2024 pricing structure. If the venue costs are lower, many grassroots Republicans are asking why the ticket prices remain nearly the same.

The contrast becomes even clearer when Alaska is compared to other Republican state conventions. Larger state parties charge far less for attendance. Texas convention registration is roughly $79. Michigan’s is about $50. Georgia’s convention typically falls between $150 and $200. These states represent far larger Republican organizations than Alaska, yet their conventions remain far more affordable for grassroots participants.

Once travel and lodging are added, the financial burden for Alaskans grows significantly. A valley-based Republican Women’s club leader recently noted that “when participation costs nearly $1,000 by the time travel and lodging are factored in…” many people simply cannot afford to attend. Another Republican Women’s leader remarked during a recent District Committee meeting, “You can’t be poor and a Republican in Alaska.”

Party leadership has acknowledged the reasoning behind the pricing. In response to concerns about ticket costs, the Party Vice Chair explained that the price reflects expenses such as “conference rooms, meeting spaces, IT, and make it worthwhile for people to attend.”

Concerns about participation extend beyond the State Convention itself. Within Region 4, districts were directed by the Region Representative to adopt a predetermined District Convention price rather than allowing District Committees to vote on their own venue and registration cost. That approach undermines the autonomy of District Committees as outlined in the party’s own rules, which are intended to preserve local decision-making authority. When districts are prevented from setting their own convention logistics and pricing, it restricts grassroots participation and raises legitimate concerns about adherence to the party’s governing framework.

At the same time, the party’s broader financial priorities deserve scrutiny. Party expenses indicate that municipal campaign expenditures total less than half of the annual credit card processing fees accrued by the party. In other words, the Alaska Republican Party spends more money processing donations than it spends supporting Republican candidates in major municipal elections.

That imbalance is difficult to ignore. Grassroots Republicans are being asked to spend hundreds of dollars to attend the party’s most important internal gathering, yet the party’s fundraising activity does not appear to translate into proportional support for Republican candidates on the ground.

The Republican Party itself was founded on principles that remind us why accessibility matters. Abraham Lincoln, the party’s first president, was born into poverty and rose from a humble upbringing to the White House with the support of ordinary Americans. The party he helped build was never intended to be reserved for the wealthy or the well-connected. It was meant to represent citizens who believed in opportunity, responsibility, and self-government.

The State Convention should be a place where grassroots Republicans gather to debate ideas, shape the future of the party, and build momentum for upcoming elections. It should not become an event that only those with significant financial means can attend.

If the Alaska Republican Party wants to maintain the trust and participation of its grassroots supporters, it must take seriously the concerns that have already been raised by its own members. Fiscal responsibility and accessibility should not be competing priorities. They should be fundamental expectations of party leadership.

Zack Gottshall is a retired U.S. Army Intelligence Officer, former Vice Chair of the Alaska Republican Party, and a public policy and grassroots advocate in Alaska.

Josh Church: It’s Time to Open Alaska Again

GUEST CONTRIBUTOR
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Josh Church: It’s Time to Open Alaska Again

By Josh Church, Candidate for Lieutenant Governor

My family came to Alaska in 1935.

As I write this, I am looking at a family history book. On one page is a line that reads, “The New Home of John Church and Paul Nelson,” with the Matanuska Valley circled.

In May of 1935, my ancestors boarded a train headed west. They traveled to Seattle and then set sail for Alaska. Like hundreds of other families during the Great Depression, they came north because the territory was opening land and opportunity to people willing to work and build a life.

The Matanuska Colony was part of a bold idea. America was struggling through the Depression, and leaders believed Alaska could offer a new start. Families were offered land and the chance to build farms and communities from the ground up.

And they did.

Those families built homes, raised children, and helped create the Alaska we know today.

But somewhere along the way, Alaska stopped thinking about growth.

Today, our population has stalled and in some places is declining. Young families leave for opportunities elsewhere. Businesses face high costs and heavy regulation. Instead of planning for growth, we spend most of our time managing decline.

A big part of the problem is land.

Roughly 99 percent of the land in Alaska is controlled by federal, state agencies or large corporations, leaving very little available for individuals and small businesses. For many Alaskans, the dream of owning an affordable piece of land to build a cabin, start a farm, or launch a business has become increasingly difficult.

That needs to change.

Alaska should once again be a place where people come north to build a future. We should be expanding land sales and land leases so families can build homes, farmers can start operations, and entrepreneurs can start businesses. Land should also be available for mining, timber, energy development, and industries that can grow Alaska’s economy.

Imagine what could happen if we sold just one percent of Alaska’s land over the next twenty years.

If that land sold for even $1,000 per acre, far below the value of many parcels, it could generate roughly $200 million per year in direct revenue to the state. When you consider the construction, equipment purchases, and new businesses that follow land development, the economic activity created could easily add another $400 million each year.

That would mean about $600 million in total economic impact annually, or roughly $12 billion in economic activity over two decades.

But the impact goes beyond numbers.

New landowners build homes. They start businesses. Families move in. Communities grow.

Growth also helps address problems we constantly debate in Alaska.

Take education. Our school funding system is based largely on the number of students enrolled. When enrollment declines, districts lose money and force conversations about school closures, program cuts, or layoffs. Buildings sit half empty, and budgets get tighter every year.

A growing population changes that conversation.

Growth also strengthens the broader economy. Alaska needs more workers, more entrepreneurs, and more families putting down roots. A shrinking state cannot sustain the future we want.

Opening land is only one part of the solution.

We also need to reduce unnecessary regulations that make it harder to start businesses or build projects in Alaska. We need to develop cheaper so families and businesses are not paying some of the highest power costs in the country. We should be encouraging industries like mining, timber, energy development, and even new technologies like data centers.

We should also continue improving how we manage the Alaska Permanent Fund. Even modest improvements in investment returns or reductions in fees could produce hundreds of millions of dollars in additional value for the state over time.

But the biggest change we need is a change in mindset.

For much of Alaska’s history, our leaders believed in growth. They believed the future of this state depended on people coming here to build lives and communities.

Somewhere along the way, we stopped thinking that way.

Alaska should not be a place where people are leaving. It should be a place people are moving to.

My family came here in 1935 because Alaska was open to them. They were given the chance to build a life and a future.

That opportunity should still exist today.

It is time to open Alaska again.

Bronsonchurch.com

Josh Church is a Fairbanks resident, a financial adviser rep, and a candidate for Lieutenant Governor, running alongside Candidate for Governor Dave Bronson.

This op-ed was voluntarily submitted by the Bronson-Church campaign and not solicited by Must Read Alaska. All candidates running for elected office are welcome and encouraged to submit articles for publication. Must Read Alaska unequivocally supports the election of a conservative candidate to the Office of Governor but does not endorse a particular candidate.

House Finance Committee Scrutinizes SB 64 Election Reforms

Todd M Lindley
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House Finance Committee Scrutinizes SB 64 Election Reforms

The Alaska House Finance Committee spent more than an hour questioning sponsors and the Division of Elections on SB 64, the sweeping elections reform package aimed at expanding ballot curing and tightening voter roll maintenance. The discussion revealed deep operational and legal concerns, particularly for rural Alaskans, around data privacy, and practical feasibility over ambitious deadlines.

Rep. Jeremy Bynum (R-Ketchikan) framed the discussion, reminding members that “rural Alaska” extends beyond Western regions to include areas like northern Prince of Wales with “no cell phone reception,” where mail delivery itself is challenging. He stressed that any cure framework must avoid favoring urban voters while disadvantaging those in remote communities. Division Director Carol Beecher confirmed the 10-day post-election cure window collides with mail realities: a notice mailed five days after election day leaves little margin for response. “We don’t believe that the mailing of it even from the day of election would necessarily allow the individuals in those communities to be able to send back the information required to cure the ballots,” Beecher testified.

Sponsor staff David Dunsmore pointed to Section 24, noting the bill expands review to 12 days pre-election and requires notification within 24 hours by phone or email (if available) and 48 hours by mail. He acknowledged the bill does not dictate review board meeting frequency, leaving it to regional volume. Beecher emphasized operational flexibility: “It is somewhat fluid,” with Anchorage meeting more often and Nome perhaps only once or twice. Members expressed reluctance to codify rigid schedules that could waste resources in low-volume areas.

Feasibility dominated discussion around effective dates. Section 35 sets July 1, 2026, for most provisions, while Section 34 delays the “true source” tracking to January 1, 2027. Beecher warned of “nearly impossible” compliance for an online ballot tracking system with multi-factor authentication in only 49 days before the August primary. The Division has two IT staff and must prioritize the voter registration system during peak season. “We would be in violation… right away because we cannot do an online system in that short of a time,” she stated plainly.

Rep. Andy Josephson (D-Anchorage) explored staging—manual outreach in 2026, electronic tracking later. Beecher confirmed a manual process is “possible” but auditability would rely on basic logs like Excel, risking disputes. Rep. Alyse Galvin (NA-Anchorage) pressed on volume: roughly under 1,000 curable ballots statewide in 2024, with 512 tied to witness signatures. Beecher noted rural rejection rates are far lower than Anchorage, but mail-only cures remain problematic. Digital returns (fax or imaged) could help, yet the statute as written demands timely receipt within 10 days.

Legal tensions surfaced on witness signatures. Beecher flagged conflict with AS 15.20.081(d), which twice requires contemporaneous witnessing. “We’re not sure how that is possible,” she said. Dunsmore countered that Sections 22 and 24 allow cured ballots at state review, with government ID verification providing stronger identity assurance than a witness. The committee left reconciliation to further drafting.

Privacy and data sharing drew conservative scrutiny. Rep. Will Stapp (R-Fairbanks) confirmed Alaska’s ERIC participation (roughly 26 states) involves hashed voter and DMV data, with no direct state-to-state sharing. Beecher noted AS 15.07.195 authorizes it. Rep. Jamie Allard (R-Eagle River) questioned public voter list contents and potential DOJ access via DOR. Beecher cataloged public fields: name, addresses, party, precinct, voting history, and ascension number (a public tracking field, not voter ID). Confidential data includes DOB, SSN, and driver’s license numbers. Dunsmore and Sen. Bill Wielechowski (D-Anchorage) affirmed improper sharing would violate state and federal law.

PFD data provisions sparked further debate. Section 28 expands data for roll maintenance, while Section 30 would bar using PFD mailing addresses for updates. Beecher questioned utility of certain fields and noted current practice allows silent mailing-address updates. The committee flagged potential drafting issues on page three’s “and/or” logic for notice triggers, with Dunsmore committing to clarify with legal to ensure independent criteria.

Rep. Frank Tomaszewski (R-Fairbanks) asked the core rights question: “When exactly do I lose my ability to vote?” Dunsmore explained inactive status under National Voter Registration Act (NVRA) after non-response, but voters retain rights via question ballots and reactivation upon residency affirmation. Beecher noted current two-notice process can take up to eight years for full removal.

Lawmakers signaled caution before advancing major election changes that could disproportionately burden remote Alaskans or strain limited state resources.

Structural Chokepoints in Alaska K-12 Part 4: GO Bonds 

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Structural Chokepoints in Alaska K-12 Part 4: GO Bonds 

By Michael Tavoliero

In larger cities, the ceiling on reform is reinforced by school general obligation (GO) bond debt. Major school projects are financed with voter‑approved GO bonds backed by the municipality’s full faith and credit and repaid through dedicated property taxes. Once issued, debt service becomes a hard, non‑discretionary claim on the tax base. 

At the same time, school operations are locked into PERA’s mandatory bargaining regime and governed by boards elected in low‑turnout, off‑cycle elections. Labor costs, which dominate operating budgets, cannot be structurally renegotiated outside PERA, while GO bond obligations keep debt and mill rates near their caps, pre‑committing a large share of every education dollar to long‑term debt service and a state‑mandated labor framework voters cannot change. 

In this environment, talk of “school choice,” “innovation,” or “performance reforms” is largely illusory. Rigid board terms and election timing block broad course corrections; PERA’s school‑only, no‑exit rule fixes operating costs; and existing GO bonds fix capital costs and tax rates. The result is almost no fiscal room to maneuver and, in practical terms, a non‑stop freeway to public funds for special‑interest use: taxpayers keep the system funded and solvent, while voters are reduced to ratifying how to manage a balance sheet and a set of contracts that they never had a chance to redesign. 

APOC compliance and who can realistically run a bond campaign 

Formally, APOC’s regime is neutral in GO bond fights; both sides face the same rules. In practice, pro‑bond campaigns are run or backed by organizations that already know APOC, have counsel or bookkeepers, and can spread compliance costs over many elections. Anti‑bond or “restructure instead of borrow more” efforts are usually one‑off citizen campaigns that start at zero, risk APOC mistakes, and face late fees or civil penalties. 

The result is a scheme that chills reformers while barely touching institutional actors. APOC does not forbid opposition; it simply makes sustained, organized opposition much more costly for those least able to bear that cost. 

Use of school property for bond advocacy 

Formally, districts are supposed to be “informational, not advocacy” in their communications about bonds. In practice, “informational” town halls in school gyms, district‑produced slides, robocalls, flyers in backpacks, and banners on school property often read like “vote yes” messaging. Opponents typically cannot use the same facilities with the same ease, timing, or implicit district endorsement. 

Without true viewpoint neutrality in access to facilities and communication channels; staff time, design, and district platforms function as in‑kind campaign support for one side, even if no money is directly transferred to a “Yes on the Bond” committee. That raises equal‑access and equal‑rights concerns and deepens the sense that GO bond campaigns are structurally tilted toward insiders. 

Special‑interest money and the “structural ceiling” 

When GO bonds are on the ballot, labor and construction interests have a direct financial stake: more bonds mean more projects, more contracts and jobs, and higher protected operating baselines. Pro‑bond groups can comply with APOC, buy media, and coordinate messaging. Citizen opponents carry the same legal risk and paperwork burden with a fraction of the resources. 

The combination of APOC rules, off‑cycle school elections, the PERA carve‑out, and GO bond incentives creates a “closed loop” in which insiders can reliably pass bonds while structural critics are procedurally handicapped. Voters are rarely choosing among competing long‑term fiscal visions; they are reacting to a series of pre‑packaged yes/no measures backed by the only actors who can afford to campaign repeatedly and who directly or indirectly benefit from the outcome. 

GO bonds, tax caps, and the illusion of fiscal choice 

When GO bond debt, PERA, and board rigidity keep mill rates at or near their caps, what “choice” is left? Once labor costs are structurally inelastic, GO bonds lock in decades of debt service, and board terms make policy direction slow to change. Ordinary voters are not really deciding among broad alternatives for K–12. They are mostly ratifying debt and labor commitments already locked in by prior boards and insiders. 

In that context, talk of “new initiatives,” “choice,” or “innovation” becomes misleading. There is almost no fiscal room for true innovation without touching the protected cost structure. The state sells Alaskans a sense of influence in K–12 while the real levers remain statutorily and financially bolted down. 

Previous in Series

Structural Chokepoints in Alaska K-12 Part 1: The Myth of School Choice

Structural Chokepoints in Alaska K-12 Part 2: Constitutional Tension

Structural Chokepoints in Alaska K-12 Part 3: Reform Recycling 

House Grapples with HB 289 Supplemental Funding: Clash on CBR Draw as Bill Returns to Rules Committee

Todd M Lindley
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House Grapples with HB 289 Supplemental Funding: Clash on CBR Draw as Bill Returns to Rules Committee

The Alaska House of Representatives convened for a full session debate over Senate amendments to HB 289, a critical supplemental budget measure. What began as a near-unanimous concurrence vote quickly unraveled when the required supermajority for a Constitutional Budget Reserve (CBR) draw failed, prompting leadership to rescind the action and return the bill to the Rules Committee.

Rep. Andy Josephson (D-Anchorage), explaining the Senate changes, noted the original House version contemplated roughly $490 million in CBR authority, including headroom. The Senate trimmed it to $373.6 million focused on four urgent items: $75 million in disaster relief, $99 million for fire suppression, $70.2 million in Department of Transportation capital match funds, and $129.7 million to recapitalize the Higher Education Investment Fund. “These items are all important, need to be funded now,” Josephson urged, emphasizing the bill used a direct CBR transfer without additional headroom or broader agency spending.

Debate quickly highlighted tensions between immediate action and waiting for updated revenue data expected March 13. Rep. Will Stapp (R-Fairbanks) appreciated the Senate’s focus on essentials but questioned the timing. “I find it really interesting that we’re taking up this item the day before we actually know how much money we have and what the size of our deficit is,” he said, noting the previously assumed $51 million current-year deficit had never materialized given sustained higher oil prices. He committed to supporting the bill’s substance while opposing the CBR draw.

Rep. Jeremy Bynum (R-Ketchikan) expressed disappointment that the Senate had transformed the measure from targeted CBR authority with $30 million headroom into an unconditional direct transfer. Rep. Schrage (NA-Anchorage), voiced frustration at shifting goalposts, warning of uncertainty for contractors and students relying on the Alaska Performance Scholarship. Industry leaders had texted concerns that delayed funding jeopardized hundreds of millions in summer road work.

Rep. Kevin McCabe (R-Big Lake) provided historical context, reminding members that the DOT “meet the match” shortfall stemmed from prior legislative reappropriations that became encumbered and an executive veto. Rep. Ashley Carrick (D-Fairbanks) read from DOT projections: 91 projects valued at $670 million to $1.1 billion, plus 24 shovel-ready initiatives up to $314 million, all hinging on the $70 million match to leverage a favorable nine-to-one federal ratio. “What a shame,” she warned, stressing the private-sector stakes.

Optimism emerged from Rep. Justin Ruffridge (R-Soldotna), who favored concurrence today but deferring the CBR vote. “The exciting thing is, is that we absolutely, with concurring on this bill today, have the opportunity to fund all of those things and not draw a dime out of our savings account,” he said, citing consistently strong oil prices above the $65-per-barrel budget assumption. Rep. Zack Fields(D-Anchorage) pushed back sharply against any gamble: “There is no way I would ever vote to gamble the future of our construction, oil and gas industry on months of oil prices in the most volatile market.” He clarified the bill only authorizes a draw if necessary, providing a backstop without immediate spending.

Minority Leader Rep. DeLena Johnson (R-Palmer) questioned the rush, arguing a multi-billion-dollar decision should wait for facts arriving within 24 hours. Rep. Mears (D-Anchorage) cautioned against crystal-ball predictions, urging action on known needs. Rep. Mike Prax (R-North Pole) acknowledged the desire to wait but supported funding for construction certainty while urging faster progress on pending healthcare provider recruitment bills to address rural shortages.

The House first concurred in the Senate amendments 40-0. The subsequent CBR appropriations motion, requiring a supermajority, failed 22-18. Leadership then moved to rescind concurrence, which passed 21-19 over objection. A final motion returned HB 289 to the Rules Committee, also 21-19. The bill now awaits further review once the revenue forecast is released.

The House adjourned until Monday, March 16, at 10:30 a.m., with public testimony on the operating budget and State Affairs Committee meetings scheduled immediately after.

While the substance of HB 289 enjoyed broad support, the procedural reset ensures lawmakers can incorporate fresh revenue projections before committing savings. With summer construction season looming and federal matches at stake, the coming days will test whether bipartisanship can produce a fiscally responsible path forward that safeguards Alaska’s economy without unnecessary reliance on reserves.

Joint Education Committees Review Education Board’s 2026 Annual Report: Early Literacy Gains, Chronic Absenteeism, Teacher Turnover, and Data Dashboard Delays

Todd M Lindley
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Joint Education Committees Review Education Board’s 2026 Annual Report: Early Literacy Gains, Chronic Absenteeism, Teacher Turnover, and Data Dashboard Delays

The House and Senate Education Committees convened a joint session to receive the Alaska State Board of Education and Early Development’s required 2026 annual report, covering January through December 2025. Presented by Board Chair Sally Stockhausen and Commissioner Dr. Deena Bishop, the briefing detailed progress under the five strategic priorities of Alaska’s Education Challenge while exposing persistent challenges in attendance, workforce stability, and public transparency.

The report fulfills AS 14.07.168, requiring an in-person legislative update on statewide education efforts. Stockhausen outlined Board actions taken after public comment, including updated teacher certification rules, early education flexibility, the new Office of Education Advocacy, and regulations supporting Alaska Native language literacy. The Board also endorsed an alternative certification pathway for military-affiliated adults and renewed or approved charter schools. These steps align with the 2017 Education Challenge framework, which organizes long-term improvement around early literacy, career and technical education, closing achievement gaps, educator workforce strength, and student safety.

Strategic Priority One drew significant attention. The 2017 indicators called for doubled proficiency in grades 3–5 English language arts and math, improved K–3 reading measures, and at least a 20 percent reduction in absenteeism. DIBELS screening data showed strong kindergarten gains: students meeting benchmark rose from approximately 24 percent at the start of 2023–2024 to 60 percent by year-end, with similar upward movement the following year. Commissioner Bishop emphasized early intervention efficiency, noting a 15-minute daily support in kindergarten equals 45 minutes to an hour in third grade for comparable catch-up.

Yet chronic absenteeism remains a stark concern. Roughly 45 percent of K–12 students miss 17 or more days annually, far exceeding the 20 percent reduction target. Senator Rob Yundt (R-Wasilla) described the rate as “close to fifty percent; in the high forties,” questioning why existing statutory tools for districts remain underused. Bishop clarified absences include all reasons—excused, unexcused, medical, or school-sponsored—and vary by community and grade, with kindergartners, first-graders, and twelfth-graders showing highest rates for different reasons. Representative Rebecca Himschoot (NA-Sitka) asked whether school-sponsored travel is separated in reporting; Bishop committed to follow-up, noting inconsistent district categorization under federal ESSA rules.

The Alaska Reads Act implementation received praise for structured parent engagement. Individual Reading Improvement Plans (IRIPs) for far-below students trigger monthly updates and documented third-grade progression discussions. Far-below students advancing to fourth grade receive mandated summer tutoring. Bishop described the law as “one of the best pieces of legislation in my lifetime,” crediting consistent family communication and before- or after-school interventions that avoid displacing other subjects. Cohort trends revealed summer learning loss but net positive movement from kindergarten into first grade. Representative Story requested future reports include such cohort summaries to track durable gains, which Bishop agreed could take a decade based on other states’ experience.

Strategic Priority Three on closing achievement gaps highlighted AK STAR results showing statewide English language arts proficiency at 32.7% and math at 32.2%. District-level data varied widely, with some smaller rural schools outperforming expectations. Bishop stressed that high-quality teaching and principals remain the strongest levers, citing Skagway’s success tied to exceptional classroom instruction. The Board is developing separate SMART goals for math, acknowledging the original assumption that reading gains would automatically lift math was unrealistic. “You have to actually teach math to improve math,” Bishop stated plainly.

Workforce stability under Strategic Priority Four emerged as the most pressing issue. ISER data show teacher turnover rising from 21% in 2013 to 28% in 2024, with principal turnover climbing from 28% to 35%. Rural-remote areas face acute strain: 31% teacher turnover and 55% principal turnover. First-day vacancies tripled from 139 in 2019 to 458 in 2024 before easing to 313 in 2025, while emergency-certified teachers fluctuated, reaching 209 in 2025. The state relies on 465 visa educators (280 H-1B, 180 J-1) to fill gaps. Both chambers passed resolutions supporting H-1B and J-1 pathways; Bishop reported ongoing coordination with the congressional delegation to address federal barriers, including an unaffordable $100,000 threshold.

The defunding of the Alaska Educator Recruitment and Retention Center (ARC) after a step-down contract drew pointed concern from Rep. Himschoot, who noted roughly 500 international teachers require targeted induction support beyond Title II-A mentoring. Bishop clarified international hiring fell outside ARC’s scope and was handled separately by districts, but acknowledged broader TRR playbook implementation gaps remain. Grow-your-own pathways through Educators Rising and registered apprenticeships show promise, with participation nearly doubling and some rural students entering paid aide roles while pursuing degrees.

Strategic Priority Five on safety and well-being featured Positive Behavioral Interventions and Supports (PBIS) expansion to 45 schools in 14 districts, trauma-engaged “Transforming Schools” distribution of 15,000 copies, and the “Strive for Five” attendance campaign. HB 57’s device restrictions during instructional hours aim to reduce distractions. Support for students displaced by Typhoon Merbok included Anchorage School District coordination and approximately $450,000 in federal trauma grants.

Transparency and Board capacity surfaced repeatedly. Chair Loki Tobin (D-Anchorage) noted difficulty navigating DEED’s website for data and pressed for a public dashboard promised under the Reads Act. Bishop admitted progress “hasn’t come to fruition” and committed to a status report and resource request. Representative Ted Eischeid (D-Anchorage) asked for a self-reflective grade on the Board’s performance; Stockhausen declined to assign one but highlighted literacy gains and apprenticeship potential while noting work remains. The Board plans SMART goals aligned to the five priorities, with public comment forthcoming.

Mount Edgecumbe High School governance drew focused discussion. Rep. Himschoot questioned oversight feasibility for the statewide boarding school and requested frequent updates. Stockhausen announced the Board would vote that day on forming an ad hoc committee to guide short-, mid-, and long-term actions, pledging coordinated legislative briefings.

The meeting closed with appreciation for the Board’s service. Chair Tobin emphasized the Legislature’s reliance on the Board for day-to-day oversight and reiterated the need for accessible data to inform policy. Upcoming sessions include a dedicated teacher recruitment and retention hearing and Task Force on Education Funding discussions on transportation and after-school programs.

Senate Finance Committee Examines Looming IT Modernization Costs and Defined Benefits

Todd M Lindley
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Senate Finance Committee Examines Looming IT Modernization Costs and Defined Benefits

The Alaska Senate Finance Committee opened its afternoon session with a frank discussion of statewide information technology modernization needs and the potential fiscal consequences of HB 78, the proposed defined-benefit retirement option. Chair Bert Stedman (R-Sitka) reordered the agenda after OMB redirected retirement presenters, prioritizing an OMB/Office of Information Technology briefing before resuming HB 78 details. Legislative Finance’s analysis was deferred to March 12 to allow thorough review of complex material.

OMB Director Lacey Sanders and Chief Information Officer Bill Smith outlined the scale of the challenge. Modernization is “not cosmetic work. It’s deep foundational work,” Smith explained, involving core business applications, user interfaces, and infrastructure layers. Decades-old legacy systems carry undocumented business rules, massive data volumes, and compliance risks that force agencies to operate dual systems during transition. “We have to keep the old while building the new,” he noted, highlighting duplication costs and data-cleaning demands that stretch timelines.

Governance tools include the Investment Review Board (IRB), which vets projects over $25,000 for security and standards, and the new IT Application Modernization Council, modeled after DOT’s facilities council. The council will rank needs by mission criticality, technical condition, and department impact, feeding OMB a prioritized list for FY28. Recent wins include rapid cloud migration (Azure and Oracle environments), cybersecurity platform upgrades that reduced critical incidents, and the Department of Public Safety’s Criminal Justice Information System (CJIS) modernization, which moved off mainframes after five years.

Sanders acknowledged “sticker shock” from large replacement estimates—such as $58 million for the Department of Labor’s Unemployment Insurance mainframe and urgent needs for the Department of Family and Community Services’ antiquated ORCA system, which faces federal compliance deadlines. A Department of Administration payroll RFI is underway to address broader processing issues. The committee pressed on funding strategy. Stedman reminded the panel that bond financing suits long-lived assets whose useful life exceeds debt terms. Sanders confirmed project-by-project life analysis would precede any capital request, but added that with oil-price volatility and no comprehensive fiscal plan, “a request for several hundred million dollars would just be added to the budget” remains unlikely.

Our fiscal situation continues to be unstable… without a fiscal plan at this point, it’s unlikely that a request for several hundred million dollars would just be added to the budget

No formal funding ask advanced. Stedman noted the committee would be “reluctant to put tens of millions of dollars down on the table… without a direct request from the administration” given veto risk. Sanders committed to evaluate bond suitability and return with sequencing when ready. Senator Jesse Kiehl (D-Juneau) and Senator James Kaufman (R-Anchorage) raised cloud prudence and AI obsolescence risks; Smith affirmed Alaska’s hybrid “Cloud Smart” approach and incremental AI adoption via enterprise tools, including over 1,000 licensed AI agents for documents and email, plus secure internal chatbots.

The committee then resumed discussion on HB 78, the defined-benefit restoration bill. Division Director Kathy Lea and CFO Christopher Novell, with actuary David Kershner of Gallagher, illustrated FY2030 impacts. Under statutory 22% employer caps for PERS (12.56% for TRS), HB 78’s higher normal costs crowd out contributions to legacy unfunded liabilities. Non-state PERS employers currently allocate $173 million of their 22% toward the $275 million legacy past-service target; under HB 78 that drops to $151 million, shifting $22 million more to the state. TRS sees a $3 million shift. State-as-employer totals rise accordingly—PERS from $415 million to $453 million, TRS from $278 million to $285 million.

Lea described the dynamic as a “hidden cost”: legacy DB plans were never fully closed in funding mechanics, so residual capacity under the cap helps amortize past service. HB 78 raises employer normal costs, compressing that residual and increasing the state’s backfill “forever till it’s paid off,” Stedman observed. Kershner walked through the math, confirming the mechanics while noting no guarantees against future shortfalls. Even with HB 78’s 90% funding floor and 7.25% assumed return, adverse experience could extend full-funding timelines beyond the projected 2039 date, mirroring legacy PERS history that saw funded status fall from near 100% to about 69% in the early 2000s.

The Chair emphasized public clarity, directing presenters to minimize acronyms and translate mechanics into plain dollars. No action was taken on HB 78; the session built shared understanding of cost drivers and risks ahead of Legislative Finance’s March 12 analysis. Follow-up requests include current-year monetary examples of the shift, risk-sharing triggers under varied returns, and plain-language materials.

University of Alaska’s FY27 budget request begins as a full subcommittee at 9:00 AM March 12, followed by sponsor remarks and capital requests.

“Our fiscal situation continues to be unstable… without a fiscal plan at this point, it’s unlikely that a request for several hundred million dollars would just be added to the budget,” Director Lacey Sanders stated, underscoring the administration’s measured approach.

The briefing reflected conservative principles of disciplined governance, transparent cost analysis, and reluctance to commit taxpayer dollars absent clear prioritization and long-term fiscal stability.

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