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Undecided? Here’s a Research Aid Evaluating Candidates for Qualities of a Capable Governor

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What makes a good Governor? This is the essential question conservative Alaskan voters are asking as we try to filter a large roster of Republican gubernatorial candidates. Paul A. Bauer Jr.’s recent article “The Central Test: Who Is Actually Ready to Govern Alaska?” lays out 14 key qualities of a capable governor. This analysis converts these qualities into metrics and utilizes AI to provide a research aid for voters that identifies each candidate’s top 3 strengths and top 3 weaknesses. This analysis is intended to help voters research candidates, not to tell you who to vote for or endorse a particular candidate.

Picking our next governor should be a careful decision, evaluating candidates on key priorities such as long-term vision, executive capacity, economic growth policy, reversing outmigration stratedy, fiscal discipline, responsible resource development, healthcare delivery, public safety outcomes, education accountability focused on results rather than just funding, principled collaboration, the ability to build and hold a strong cabinet accountable, courage to challenge entrenched systems, personal integrity under pressure, and a genuinely statewide perspective.

Methodology

The analysis was conducted using Grok AI and applied 14 objective metrics to each Republican candidate. Each metric used explicit criteria (documented plans with quantifiable targets, scale of prior executive responsibility, concrete proposals versus rhetoric, track records of projects or reforms that reached implementation, measurable outcomes where available, and primary-source evidence). Candidates who lacked sufficient documented substance on the first five foundational metrics were set aside so comparisons remained meaningful. Scores (1–10) and rationales were assigned consistently against the same standards. The framework was not adjusted to favor any candidate.

The complete AI inputs and responses can be viewed here: https://grok.com/share/bGVnYWN5_9ed6e10a-2387-44ac-9966-478014c721e9

What The Polls Say

Alaska’s top-four open primary is August 18, 2026. Recent surveys from recognized sources show Democrat Tom Begich leading, and Republicans Bernadette Wilson, Dave Bronson, and Click Bishop generally competing for the remaining top spots amid large, undecided shares.

  • Change Research (July 17–19, 2026): Begich 17%, Kreiss-Tomkins 15%, Wilson 14%.
  • Alaska Survey Research (June 30–July 1, 2026): Begich ~20%, Wilson ~15%, Bronson ~11%, Bishop ~9%. Ranked-choice simulations in ASR polls have been competitive.
  • Public Policy Polling (June 24–25, 2026): Begich 16%, Bronson 13%, Kreiss-Tomkins 13%, Wilson 12%, Bishop 10%.

Check sources yourself: Wikipedia polling table, Ballotpedia, Pollsmax aggregator.

Below, each of the nine Republican candidates who cleared the foundational metrics is presented with their top three strengths and weaknesses drawn from scoring used by AI based on the qualities provided in Bauer’s article.


1. Adam Crum (Average 7.2)

Top 3 Strengths

  1. Executive leadership experience (10): Led Alaska’s largest department (~3,500 employees, $3.5 billion budget) through the COVID crisis and major operational challenges, then served as Revenue Commissioner overseeing large state financial assets.
  2. Healthcare and senior care (10): Held direct executive responsibility for the full system—including Medicaid, public health, senior services, and workforce issues—while guiding the state through the pandemic.
  3. Courage to challenge entrenched systems (9): Directed the largest reorganization of Alaska state government since 1983 (splitting DHSS into two focused departments via Executive Order), demonstrating willingness to restructure agencies rather than manage the status quo.

Top 3 Weaknesses

  1. Integrity and personal discipline (4): Independent review and legislative audit raised significant concerns about due diligence and fiduciary process on large Constitutional Budget Reserve private-equity commitments (no self-dealing finding).
  2. Education accountability (4): Limited specific quantified literacy, graduation, or choice targets and mechanisms.
  3. Public safety and functioning government (5): Relevant behavioral-health adjacency but lacks a primary public-safety track record with measurable crime or clearance outcomes.

Further research on strengths


2. Click Bishop (Average 6.9)

Top 3 Strengths

  1. Responsible resource development (9): Personal multi-generational hands-on TAPS pipeline construction experience plus Labor Commissioner and Senate work focused on projects that employed Alaskans.
  2. Genuinely statewide perspective (9): Broadest lived multi-regional footprint in the field (Interior base plus work across Yukon Delta, Northern, and Southeast regions) combined with an Alaska Native running mate.
  3. Economic development (8): Coherent energy-cost theory of growth and retention, grounded in workforce training and trades experience that prioritizes expanding the economic pie.

Top 3 Weaknesses

  1. Public safety and functioning government (4): General support without detailed quantified crime, recidivism, or clearance-rate targets or prior outcome record.
  2. Courage to challenge entrenched systems (5): Supports efficiency but has a thinner record of major agency reorganizations or sunset-style accountability mechanisms.
  3. Healthcare and senior care (5): Solid high-level package (competition, telehealth, rural workforce) but limited quantified targets.

Further research on strengths


3. Shelley Hughes (Average 6.3)

Top 3 Strengths

  1. Education accountability (9): Primary co-sponsor and key driver of the Alaska Reads Act, delivering measurable early literacy progress and a clear preference for results and parental choice over pure spending increases.
  2. Courage to challenge entrenched systems (8): Leading advocate for an independent Sunset Audit Commission that would force agencies to justify their existence or face elimination—the most developed structural accountability tool in the field.
  3. Fiscal discipline (8): Strongest process-oriented reforms (Sunset Commission plus constitutional spending-cap concepts) aimed at institutionalizing restraint rather than one-time cuts.

Top 3 Weaknesses

  1. Healthcare and senior care (3): Limited specific quantified proposals or detailed initiatives.
  2. Executive leadership experience (4): Primarily legislative; limited large-organization operational management at executive scale.
  3. Ability to build a strong cabinet (4): Deep legislative insight into cabinet dynamics but limited direct recruitment, performance-management, or removal authority.

Further research on strengths


4. Edna DeVries (Average 5.7)

Top 3 Strengths

  1. Genuinely statewide perspective (9): Excellent personal residency history across Southeast, Western, Arctic, Interior, Kenai, and Mat-Su communities—authentic multi-regional lived experience.
  2. Integrity and personal discipline (8): Comparatively clean public record with no major documented ethics findings or high-profile controversies.
  3. Executive leadership experience (7): Mat-Su Borough mayor managing rapid growth, multi-hundred-million-dollar budgets, and infrastructure pressures in one of Alaska’s few net-gain regions.

Top 3 Weaknesses

  1. Courage to challenge entrenched systems (4): Supports efficiency and reduced mandates but limited large structural reform actions or proposals.
  2. Education accountability (4): Secondary focus with limited detailed statewide targets or mechanisms.
  3. Healthcare and senior care (4): General access and affordability commitment without quantified statewide targets.

Further research on strengths

  • Geographic and mayoral record: Candidate biographical statements detailing communities lived in; local coverage of Mat-Su Borough leadership, budgets, and growth management.

5. Dave Bronson (Average 5.6)

Top 3 Strengths

  1. Executive leadership experience (8): Managed Anchorage as mayor through large budgets, crises, public-safety investments, and major infrastructure (including Port of Alaska funding).
  2. Economic development (7): Aggressive emphasis on unlocking oil, gas, mining, critical minerals, and timber so projects actually employ Alaskans, plus housing and land-access ideas.
  3. Responsible resource development (7): Clear priority on projects that reach construction and deliver employment rather than remaining stalled in process.

Top 3 Weaknesses

  1. Integrity and personal discipline (3): Multiple documented personnel conflicts, ombudsman findings, civil settlements, and campaign-finance issues from the mayoral tenure.
  2. Healthcare and senior care (3): Limited specific quantified proposals.
  3. Ability to build a strong cabinet (5): Municipal appointments occurred, but the tenure featured notable turnover and conflict.

Further research on strengths

  • Mayoral executive and economic record: Contemporary coverage of police investments, Port of Alaska, economic reopening, and resource-development platform statements.

6. Treg Taylor (Average 5.6)

Top 3 Strengths

  1. Public safety and functioning government (9): As Attorney General, oversaw a period of multi-decade-low overall crime rates, expanded specialized prosecution capacity, sexual-assault kit work, and major opioid settlements directed to treatment.
  2. Integrity and personal discipline (8): Comparatively clean public record with no major documented ethics findings.
  3. Executive leadership experience (7): Led the Department of Law, statewide prosecutors, and complex inter-agency legal strategy.

Top 3 Weaknesses

  1. Healthcare and senior care (3): Limited specific quantified proposals.
  2. Education accountability (3): Secondary focus with limited detailed targets or mechanisms.
  3. Courage to challenge entrenched systems (4): Focused on legal and prosecution capacity rather than broad departmental reorganization or sunset mechanisms.

Further research on strengths

  • Public-safety outcomes and AG tenure: Alaska Department of Public Safety reports and Taylor statements on crime trends, specialized units, and settlements.

7. Lesil McGuire (Average 5.1)

Top 3 Strengths

  1. Collaboration without compromise of principle (8): 16-year legislative record of cross-aisle accomplishment on family-protection laws, energy funds, judiciary, and Arctic strategy while maintaining core positions.
  2. Integrity and personal discipline (8): Clean legislative record with no major documented controversies.
  3. Responsible resource development (5): Legislative policy work on energy, resources, and related funds that supported development frameworks.

Top 3 Weaknesses

  1. Healthcare and senior care (3): Limited specific quantified proposals.
  2. Executive leadership experience (4): Primarily legislative; limited large operational executive management.
  3. Ability to build a strong cabinet (4): Legislative insight into cabinet dynamics but limited direct appointment or removal authority.

Further research on strengths

  • Legislative collaboration and family/energy record: Official records of Bree’s Law, Erin’s Law, energy-fund legislation, and bipartisan coalition work.

8. Bernadette Wilson (Average 4.5)

Top 3 Strengths

  1. Integrity and personal discipline (7): Comparatively clean public record without major documented ethics findings.
  2. Education accountability (6): Explicit support for parental-choice models including Educational Savings Accounts and backpack-style funding.
  3. Economic development (6): Assertive project lists and private-sector delivery emphasis aimed at expanding the economic base.

Top 3 Weaknesses

  1. Executive leadership experience (3): Private business ownership only; no large public-organization management at relevant scale.
  2. Ability to build a strong cabinet (3): Private-sector hiring experience without public-sector cabinet-scale recruitment or accountability record.
  3. Genuinely statewide perspective (3): Primarily Anchorage/Southcentral base with limited documented multi-regional personal history.

Further research on strengths

  • Parental-choice and growth platform: Campaign statements on Educational Savings Accounts and specific resource projects.

9. Matt Heilala (Average 4.5)

Top 3 Strengths

  1. Integrity and personal discipline (7): Comparatively clean public record without major documented controversies.
  2. Healthcare and senior care (6): Credible provider-side and State Medical Board experience offering practical insight into workforce and delivery realities.
  3. Courage to challenge entrenched systems (6): Explicit “Job #1” focus on changing permitting culture from default “no” to “how do we make this happen?” so projects reach construction.

Top 3 Weaknesses

  1. Public safety and functioning government (3): Thin record with limited quantified targets or prior outcomes.
  2. Ability to build a strong cabinet (3): Private medical-practice management without public-sector cabinet-scale experience.
  3. Genuinely statewide perspective (3): Primarily Anchorage/Southcentral base with limited documented multi-regional personal history.

Further research on strengths

Medical Board service and clinical background; campaign statements elevating permitting reform as the central economic lever.


This analysis was conducted using Grok AI and is not intended to endorse any candidate. Must Read Alaska unequivocally supports the election of a conservative candidate to the Office of Governor. We hope this research aid provides readers a helpful tool for understanding Republican candidates’ strengths and weaknesses as well as guidance for further research.

Readers can access the full AI inputs and responses here: https://grok.com/share/bGVnYWN5_9ed6e10a-2387-44ac-9966-478014c721e9. We encourage readers to continue to ask questions and research the candidates in an effort to pick the candidate that best aligns with your priorities and values.

Our ability to participate in a representative democracy should not be taken for granted. It is a privilege and a responsibility. Do the research, think it through, and GO VOTE!

Check out the must-read voter guide for conservative Alaskans (remember: “No” on ballot measure 1):

University of Alaska Eliminates Out-of-State Tuition

The University of Alaska Board of Regents has voted to eliminate out-of-state tuition rates for all its universities. In-state and out-of-state students, both undergraduate and graduate, will now pay the exact same tuition rate. The University of Alaska is calling the change “Alaska Unlocked,” intending to draw higher numbers of out-of-state students to Alaska.

The new rates will go in effect starting with the 2027-2028 school year. Rates differ between the University of Alaska Anchorage, University of Alaska Fairbanks, and University of Alaska Southeast; but will no longer differ between resident tuition and non-resident tuition.

Most current non-resident tuition rates are approximately 3x the amount paid by resident Alaskan students. The University does not specify on its Cost of Attendance page whether or not the elimination of out-of-state tuition rates will raise tuition for resident Alaskan students while it lowers rates for out-of-state students.

The Board will consider final rates in November 2026.

Current university rates:

Alaska’s 2026 Farm Family of the Year Award Goes to Anchor Point Greenhouse

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Alaska’s 2026 “Farm Family of the Year” is Al Poindexter and his family, who own and operate Anchor Point Greenhouse, LLC. The Farm Family of the Year award was established in 2000 by the Alaska Division of Agriculture and the Alaska State Fair, with sponsorship provided by Matanuska Valley Federal Credit Union, to honor an Alaska farm family that best epitomizes the spirit of the industry, and to show appreciation for the hard-working Alaskans committed to agriculture.

Anchor Point Greenhouse, LLC was established in Anchor Point in 1976, making this year its 50th anniversary! The operation is located on 10 acres of family property in Anchor Point on the Kenai Peninsula. It consists of a production facility that produces the famous Fishy Peat potting soil and Alaska Earth; a greenhouse that grows a variety of vegetables, starts, flowers, and herbs; and an on-farm store that also carries local eggs and farm and garden supplies.

Al and his wife Grace Poindexter are lifelong residents of Alaska. Al started farming as a young boy on his family farm in Seward, where they ran Totem Eggs with 17,000 chickens, and later ranched cattle in Caribou Hills. His parents brought the family to Anchor Point, where they started Anchor Point Greenhouse. His father Charles Poindexter developed the recipe for Fishy Peat, which Al has since continued manufacturing and perfecting.

Al and Grace are parents to Chad, Crystal, Jennifer, and Cameron and grandparents to Audrey, Gigi, Charles, Thelma, Meira, and Athena. All the children and grandchildren have had a major hand in developing the farm and have had a heavy influence on its direction, with Audrey interning now and possibly continuing its legacy.

In addition to their farm, Al and his family have had a significant impact on agriculture within their community and the state. Like his father Charles, Al became an agricultural educator, teaching the Natural Resources Education Program at Homer High School. He is responsible for starting and leading the local Future Farmers of America Chapter serving Homer and Anchor Point for several years, where the program thrived. Afterward, Al became the Executive Director of the Alaska Association of Conservation Districts, working to support efforts of the Soil and Water Conservation Districts around the state to advance Alaskan agriculture. He has been involved for many years with the Alaska Farm Bureau’s Kenai Peninsula chapter. He and his family used to participate regularly in the Seldovia Village Tribal Clinic’s “Thriving Thursday” workshops by offering full farm tours for people. Al has also been a pioneer in Alaska’s rhodiola industry.

Al is known in his community for always being willing to share his knowledge, inspiring youth to become involved in agriculture, leading Alaska’s agriculture industry, and producing thousands of pounds of food annually to feed his community.

Al said: “The independence, the challenge, and the service to the community and state are what I like most about farming in Alaska.”

Anchor Point Greenhouse recognizes their loyal employees:

  • Pauline Benson (a transplanter who is 90 years old and still farming!)
  • Michael Wells (grower)
  • Marcy Madsen (basket designer and lab tech)
  • Trapper Poindexter (soils and maintenance)
  • Elisa Thompson (waterer)
  • Janet George (cashier)
  • Audrey Leonetti (intern)

“I became acquainted with Al 12 years ago when he served on the State Farm Service Agency Committee in 2017,” said Alaska Division of Agriculture Director Bryan Scoresby. “Al is a vocal supporter of Agriculture Education in Alaska schools to teach the next generation about where their food comes from. He also spent several years serving on the Board of Agriculture and Conservation for the Agriculture Revolving Loan Fund at the Alaska Division of Agriculture.”

“For 50 years, the Poindexter family has been feeding Alaskans fresh vegetables and eggs, and ensuring local farmers have the supplies they need to grow their own food,” said Governor Mike Dunleavy. “I applaud Al and his family for their dedication to offering a variety of healthy produce and protein options over the years, and for increasing food security in the state with their commitment to supporting Alaska’s agriculture industry.”

“The Alaska State Fair, along with the Division of Agriculture, looks forward to celebrating Anchor Point Greenhouse as 2026’s Farm Family of the Year,” said Blake Allen, Chief Executive Officer for the Alaska State Fair. “Al Poindexter and his family have positively impacted the local community through practical, sustainable, and responsible farming practices and truly embody the spirit of Alaska’s agricultural heritage. Their success is not only gauged by the harvest they produce, but also in the values that they cultivate.”

Nominations for the Farm Family of the Year are submitted by the public annually during the open nomination period. The nominations are then peer reviewed and selected by leaders in Alaska’s agriculture industry. Al Poindexter and his family received eight nominations!

The Alaska Farm Family of the Year for 2025 was Mike Mosesian and his family, who own and operate Mosesian Farms of Alaska, Inc. (also known as Bell’s Nursery and Gifts).

For a complete list of previous winners, please visit: https://dnr.alaska.gov/ag/ag_FFY.htm

Press release provided by the Alaska Department of Natural Resources. DNR’s mission is to develop, conserve and maximize the use of Alaska’s natural resources consistent with the public interest.

Public Invited to Fishing Policy Forum in Kenai, August 21

The Western Caucus Foundation and Kenai River Sportfishing Association will be hosting a policy forum open to the public in Kenai, Alaska on August 21 at 2 p.m. Panelists include members of Alaska’s federal delegation, Western Caucus leaders, and federal government officials. 

The forum will take place at the Kenai High School Auditorium, 9583 Kenai Spur Highway, Kenai, Alaska. Doors will open at 1:30 p.m. and the program will run until 3:30 p.m.

For those unable to attend in person, the event will also be livestreamed on the Western Caucus Foundation YouTube channel and X account. 

About Western Caucus Foundation

The Western Caucus Foundation is a 501(c)(3) nonprofit that supports the work of the Senate and Congressional Western Caucuses through education, research, and outreach on issues important to Western and rural communities. The Foundation provides policymakers and the public with information, resources, and educational opportunities to better understand and advance policies that support conservation, natural resources, agriculture, energy, and rural economies. For more information, visit https://www.westerncaucusfoundation.org/.

About Kenai River Sportfishing Association

The Kenai River Sportfishing Association (KRSA) is a 501(c)(3) nonprofit dedicated to ensuring the sustainability, access, and opportunity of sportfishing on the Kenai Peninsula. Through habitat restoration, policy advocacy, and education, KRSA works to protect Alaska’s world-class recreational fisheries and ensure they remain healthy and accessible for current and future generations. For more information, visit www.krsa.com.

Press release provided by the Western Caucus Foundation.

Woman Injured in Bear Attack Near Prospect Heights Trailhead in Anchorage

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On Thursday, August 13, Alaska Department of Fish and Game (ADF&G) staff responded to a reported bear attack near the Prospect Heights trailhead in Anchorage. An adult female victim was injured, while trail running alone, after encountering a brown bear on the Wolverine Bowl trail. The victim was carrying bear spray and was able to deploy it during the encounter before self-rescuing to the trailhead. She was transported to a local hospital for treatment. Biologists interviewed the victim, went to the site of the attack to look for the bear or any other signs of bear activity, and collected samples. No bears were located. Anyone who sees a brown bear in Anchorage, or any wild animal behaving aggressively or unusually, should report it immediately using the online reporting tool at: https://www.adfg.alaska.gov/index.cfm?adfg=reportwildlifeencounter.main

Warning signs have been posted at the trailhead by ADF&G; hikers should stay off closed trails. Thick, dense summer foliage can block sightlines making surprise encounters more likely. Choose hiking routes with good visibility and away from known attractants, like salmon-bearing streams.

 ADF&G recommends the following tips when hiking in bear country:

·         – Always carry a deterrent, including bear spray and firearms.

·        – Travel in groups and stay together on trails.

·        – Make noise so you don’t surprise a bear. Stay alert and look for signs of bears.

·        – Never approach or crowd bears; respect their “personal space.”

·        – Keep pets on leash when possible to avoid unwanted wildlife interactions.

If you surprise a bear, especially one with cubs or on a food cache, it may react in a threatened or defensive manner. The bear may be agitated and may huff, stomp, make a popping sound with its teeth, salivate or lay its ears back against its head and charge.  

·        – Stay calm during a bear encounter. Ready your deterrent. Stand your ground, group up with others and alert the bear by talking calmly. Don’t run.

·        – If the bear is stationary, move away slowly while keeping your eyes on the bear.

·        – If the bear starts to move toward you or charges, stop and stand your ground.

·       – Let the bear know you are not a threat. Behaving calmly, moving slowly, and speaking in a low calm voice will help de-escalate the situation.

·        – If the bear continues to approach, use your deterrent when the bear is within range.

When purchasing bear spray, look for canisters marked “bear spray” or “bear deterrent” with an EPA registration, a 25-foot (8m) or greater range, and at least 1%-2% capsaicin and capsaicinoids with higher concentrations (2%) recommended. Unlike pepper spray designed for other uses, bear spray deploys in a wider “fog” pattern and comes in larger canisters to allow for multiple sprays and longer spray duration. It is important to rehearse using bear spray before you need it, particularly removing the safety and being sure any additional shipping zip-ties are cut away. Practice canisters with inert ingredients are available from local and online retailers. Spray should be carried in such a way that it is both secure and accessible. Expired bear spray may lose pressurization and not deploy as originally intended; check for expiration dates and replace cans as needed. 

For more information from ADF&G about bear behavior and wildlife safety, including videos on what to do if you encounter a bear and bear spray demonstrations, visit: https://www.adfg.alaska.gov/index.cfm?adfg=livingwithbears.main

Press release provided by the Alaska Department of Fish & Game.

The Central Test: Who Is Actually Ready to Govern Alaska? 

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By Paul A. Bauer, Jr.  

Alaskans are being asked to choose our next governor, but after watching this election unfold, I am left with a basic concern: Have voters actually been given enough opportunity to determine who is prepared to govern? 

We have seen candidate forums, introductions, short answers and carefully managed appearances. What we have largely not seen are genuine debates where the leading candidates challenge one another’s assumptions, defend their records, explain their differences and demonstrate how they respond under pressure.  

When several experienced and credible candidates occupy broadly similar political territory, a forum can actually make the decision harder. Candidates receive a question, give their allotted answer and move on. Everybody can sound competent for 60 or 90 seconds. 

A debate is different. 

A debate exposes differences in judgment. It allows follow-up questions. Candidates must defend their numbers, challenge each other’s plans and explain why their approach is better. Leadership becomes visible when a candidate cannot simply move on to the next prepared answer. 

This year, it has been remarkably difficult to distinguish among several of Alaska’s top gubernatorial candidates. So rather than asking simply, Who do I like? or Who has the right endorsement?, Alaskans should ask a much tougher question: Who is actually capable of being Alaska’s chief executive? 

Qualities of a Capable Governor

I believe there are at least 14 qualities we should be examining:

  1. A clear vision for Alaska: A governor should be able to describe what Alaska will look like 10 or 20 years from now. Jobs, population, infrastructure, resource development, healthcare, education and energy should fit into a coherent strategy. 
  2. Executive leadership experience: The governor manages an enormous organization. Alaskans should examine whether candidates have actually managed people, budgets, operations, crises and difficult personnel decisions. Legislative experience is valuable but debating legislation and administering the executive branch are different skills. 
  3. Economic development: The next governor should spend far more time talking about how Alaska creates wealth. Oil and gas remain important, but our opportunity extends to mining, fisheries, tourism, aviation, cargo logistics, military investment, agriculture, technology, data infrastructure and industries we have not yet fully developed. Government cannot simply redistribute Alaska’s existing economic pie. We need to make the pie larger. 
  4. Reverse population loss and outmigration: One of the most important measurements of Alaska’s health is whether people want to remain here. Why are young Alaskans leaving? Why are skilled workers difficult to recruit? Why should a family choose Alaska instead of Idaho, Texas, Tennessee, Arizona or another growing state? The next governor should have an answer. 
  5. Fiscal discipline: Alaska needs fiscal restraint, but fiscal discipline is more sophisticated than cutting everything by an arbitrary percentage. A governor must distinguish among waste, essential services and investments that generate economic returns. The Permanent Fund, PFD, state spending and development of new revenue-producing industries must all be considered together. 
  6. Responsible resource development: Alaska possesses extraordinary natural resources. The governor should view those resources as an economic and strategic advantage while ensuring projects are economically sound, environmentally responsible and capable of surviving regulatory and legal challenges. Development that never reaches construction does not employ Alaskans.
  7. Healthcare and senior care: Healthcare is rapidly becoming one of Alaska’s defining economic and quality-of-life issues. Provider shortages, high costs, senior care, assisted living, rural access, home-based services and healthcare workforce recruitment require serious executive attention. Our aging population makes this even more urgent. 
  8. Public safety and functioning government: Alaskans expect government to perform its most basic responsibilities. That means effective law enforcement, prosecutors, corrections, emergency preparedness and systems capable of dealing with repeat offenders and behavioral-health challenges. Public safety cannot become another government program measured only by how much money is spent. 
  9. Education accountability: Alaska’s education debate too often begins and ends with funding. Funding matters. Outcomes matter more. What are taxpayers receiving for additional education dollars? Reading proficiency, mathematics, graduation rates, vocational education, teacher retention and preparation for employment should be part of every serious discussion. 
  10. Ability to work with people who disagree: No governor gets everything he or she wants. The Legislature will contain competing personalities, regions, parties and philosophies. Our governor needs firm principles but must also know how to negotiate, build coalitions and move legislation without surrendering those principles. 
  11. The ability to build a strong cabinet: This may be one of the most overlooked responsibilities of a governor. The governor does not personally operate every department. Commissioners and senior administrators do. A strong governor recruits exceptional people, establishes measurable expectations and replaces officials who consistently fail to produce results. 
  12. Courage to challenge entrenched systems: Alaska has no shortage of programs, agencies and processes that continue because “that’s how we’ve always done it.” The next governor should be willing to reorganize government, modernize technology, improve procurement, eliminate obsolete programs and challenge bureaucratic and political interests when performance demands it. 
  13. Integrity and personal discipline: Character matters. How does a candidate handle money, employees, criticism, political pressure and personal relationships? Campaign promises are easy. The real test comes when the governor must make an unpopular decision without cameras in the room. 
  14. A genuinely statewide perspective: Alaska cannot be governed as Anchorage versus rural Alaska, Southeast versus Southcentral, or Republican versus Democrat. A governor must understand Anchorage, Mat-Su, Fairbanks, Kenai, Southeast, the North Slope and rural Alaska. The geography, economies, and challenges are different. The governor has to represent all of them. 

Five questions every gubernatorial candidate should answer 

If I were moderating a real gubernatorial debate, I would ask every leading candidate these five questions and insist on specific answers: 

1. At the end of your four-year term, what five measurable things will be better in Alaska because you were governor? 

Not aspirations. Not talking points. Measurable results. 

2. Name three state programs, policies or practices you would eliminate or fundamentally restructure. 

Every candidate says government can operate better. Tell us specifically where. 

3. What new industries, employers or major projects will you personally work to bring to Alaska? 

Economic development requires more than issuing permits. A governor should be Alaska’s chief economic-development advocate. 

4. How will you reverse Alaska’s long-running outmigration and convince young Alaskans to build their futures here? 

A state that continually exports its children and workforce has a long-term problem no budget maneuver can solve. 

5. Who are the strongest people you would recruit to run Alaska’s major departments, and are you prepared to dismiss commissioners who fail to produce results? 

Personnel is policy. Leadership means accountability. 

These questions could have produced the distinctions Alaska voters needed. Instead, too much of the gubernatorial campaigning has consisted of forums where candidates appeared beside one another but rarely had to challenge one another. That is unfortunate because there are serious candidates in this race. 

Precisely because several candidates have credible resumes, voters needed genuine debates more than ever. We needed candidates questioning candidates. We needed follow-ups. We needed disagreements. We needed candidates defending their records and explaining specifically how their administration would differ from the person standing beside them. 

The next governor will face difficult decisions involving the Permanent Fund, energy, spending, public safety, healthcare, education, infrastructure, workforce shortages and economic development. That office requires considerably more than winning an election. 

Which brings me to what I believe should be the central test for Alaska voters: Don’t elect someone merely to be Governor of Alaska. Elect someone capable of being Alaska’s chief executive, economic-development advocate and long-range strategist. 

That distinction matters. 

Alaska does not lack resources. 

We do not lack opportunity. 

And we certainly do not lack opinions. 

What Alaska needs is executive leadership capable of turning those advantages into jobs, investment, affordable energy, effective government and a reason for the next generation of Alaskans to stay. Before casting our votes, we should expect every candidate asking to become governor to demonstrate how he or she intends to accomplish exactly that. 

Paul A Bauer Jr; is running as a non-partisan with conservative principles and values for State House in his District 20 – UMED area, is a 22 yr US Army Veteran, Commandant of the Alaska Military Youth Academy, former Anchorage Assembly Member, and USDOL Transition Assistant Facilitator and currently operates his business on public integrity strategies. This op-ed is not a campaign message. 

Opinion: What a Clean Gasline Bill Would Actually Look Like

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This article is a partial reprint of “There Was Never a Clean Bill” first published in the author’s personal Substack, August 13, 2026.

For two months, the loudest complaint from the governor’s office and the House Republican minority has been that Alaska cannot get a “clean gasline bill” passed. On July 15, the Alaska House Republican Caucus called on the Senate to place “urgent focus” on approving what it described as a clean gasline bill for the Railbelt. Rep. Justin Ruffridge, R-Soldotna, a member of the HB 381 Conference Committee, put it this way: “We cannot lose sight of why we are here. This isn’t about state government squeezing every last penny out of a pipeline that hasn’t even been built yet.” The Alaska Support Industry Alliance, the Alaska Chamber of Commerce, and the Alaska Oil and Gas Association used the identical phrase days earlier, urging lawmakers to pass “a clean version of HB 381 focused solely on advancing the Alaska LNG Project.”

Listen to that framing long enough and it starts to sound like the fight in Juneau has been between a simple pipeline bill and legislators who keep dirtying it up with unrelated taxes. That is not what has been on the table at any point since March. Every version of this legislation, from the governor’s original March 20 introduction through the House Finance committee substitute that passed 34-5 on June 12, through the Senate’s rewrite, through the conference committee product that died 19-19 on July 16, through the governor’s August 12 compromise that never received a floor vote at all, has done the same thing: eliminate Alaska’s existing 20-mill property tax authority over a $54 billion natural gas project and replace it with a fraction of that revenue under a volumetric tax structure no other American jurisdiction has ever used. That is not a pipeline bill with some tax provisions attached. That is a tax bill, full stop, and “clean” has never described anything other than which version of that tax restructuring gets voted on. When the House Republican Caucus and the industry coalition say “clean,” they mean the bill without the Senate’s added corporate income tax on pass-through entities like Hilcorp. They do not mean a bill that leaves Alaska’s property tax authority intact. No such bill has ever been introduced by anyone.

What an Actually Clean Bill Would Look Like

Start with current law, the same 20-mill property tax every other piece of oil and gas infrastructure in this state already pays, collected by the same boroughs that have always collected it. Layer a construction-period abatement on top of it, structured the same way every version of HB 381 and HB 4001 has already structured its own abatement period: no tax until the pipeline has moved a defined volume of gas for a defined stretch of time, a rolling throughput average over a set number of days. HB0381D and GH5321\A both use exactly this kind of trigger already, just pointed at a different outcome, the start of a permanent volumetric tax instead of a return to the property tax roll. The drafting is not the hard part. The legislature has already written this exact mechanism twice. It just needs to be aimed at the right destination.

That alone matches what LNG developers get everywhere else in the country. Louisiana’s Industrial Tax Exemption Program has given Cheniere’s Sabine Pass terminal, Cameron LNG, and Calcasieu Pass LNG property tax exemptions running up to ten years apiece, worth billions of dollars combined. Texas ran a similar school-district abatement program for years before it expired in 2022. Neither state rewrote its underlying property tax statute to do it. They granted a time-limited exemption under the tax code that was already on the books, and when the exemption ended, the facility went back on the same roll as everyone else. Alaska’s version does the same thing, tied to actual throughput instead of a calendar, which is arguably tighter and more defensible than the Gulf Coast standard, not looser.

If Glenfarne or its backers still want more certainty once the abatement period ends, that is a fair ask, and Alaska already has the tool for that too. The state’s oil production tax has tied its rate to a published market benchmark, the ANS crude price DOR calculates and publishes on a regular schedule, for years. Apply the same logic to gas. Have DOR select or blend an appropriate published index, Henry Hub for the domestic benchmark or the Platts JKM for the Asian LNG spot price Glenfarne is actually selling into, and build a market correction mechanism into the mill rate: if the realized price falls below a defined floor for two consecutive quarters, the rate steps down on a pre-set schedule until prices recover. Neither piece of this requires new administrative machinery. DOR already tracks a market benchmark and adjusts a state tax rate against it every month for oil. This asks the same agency to do the same job for gas.

This is a directional proposal, not a finished bill, and it should be read that way. Which index, what the exact floor price is, how many steps the mill rate takes on the way down, those are technical questions with technical answers, and DOR’s own analysts are the ones equipped to work them out, the same way they already work out the state’s oil tax calculations every month. That is a feature of this approach, not a gap in it. A legislature that actually wanted a clean bill would send DOR the direction and let them return with the number, the same process every serious fiscal note in this state already goes through. Nobody has asked DOR to do that work on this specific structure, because nobody in five months of hearings has proposed this specific structure for DOR to do the work on.

Put together, that is the whole proposal: current law, a construction-period abatement using a throughput trigger the legislature has already drafted twice, and a market correction mechanism modeled on a benchmark-pricing tool DOR already runs for oil. No new chapter of statute. No exclusion from the school funding formula. No permanent surrender of taxing authority, and no sixty-year sunset because there is nothing to sunset, current law simply resumes. That is offered here understanding that gas itself, by the project’s own consultant’s testimony to the Senate, is not actually what is driving this deal. If it is the commodity that matters, this structure protects it. If it is the federal credit stack behind it, no version of HB 381 or HB 4001 has ever asked Alaska a fair price for that either, and this proposal does not pretend to solve that fight. It solves the one the governor and the House Minority say they are actually having.

The Question Nobody Saying “Clean” Has Answered

None of this requires opposing the pipeline. Alaska’s gas is real. The case for connecting a stranded resource to a paying market is legitimate on its own terms. What is not legitimate is the repeated substitution of a marketing word for the actual content of five months of legislation. Every version of this bill has restructured the same tax authority. Every version has asked the legislature to act faster than the information available to it justified. The House voted on June 12 without the clawback analysis that would surface in a leak two weeks later. The House Minority’s own representative on the conference committee got the July text 30 minutes before it passed. The governor’s August compromise never got a vote at all, and when it collapsed, the state’s most consistent advocates for a “clean” bill would not defend the one actually placed in front of them.

If the goal has genuinely been a clean bill this entire time, the question worth asking every legislator and every spokesperson who has used that phrase is a simple one: clean of what, exactly, and who decided that a construction-period abatement under current law, the actual clean version, was never worth proposing?

Glenfarne spent the summer handing out buttons that say “Build the Line.” Fine. Let’s build the line, on current law, with a construction-period abatement to get it financed and nothing more permanent than that. That is what a clean bill looks like. Everything else on the table since March has been a tax code rewrite wearing the pipeline’s name.

Dana Raffaniello lives in Palmer, Alaska. He works as a network engineer, reads Alaska energy legislation closely, and publishes analysis of its fiscal and structural implications at raff6482.substack.com. He is running for the Mat-Su Borough Assembly, District 2. He has no commercial interest in any energy project discussed in this analysis.

ConocoPhillips’ Coyote 3SX Strikes First Oil

ConocoPhillips Alaska announced today that the Coyote 3SX development in the Kuparuk River Unit (KRU) on State land has achieved first oil ahead of schedule and under budget on Friday, Aug. 7, 2026. Funding for the approximately $800 million project was approved in October 2025, and construction began in early 2026.

“Coyote 3SX demonstrates our commitment to maximizing the value of our legacy assets while continuing to deliver safe, reliable domestic production,” said Erec Isaacson, president, ConocoPhillips Alaska. “The additional pipeline required for the project will support increased production from Coyote as volumes rise in 2026 and beyond.”

The Coyote 3SX development marks an important milestone in the company’s long-term commitment to responsible energy development on Alaska’s North Slope. By leveraging existing infrastructure, the development efficiently brings new production online in the KRU while supporting Alaska jobs, strengthening throughput in the Trans Alaska Pipeline System and generating benefits for local, state and federal governments.

At peak construction in April 2026, there were approximately 365 workers on the project. Expected peak oil rate is 12,000 barrels per day gross.

“The Coyote project is a testament to the hard work, commitment to safety and excellence of our dedicated team,” remarked Isaacson.

ConocoPhillips Alaska invests approximately $1 billion each year to sustain and grow its Alaska legacy assets through projects such as Coyote. A stable, predictable fiscal framework supports the long-term investment needed to strengthen production, support Alaska jobs and deliver continued benefits to the state.

About Coyote 3SX

The Coyote 3SX development on State of Alaska land in the Kuparuk River Unit marks another important milestone in the company’s long-term commitment to responsible energy development on Alaska’s North Slope. By leveraging existing infrastructure, Coyote 3SX brings new resources online efficiently while supporting Alaska jobs, strengthening throughput in the Trans-Alaska Pipeline System and generating meaningful benefits for local, state and federal governments.

Fact sheet:

About ConocoPhillips Alaska

ConocoPhillips Alaska has been a leader within Alaska’s oil industry for more than 50 years. The company is committed to operating with the highest safety standards, responsibly developing Alaska’s resources, promoting economic opportunity for Alaska, and being a valuable community partner. For more information, visit www.conocophilipsalaska.com.

Cautionary Note to U.S. Investors

The SEC permits oil and gas companies, in their filings with the SEC, to disclose only proved, probable and possible reserves. We may use the term “resource” in this news release that the SEC’s guidelines prohibit us from including in filings with the SEC. U.S. investors are urged to consider closely the oil and gas disclosures in our Form 10-K and other reports and filings with the SEC. Copies are available from the SEC and from the ConocoPhillips website.

Press release provided by ConocoPhillips Alaska.

Winter Ferry Schedule Open for Reservations

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The Alaska Marine Highway System (AMHS) 2026/2027 winter schedule is now open for reservations, covering travel from October 1, 2026, through April 30, 2027.

“As we enter the winter season, our focus remains on providing reliable, safe, and essential marine transit to Alaska’s coastal communities,” said AMHS Director Craig Tornga. “Winter service is a vital lifeline for goods, medical access, and community connection. Across our fleet and facilities, our crews and operational teams are prepared to maintain these essential links throughout the winter months.”

The winter schedule is tailored to meet core community needs, accommodate scheduled annual vessel overhauls, and maintain essential passenger and freight service across the Southeast, Southwest, and Prince William Sound corridors.

Review the schedule: dot.alaska.gov/amhs/schedules.shtml

Book travel: Call (800) 642-0066 or visit bookamhs.alaska.gov/book/sailingsearch/ journeySearch

During periods of high call volume, customers who experience delays getting through to AMHS Reservations are encouraged to contact local ferry terminals for direct booking and travel assistance:

  • Petersburg Direct Line: 907-772-3855
  • Sitka Direct Line: 907-747-8737
  • Wrangell Direct Line: 907-874-2021

For additional information about the Alaska Marine Highway System, please visit ferryalaska.com.

The Alaska Department of Transportation and Public Facilities oversees 237 airports, 9 ferries serving 35 communities, over 5,600 miles of highway and 839 public facilities throughout the state of Alaska. The mission of the department is to “Keep Alaska Moving.“

Press release provided by the Alaska Department of Transportation and Public Facilities.