Former US Rep. Mary Peltola has been selected as one of six new Pritzker Fellows at the University of Chicago’s Institute of Politics. It’s a prestigious appointment that will give her a platform this fall in a Democratic stronghold, even as speculation builds over her next political move.
The fellowship, announced this week, places Peltola alongside other Democratic and progressive figures including former Obama Administration official Alex Wagner, former US ambassador David Pressman, and Center for Constitutional Rights executive director Vince Warren. The Pritzker Fellows program, founded by longtime Barack Obama strategist David Axelrod, is dominated by strongly partisan Democrat choices.
Peltola will be part of the fall cohort that begins in September. Pritzger Fellows participate in 8-week residencies during an academic quarter. Fellows must lead weekly 75-minute, non-credit, off-the-record seminars for University of Chicago students, focusing on their careers and experiences. Formats include discussions, simulations, or tabletop exercises.
Peltola will also have to hold four hours of weekly one-on-one office hours (20-minute appointments) to discuss career advice or current issues with students. As senior director of Alaska Affairs at Holland & Hart LLP, a law firm, where she works as a non-lawyer government affairs professional, she may take a leave from her job at to participate; more likely the company will keep her on the payroll.
Peltola’s application would have included a two-page seminar summary, a curriculum vitae/biography, and details of her background via an online form.
The timing of Peltola’s appointment comes as national Democrats are watching closely to see if she will reenter Alaska politics in 2026. On Aug. 21, the Cook Political Report reiterated the news that Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer has been urging Peltola to challenge Republican Sen. Dan Sullivan, who is up for reelection in 2026. But polls suggest Peltola might fare better in Alaska’s open governor’s race, where she would likely clear the Democratic field — even forcing out former legislator Tom Begich.
Still, Cook reported that Peltola has signaled more openness to a Senate run, despite the long odds for Democrats in the red-leaning state. The fellowship in Chicago gives her a taxpayer-subsidized springboard to raise money in a Democratic donor hub, under the cover of academia.
Peltola, who made history in 2022 as the first Alaska Native elected to Congress, served one term before losing her reelection bid in 2024 to Congressman Nick Begich. At the Institute of Politics, she will host student seminars and share insights from her time in Washington, even as she weighs a potential comeback bid.
Whether Peltola’s time in Chicago becomes a stepping stone to the governor’s mansion or the US Senate, Democrats are obsessed with gaming out how her next move could reshape Alaska’s political map in 2026.
Bernadette Wilson emerged as far-and-away the frontrunner among Republican gubernatorial candidates in a new poll, the summary of which was released by the Building Alaska PAC, highlighting her early strength in the crowded 2026 race for governor.
The survey, conducted July 24–27 by Cygnal Research tested the standing of eight Republicans and Democrat Mary Peltola. Among likely GOP primary voters, Wilson led with 17% support, followed by Lt. Gov. Nancy Dahlstrom at 11%. Peltola, who has signaled interest in the race, registered 9%. No other candidate broke 6%.
The poll found that 41% of voters remain undecided, not unusual at this stage of a race; the primary is a year away. Even so, Wilson’s showing reflects a campaign that has gained traction early in the cycle.
Alaska has not elected a Democrat to the governor’s office since Tony Knowles in 1998, and Republicans have dominated the top of the ticket ever since. The state’s open primary and ranked-choice voting system, introduced in 2020, adds complexity to the contest, but the GOP remains favored to retain the governorship.
Only a short summary of the poll was released, with little granular data to back it up. Building Alaska PAC emphasized name recognition challenges faced by several candidates, including former Revenue Commissioner Adam Crum and Attorney General Treg Taylor, who is expected to announce his candidacy within two weeks.
But name ID hurdles are hardly unique to 2026. When Gov. Mike Dunleavy first launched his campaign in 2017, he too was little known outside the Mat-Su Valley, where he served as a state senator. Mary Peltola, who left the Alaska Legislature in 2009, had slipped back into obscurity before she rose to win the congressional seat in 2022.
The Cygnal poll surveyed 500 likely Republican primary voters and reported a margin of error of ±4.37%. Cygnal has polled before in Alaska, notably in the 2024 race for the congressional seat.
With eight Republicans in the field and one Democrat, Wilson’s early lead positions her as a candidate to watch as Alaska moves into the 2026 election season.
But for whom was the poll conducted? It appears to be pushing Lt. Gov. Nancy Dahlstrom. In the poll summary, it misspells the name of Adam Crum (spelling it “Crumb,”) and shrugs off former Revenue Commissioner Crum and Attorney General Taylor as also-rans, even while saying that voters want a record of leadership.
“Lieutenant Governor Nancy Dahlstrom stands out with 46% unknown, and the highest favorability at 31%.”
Yet in the question asking who people would vote for, there was a different result:
“When asked who they would support if the election were held today, Wilson led with 17%, Dahlstrom had 11%, and Peltola 9%; no other candidate reached 6%. After exposure to candidate messaging and positions on issues, Dahlstrom’s support grew to 23%, Wilson to 18%, while 30% remained undecided. This suggests that voters are leaning toward a candidate with a strong record of leadership,” the summary stated, signaling preference for the siting lieutenant governor.
Those who took the poll noted that the “push” questions clearly leaned toward messaging for Dahlstrom.
The poll also showed that 75% of respondents are GOP-leaning in a generic Congressional ballot, which explains why Peltola received 9%. President Donald Trump holds a 77% favorability and 82% job approval, while Gov. Mike Dunleavy has 64% favorability and 66% job approval among this cohort.
The Building Alaska PAC has supported Republicans in the past through doing strong opposition messaging against anti-business Democrats, and is likely to focus its efforts in a similar pattern in the coming election cycle.
Attorney General Treg Taylor announced today he will resign at the end of the month, with his last day set for Aug. 29. The timing allows him to preside over the Attorney Generals Alliance annual meeting in Anchorage, Aug. 26–28, an event he helped secure for Alaska.
Taylor, who has served as Alaska’s attorney general since 2021, is widely expected to run for governor. The web domain TaylorforAlaska.com has already been reserved, and he has been raising his profile in recent weeks while reportedly seeking funding commitments from potential donors at numerous events around the state. Political observers anticipate a campaign announcement soon after Labor Day.
His tenure has not been without controversy. Critics, including Must Read Alaska senior contributor David Ignell, have taken aim at his handling of the forced resignation of Ketchikan Police Chief Jeffrey Walls, who was ousted after intervening in a bar incident involving his wife. Attorney General Taylor called Ignell a “progressive activist.”
Before becoming attorney general, Taylor served as deputy attorney general in charge of the civil division at the Alaska Department of Law, starting in 2018. Prior to public service, he worked as senior counsel for ASRC Energy Services, LLC, and as counsel for McKinley Capital Management. He began his legal career in Anchorage in commercial litigation.
Taylor holds a bachelor’s degree in political science and a law degree from Brigham Young University. He and his wife, Jodi, live in Anchorage and are the parents of six children.
“Attorney General Treg Taylor’s sound legal judgment and dedication to public service have made a meaningful difference for Alaska,” said Governor Dunleavy. “From defending our right to develop Alaska’s natural resources to fighting crime, his legal leadership has helped preserve and advance opportunities for everyday Alaskans.”
“It has been an honor and a privilege to serve as the Alaska Attorney General. I am incredibly proud of what the Department has accomplished together fighting federal overreach, making our communities safer, and defending the Alaska way of life. None of these victories would have been possible without the extraordinary attorneys and staff at the Department of Law and the support of the Governor. Their dedication and professionalism inspire me, and I will always be thankful for the opportunity to have served alongside them,” said Taylor.
As Juneau property taxes and municipal wastewater fees continue to spiral upward, the City and Borough of Juneau Assembly wants to make it even more expensive to live there.
The Assembly recently approved a ballot proposition for the upcoming municipal election on October 7 that would implement a new seasonal sales tax rate of 3.0% October 1 through March 31 and 7.5% April 1 through September 30. The current municipal sales tax is 5.0% year-round.
Sales tax revenue collection is extremely seasonal in Juneau. The second and third quarters see significantly higher collections compared to the first and fourth quarters. This is driven by summer tourism, fishing, boating, and local spending during the peak visitor season.
The city ballot proposition is being presented as a way to offset revenue reductions from a citizen initiative on the same ballot that, if passed, would exempt groceries and essential utilities from sales taxes for individuals.
In reality, however, a seasonal sales tax likely would increase the tax burden for many Juneau families. Except for 1% which would remain temporary through 2028, it would also make the entire tax permanent – removing the option for voters to choose to renew it every five years.
Even if local residents evenly split their taxable purchases between the summer and winters months, their average sales tax rate would still increase from the current 5% to 5.25%.
However, when considering seasonal spending patterns, the majority of Juneau residents are likely to spend considerably more during the months April through September than during the fall and winter months.
During citizen testimony at the July 28 Assembly meeting, Affordable Juneau Coalition member Angela Rodell testified against the seasonal sales tax, calling it ill-timed and unaffordable for many residents who are already struggling with the rising cost of living, housing, food, childcare, and utilities.
The Assembly’s proposal doesn’t account for the increased spending by Mendenhall valley residents needing to prepare for annual flooding. Visqueen, lumber, sump pumps, duct tape, and other preparation costs as well as repairs and cleanup required for flood-related damage are significant.
Nor does it consider that 65% of residential home sales occur in the spring and summer months. Real estate commissions, appraisals, engineer’s reports, title fees, and other closing costs will be 2.5% more, driving the price of home ownership even higher.
Juneau homeowners spending dollars on yard and building maintenance each spring will pay the higher tax. This is when residents invest in home improvements, rent equipment, buy lawnmowers, fertilizer, potting soil, and plant flowers and trees to spruce up their properties.
According to Rain Coast Data, Juneau has about 5,900 registered boats and documented vessels – both recreational pleasure boats and commercial vessels. In the spring and summer, those local boat owners and charter operators repair and replace gear, buy ice chests and bait, and often encounter unexpected and expensive mechanical issues.
The summer months are when friends and family visit and residents spend more on meals in restaurants, on liquor, and available recreational opportunities.
Seniors who spend much of their fall and winter months south will definitely feel the pinch as almost all of their local spending will occur in the summer when they are in Juneau. Since they are already exempt from local sales tax on food and utilities, they won’t receive any additional benefit – but will pay 7.5% sales tax on everything else they buy.
Juneau city leaders won’t be talking about that though. Nor will they mention over-inflated reserve accounts, discretionary grants, outside consulting fees, and projects that voters either rejected, didn’t vote for, or aren’t clamoring for.
Their knee jerk reaction is always to raise taxes rather than take a hard look at where municipal tax dollars are going and how effectively they are being spent. This is the reason that a citizen-driven charter amendment is also on the ballot to cap Juneau’s property tax millage rate at 9 mills, slightly above where it was last year.
Juneau voters concerned about their community’s cost of living can make a difference by voting no on the seasonal sales tax, voting yes to exempt groceries and essential utilities, and saying yes to limit property tax increases by capping the millage rate.
After retiring as the senior vice president in charge of business banking for Key Bank in Alaska, Win Gruening became a regular opinion page columnist for the Juneau Empire. He was born and raised in Juneau and graduated from the U.S. Air Force Academy in 1970. He is involved in various local and statewide organizations.
“The rule of law doesn’t work unless it applies to all of us.” That was the ironic, and frankly hypocritical, headline chosen by Attorney General Treg Taylor in Must Read Alaska.
Taylor’s article was not a defense of equal justice, but rather an attempt to discredit a man he dismissed as a “progressive activist, associated with the California Innocence Project.”
But what exactly made David Ignell “progressive”? Was it his work to fight for justice, expose corruption, and challenge malicious prosecutions? If so, then perhaps “progressive” simply means refusing to ignore injustice. In that case, I proudly stand in the same camp. More likely, the label was meant only as a cheap attempt to discredit.
This kind of rhetoric is dangerous. Our president has spoken forcefully against corrupt prosecutors, biased judges, and politically motivated cases. Suggesting that anyone who holds such views must be “progressive” trivializes a serious issue — one the American people care deeply about. Justice is not partisan. The rule of law must apply equally, or it fails us all.
Gross Misrepresentation of Facts
Taylor’s version of “what actually happened” relied almost entirely on a single witness: the bar manager. This was the same employee who failed to remove a drunk man after the first attack — and who later admitted he “had a good thing going with his job and didn’t want to lose it.” His former employer confirmed he had been fired for embezzlement. Yet Taylor chose to build his account around him.
Meanwhile, other evidence and witnesses directly contradicted that account. The attacker himself admitted he was never placed in a chokehold — something confirmed by recorded evidence. Two other state witnesses testified that it was the bar manager, not my husband, who applied a chokehold while my husband restrained the attacker. These statements, from Taylor’s own witnesses, were entirely omitted from his article.
Taylor claims this was “violence, not policing.” But how exactly should one detain a man — after two attacks, outweighing my husband by 60 pounds — without using force? The force was necessary, proportionate, and corroborated by a state witness. Waiting for a third attack would have been reckless.
The so-called “rock wall” never happened. No witnesses corroborated it, and the only video Alaska State Troopers obtained doesn’t support it. I can be heard on trooper audio asking whether they would obtain a warrant for all the surveillance video. I even warned the footage might be destroyed. The trooper told staff they were liable and soon after, multiple recordings vanished. Only a partial video survived.
Why were we pleading for video evidence? Because it could have told the truth, free from bias and omission. Its disappearance left the record shaped by selective testimony and contradictions.
Repeated Prosecutorial Failures
Taylor portrays the dismissed indictments as “procedural.” In reality, the judge explicitly described the state’s testimony as false, misleading, inaccurate, and incomplete — and faulted prosecutors for failing to correct it.
Even after two dismissals, the same trooper was brought back before the grand jury a third time, despite his credibility already being discredited in open court. This was not justice. It was a refusal to take responsibility, and a reckless abuse of the grand jury process.
Misconstruing “The Settlement”
Taylor further misrepresented “the settlement.” My husband retired so we could leave Alaska after years of harassment from Taylor’s office and this trooper. We communicated that we would continue legal action from outside the state.
At that point, Taylor’s prosecutors offered to drop all charges with prejudice, on the condition that my husband not return to Alaska law enforcement. That was never in question; we had no desire to stay. The prosecutors also promised to leave me alone, ending their repeated threats of new charges.
We left with everything we wanted: all charges dismissed with prejudice. What did Taylor’s office get? Nothing. So why drag this case through three grand juries, built on false and incomplete testimony? The answer is simple: to force us out of Ketchikan Alaska, where his leadership in the war against fentanyl was generating huge wins.
The Real Credibility Problem
Taylor speaks of law enforcement credibility. But credibility is his office’s biggest problem. He dropped all charges against the man who attacked me — yet pursued us for years, at immense public expense, despite the judge’s repeated warnings.
This isn’t leadership. At public meetings, Taylor blames troopers, judges, even the Supreme Court. Real leaders take responsibility. They face facts, even when uncomfortable.
Closing: Truth and Accountability
I write this not to rehash old wounds but to set the record straight. My husband and I are private citizens now, with zero convictions. Taylor’s article was unethical, dishonest, and malicious — much like his prosecution. His refusal to ever admit error mirrors a broader problem within Alaska’s justice system.
The truth is not negotiable. No amount of selective testimony, missing video, or repeated grand juries can change what actually happened. Alaska deserves better leadership than this.
Sharon Walls is the wife of a former Ketchikan police chief, was formerly law enforcement and private investigation.
The nation’s largest teachers union, the National Education Association, is once again leaning into political and cultural battles rather than focusing on its core mission of representing educators in collective bargaining.
This fall, as students return to classrooms, the NEA has rolled out a new program called Everyone Is Welcome Here. The initiative, launched in partnership with Planned Parenthood, Advocates for Youth, and other activist groups, provides free “welcome kits” to teachers who sign up.
Each kit includes a tote bag, LGBTQ-themed stickers, lanyards, lapel pins, bracelets, and an “I’m Here” badge from the NEA’s LGBTQ+ caucus. The items are meant to serve as visible symbols that a classroom is “inclusive,” particularly for students identifying as LGBTQ or transgender.
NEA sticker for teachers to hand out includes encouraging children to “read banned books” and encourages teachers to teach “inclusive sex ed,” without guardrails.
The NEA frames the program as a way to ensure schools are “safe and affirming,” but it crosses the line into political indoctrination and sexual grooming. By teaming up with organizations that promote sexual education and radical gender ideology, the NEA is inserting itself into highly controversial territory — territory many parents believe does not belong in K–12 classrooms.
Planned Parenthood’s involvement adds to parent concerns. Long known as the nation’s largest abortion provider, the group also promotes expansive definitions of “inclusive sex education,” often encouraging teachers to introduce students to gender fluidity, sexual identity exploration, and topics far removed from reading, writing, and arithmetic.
Planned Parenthood is now one of the biggest providers of “gender affirming care,” which is the term used to refer to transgender procedures and drugs.
Instead of improving academic standards, addressing plummeting test scores, or focusing on the needs of students struggling to recover from pandemic-era learning loss, the NEA is devoting its resources to cultural activism. The organization insists that children must be “affirmed” in their gender identity in order to thrive. But the very branding of “Everyone Is Welcome Here” suggests the opposite: students, teachers, and parents who hold traditional beliefs may find their values are anything but welcome.
Opponents say that parents, rather than unions or activist groups, should decide what values are taught to children. “This is not about safety. It’s about sexualizing classrooms,” one education advocate told Must Read Alaska. “The NEA has strayed so far from its original mission of supporting teachers and negotiating for better wages and working conditions. Now, it’s just another political machine.”
The Everyone Is Welcome Here kits are available to the first 1,000 teachers who sign up, with shipments expected within two weeks. The message is clear: Classrooms across America are being transformed into ideological battlegrounds, with the NEA leading the charge.
After more than a year of heightened volcanic activity, the Alaska Volcano Observatory has lowered the aviation color code for Mount Spurr to green and the Volcano Alert Level to normal, signaling that the immediate threat of an eruption has passed.
Since early 2024, the volcano about 80 miles west of Anchorage had shown signs of unrest, including increased earthquakes, gas emissions, melting ice, and surface changes near its summit. Scientists say those indicators began tapering off this spring, and no ground deformation has been recorded since March 2025.
“Taken together, these observations indicate that the upward movement of magma has stopped,” AVO reported. “The chance of an eruption in the near-term is now considered extremely low.”
While the volcano has quieted, some activity remains. Small earthquakes are still occurring more often than before the unrest began, and volcanic gases continue to vent from both the summit crater and Crater Peak on the south flank. According to AVO, such activity is normal for a volcano where magma has risen but not erupted, and minor emissions could continue for months or even years.
Hazards still exist for those venturing onto the mountain. volcanologist have detected high levels of carbon dioxide gas along the rim of Crater Peak. The gas, which is both odorless and colorless, can be dangerous in enclosed areas and poses a potential risk to climbers and other recreators. AVO emphasized, however, that the emissions are not affecting surrounding communities.
Mount Spurr is the highest volcano in the Aleutian Arc, standing at 11,070 feet. Its most recent eruption occurred in 1992, when ash fell on Anchorage and disrupted air travel.
For years, I have argued that Alaska’s Department of Law has stood in the way of Alaskans exercising their constitutional right to use the grand jury as an investigative tool.
Our state Constitution is explicit: “The power of grand juries to investigate and make recommendations concerning the public welfare or safety shall never be suspended.” (Alaska Const. Art. I, §8). Yet in practice, the public has been blocked. Complaints of corruption or threats to public welfare too often die at the door of bureaucracy.
That is why I have pressed — both in the Legislature and in print — for reforms that would remove government gatekeepers from the process. The grand jury belongs to the people, not to the Attorney General, not to the courts, and not to the executive, legislative, or judicial branches. Article I, Section 2 reminds us: “All political power is inherent in the people. All government originates with the people, is founded upon their will only, and is instituted solely for the good of the people as a whole.” (Alaska Const. Art. I, §2).
What AG Taylor Now Says
In a recent conversation on the Must Read Alaska Show, Attorney General Treg Taylor acknowledged what many of us have been saying all along: the system has been broken. He admitted there are “definite constitutional issues” with the Alaska Supreme Court assigning him the role of gatekeeper. He even went so far as to say, “I intend to be a very poor gatekeeper.”
Taylor explained that his office has published new written procedures allowing citizens to submit requests for investigative grand juries through the Department of Law website. He emphasized transparency, promising that requests and outcomes would be made visible to the public, minus identifying details. He also admitted that it is likely that a constitutional amendment is needed to secure the people’s right to see grand jury reports made public.
Entire interview here:
Where We Agree
I welcome the Attorney General’s recognition that Alaskans need more access. His pledge to err on the side of letting complaints go forward is a positive development. He is right that public distrust runs deep, and that transparency is necessary to rebuild confidence in our justice system. He is also right that the Constitution gives the grand jury—not government officials—the authority to investigate and indict.
Where We Diverge
The difference lies in who ultimately controls the process. Taylor accepts the Supreme Court’s rules and says he will work within them. My position is that those rules themselves are unconstitutional when they assign the Attorney General the role of gatekeeper. We cannot simply rely on the goodwill of one officeholder who promises to be “lenient.” The rights of Alaskans must never hinge on the personality, discretion, or politics of a single official.
Taylor worries about abuse of the process—citizens repeatedly shopping complaints to multiple grand juries, or grand juries being “hijacked” from their regular indictment duties. My view is that those concerns pale in comparison to the constitutional guarantee that grand juries shall never have their power suspended. And yet, suspension has already happened—multiple times—when the courts or the Department of Law have prevented grand juries from investigating matters brought to them. Worries of abuse can be managed with statutes enacted by the legislature that both the courts and the executive branch must follow. Legislative action is necessary to resolve this constitutional crisis.
When the courts establish the Attorney General as a gatekeeper, or when the Attorney General implements procedures that limit access, the people’s rights are suspended in practice. Bureaucratic control of grand jury access erodes the very foundation of self-government.
A statute change could clarify this balance: the Department of Law’s role should be limited to maintaining a calendar and providing continuity between grand juries, including a record of prior decisions germane to identifying for the grand jury potential abuse by members of the public. Beyond that facilitative function, the Department of Law should have no discretion to block or filter what the grand jury itself may hear. If we can trust grand jurors to indict and thereby deprive us of liberty, we can trust those members to decide what they want to investigate on our behalf.
The Kenai Grand Jury Report
The recent example from Kenai underscores the danger of allowing government gatekeepers to control the process. In 2022, a grand jury in Kenai investigated allegations of judicial misconduct and even issued a felony indictment. That same grand jury produced a formal report and recommendation—intended to be released to the public. Yet a Superior Court judge dismissed the indictment and declared that the report would never be made public. Despite petitions, public records requests, and mounting civic concern, the people of Alaska remain barred from seeing what their own fellow citizens uncovered after months of service.
This episode demonstrates why public distrust has grown so strong. When grand juries act within their constitutional authority, but their findings are buried, the people’s power is undermined. If reports about corruption within the judicial system itself can be blocked by the very institution under scrutiny, then the promise that grand jury power “shall never be suspended” becomes meaningless.
The Larger Conflict
It is important to note that under normal circumstances the Attorney General is required to abide by court rules as if they were law, unless those rules are successfully challenged in court or overridden by the legislature. This obligation flows from both the constitutional authority granted to the Alaska Supreme Court to make rules, and the AG’s professional responsibilities as a member of the Bar. Yet both institutions—the courts and the AG—risk overstepping when they insert themselves as gatekeepers over a people’s institution. The Constitution’s design is that the grand jury itself should decide what to investigate, not officials acting in its stead.
Here the governor’s constitutional authority under Article III, Section 16 comes into focus. That provision empowers the governor to enforce compliance with any constitutional mandate and restrain violation of any constitutional right by any officer or agency of the state. The Attorney General works for the governor, and the Department of Law is the governor’s instrument. If the courts impose a rule that violates the Constitution—such as making the AG the gatekeeper of grand juries—the governor has both the power and the duty to direct the AG to ignore that unconstitutional mandate. In this way, the governor should defend the independence of the grand jury and protect his attorney general from a judiciary intent on shielding itself.
The unresolved Kenai grand jury report is the clearest evidence of this conflict. That report, the product of months of citizen service, remains sealed because the courts have granted themselves, through Criminal Rule 6.1, a veto power over grand jury reports. The effect of this usurpation is that a grand jury report on judicial corruption remains locked in the courts’ vault rather than released to the public as the grand jury intended. The courts have therefore committed two violations against the people: first, by appointing the AG as gatekeeper in violation of Article I, Section 8’s command that grand jury power shall never be suspended; and second, by refusing to release the Kenai grand jury report on judicial corruption thereby nullifying the people’s watchdog function.
The larger conflict is not just about control but over the role of the grand jury. The judicial branch and AG’s approach to an “investigative” grand jury is more than simple word choice. The label “investigative” denotes purpose. I have spoken to many lawyers in positions of government power who believe that grand juries should only be able to indict whoever a prosecutor asks them to indict. A new Attorney General with a new set of rules for district attorneys could simply determine that an “investigative” grand jury doesn’t have the right to investigate and indict but only to issue reports. The long-term solution for the grand jury lies in legislative action or constitutional amendment to restore an “independent” grand jury and prevent either branch from controlling access. We should be calling it an independent grand jury because words matter.
The Path Forward
We agree that Alaskans need clarity, transparency, and trust. But let us be clear: the grand jury exists as an expression of the people’s political power. It is not the tool of the Department of Law or the courts. The oath administered to grand jurors under Criminal Rule 6 states: “You and each of you do solemnly swear (or affirm) that you will diligently inquire and true presentment make of all such matters as shall come before you, and you will keep secret the proceedings of the grand jury, except as authorized by law.” (Alaska Criminal Rule 6(e)). This oath binds jurors to serve justice—not government officials.
Alaska statutes reinforce these duties. Under AS 12.40, a grand jury may indict when a majority of jurors concur. AS 12.40.060 affirms their power to subpoena witnesses and records. And AS 12.40.040 permits jurors with personal knowledge of a crime to present it to their fellow jurors. These laws recognize that grand jurors are not passive participants; they are active guardians of public integrity.
Reforms that rely on promises from the Attorney General’s office are not enough. We need structural change—through statute, and if necessary, through constitutional amendment—that reaffirms the people’s ownership of the grand jury process. We need Governor Dunleavy to provide immediate relief and to defend the independence of the grand jury. Form an independent commission if you must have assurances. The simplest path is to direct the Attorney General to enact a less restrictive process and underwrite his opposition to being appointed the gatekeeper. The people of Alaska must never surrender their watchdog—the independent grand jury—to the very institutions it was designed to oversee.
Ben Carpenter is a former Alaska legislator, US Army combat veteran, and host and producer of the Must Read Alaska Show.
The most glaring contradictions of President Donald Trump’s seeming support for developing America’s energy independence lies in his failure to shutter Barack Obama’s Permitting Council.
Instead, Trump even created an additional council − National Energy Dominance Council − to advise him on permitting, production, generation, distribution, regulation and transportation for American energy. Its members are nearly identical to the pre-existing permitting council that has worked with previous administrations as arms of the EPA to block development of mining and energyprojects as part of Obama-Biden’s climate change agenda.
The Federal Permitting Improvement Steering Council was established in 2015 under Barack Obama as part of the “Fixing America’s Surface Transportation Act (FAST-41)” of Title 41 Code of Federal Regulations. It created a 15-member agency under the executive branch, supposedly to improve the EPA permitting process. Permitting Council members include the same agencies and personnel that have played active roles in impeding energy development for years under the guise of environmentalism. The agency oversees any activity that requires environmental review or authorization concerning energy production and storage, renewables, electricity transmission, waterways, pipelines, manufacturing, computer technology; or sponsored by an Indian tribal organization; and is subject to the National Environmental Policy Act.
The Deputy Executive Director under former President Joe Biden and currently also under Trump, is Manisha Patel. She has a long history with NEPA and extensive roles at the White House Council on Environmental Quality, leadership positions at the EPA, and oversaw FAST-41’s initiatives and US Army Corps of Engineer’s red book of environmental reviews. Under Biden’s directives, her positions worked to revoke Trump-era environmental policies and enforce Biden’s climate change agenda, push EPA’s sweeping clean air and water regulations and net-zero renewable energy future, and restrict fossil fuel and mining development.
She proudly reviewed the extensive environmental overreach of NEPA in nearly every federal department during a seminar at the June 2023Environmental Law Institute. Her Power Point illustrated its central goal of enforcing “environmental justice.”
The Permitting Council’s FY2025 budget request included $9 million, in addition to $10 million for FY1024. FAST-41’s portfolio of active projects in its 2025 budget (page 13) included 15 offshore wind projects, a solar project, three other renewable energy projects, one carbon capture and sequestration project — and only one mining project. That mining project, South 32 Hermosa, had none of three environmental review and permitting processes completed, with an estimated date of July 7, 2027. Hermosa mining project is located on private lands in the historic Patagonia Mountains of southern Arizona, with manganese and zinc reserves, as well as silver and lead.
Why didn’t Trump shutter the Permitting Council as part of DOGE and choose a team that would support his new energy policies?
Why did President Trump create another council − National Energy Dominance Council − with nearly the same members who’ve worked to block energy development and promote the climate change agenda?
Immediately upon coming into office, on Jan. 20, Trump declared a national energy emergency, stating that the development, production and generation of energy and critical minerals were far too inadequate to meet our nation’s needs. He called for expediting the completion of all appropriated and authorized energy infrastructure; and identify all permitting projects that could be threatened by the Clean Water Act and other statutes under EPA and Army Corps of Engineer regulations and other environmental policies.
Trump called to repeal unconstitutional regulations that violated people’s rights, attempts by the EPA Clean Water Act against property owners or to adopt unscientific and overly costly and detrimental regulations and procedures. Trump called out overbearing Federal regulations for eroding our nation’s mineral production, which has threatened our national and economic security and left us reliant on hostile foreign countries for critical minerals.
Trump specifically ordered the unleashing of Alaska’s extraordinary resource potential. That move was seen as setting the stage to advance dozens of critical mining projects.
He ordered every executive department and agency involved in mineral production permitting to provide a list of priority projects within ten days to his newly created National Energy Dominance Council for immediate approval review and expedited permitting. Within 15 days, the Permitting Council’s executive director was to publish the projects selected and establish schedules for expedited review.
That was eight months ago.
On April 18, the Trump White House announced the Permitting Council had released the first wave of critical mineral production projects in response to his executive order. But a close look at the selectedFast-41 Projectsshow that it currently includes primarily initial exploratory projects, few involving critical energy minerals, such as Michigan Potash’s fertilizer-grade potash project. And almost none had environmental reviews and permitting processes completed, let alone started. Only two were even in Alaska − a surface exploration project and an expansion of an existing zinc pit mine. No one would oppose consideration of any potentially valuable energy project, but do these selected projects really represent the most important projects for our country?
The richest reserves and resources in the world are located in Alaska, accordingto the Department of Natural Resources. Alaska’s minerals and metals are essential for a sustainable world, according to Alaska Metal Mines. Not one of Alaska’s mining projects that have completed advanced exploration (Bokan Mt, Graphite Creek, Livengood, Niblack, Palmer or Upper Kobuk), according to Alaska Miners Association, appear on Trump’s Fast-41 list.
AMA also reported that Alaska’s two mines that have completed exploration and environmental studies (Donlin Gold and Pebble Project) have been stuck in the permitting process since discovered in the 1980s – and neither of them appear on the Fast-41 list, either.
New US mines take an average of 29 years to develop from discovery, permitting to production, according to the latest S&P Global mining study. The US has the second longest permitting time in the world for new mines, yet is sitting on over $100 billion in critical minerals copper, gold, lithium and zinc and others, the study reported. Only three mines have come into production in America since 2002.
The mining study also noted that of the five identified notable projects in the US, all have been blocked from going into production since their development applications, submitted as long ago as 1978. Pebble Mine, the only one in Alaska, has continued to be blocked since 1990.
Despite the apparent support of the new Trump administration, as of Aug. 7, Pebble Limited Partnership reported it was still trying to negotiate with the White House to reverse the illegal Obama/Biden-era veto, while also pursuing necessary court action (plaintiffs include the state of Alaska, Pebble Partnership and Illiamna Natives, Ltd.). The present court schedule appears it will be well into next year before their case is heard.
Why is media silent about Pebble Mine? Pebble Mine and these other notable US projects long ago completed comprehensive scoping, explorations and environmental studies and are decades ahead of the Fast-41 projects selected to prioritize under the Trump and Biden administrations.
Why is no one asking: “Why have none of those projects appeared on Trump’s FAST-41 Transparency Projects list?”
Or more to the point: “Why are viable mining projects still being obstructed by the EPA− an independent agency within the Executive Branch of our government and directly under President Trump?”
Sandy Szwarc is a researcher and writer on health and science issues for nearly 40 years.Her work focuses on the scientific process and critical investigations ofresearch and evidence, as well as the belief that people deserve the most credibleinformation available, and that public policies should be based on sound science andreasoned risk-benefit analyses. No mining project contributed to, or had any role, in this submission.
