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Alexander Dolitsky: Assimilation and acculturation take time and understanding

By ALEXANDER DOLITSKY

I was a presenter at the Juneau–Gastineau Rotary Club in January 2020, speaking on “Several Sanctioned Avenues for Immigration to the United States.” At the end of my presentation, an attendee asked a question: “Alexander, what was the most difficult area of your acculturation and assimilation in the United States?”

“My behavior,” I said without any hesitation. As I answered the question, I instantly observed the reaction of the audience; they expected a different, perhaps more obvious response, such as food, language, customs, economics, politics, appearance, etc.

True, for a newcomer’s adaptation, these socio-economic categories are essential for survival in a foreign environment. Nevertheless, people’s behavior (e.g., temperament, manners, demeanor, gestures, conduct, actions, bearing, comportment, preferences, motivation, ambition, etc.) is the most critical obstacle to acculturation and assimilation into new cultural traditions.

According to prominent American sociologist Joseph Eaton, “Acculturation is the adoption of cultural traits, norms, and customs by one society from another… There is no clear line that can be drawn between acculturation and assimilation processes. Assimilation is the end product of a process of acculturation, in which an individual has changed so much as to become dissociated from the value system of his group, or in which the entire group disappears as an autonomously functioning social system.”

All of us live within a culture. Most cultural descriptions have labels such as “middle class,” “American,” or “Yupik and Inupiat.” These labels often become associated in our minds with certain habitual features. One such attribute for “middle-class Americans,” for example, might be typical foods—hamburgers, hot dogs, and Coca-Cola. Of course, this is a very broad and superficial understanding of culture.

Culture is learned behavior passed from one generation to another—an ongoing process that changes gradually over time as a learned means of survival. In contrast, all animals adapt to their environment through biological evolution. If an animal was well adapted to its physical environment, it prospered. If it was not, it either evolved or became extinct.

As a result of biological evolution and adaptation to the northern environment, for example, the polar bear developed a thick coat and layers of fat to protect it from the Arctic cold. But the Yupik and Inupiat do not possess fur. They wear warm clothing, and in the past, made sod houses to protect themselves from the harsh environment. Their ancient tools and dwellings were part of their culture—their adaptive system that coincides with the polar bear’s fur.

In short, language, religion, education, economics, technology, social organization, art, and political structure are typical categories of culture. Culture is a uniquely human system of habits, moral values, and customs carried by society from one’s distant past to the present.

Acculturation and assimilation into a dominant culture by newcomers is a personal and self-determined process—the right to make one’s own decisions without interference from others. No one can force a newly arrived legal immigrant to accept the cultural traditions, lifestyle, and customs of his or her new country. The newcomer himself must see a socio-economic necessity and benefit in accepting new traditions and values in order ultimately to embrace and accept his or her new culture without external influence.

Normally, a dominant host culture determines and directs a process of acculturation and assimilation for new ethnic minorities. For example, it is expected that core Judeo-Christian values in the United States will be embraced and accepted by newcomers. However, a massive influx of foreign cultures may significantly influence an ethnic landscape, social programs, political dynamics, and core cultural values of a host country, as is evident today with a large and unvetted wave of illegal immigration from all directions to the United States.

In 1978, prior to my departure from Europe to the United States, the French lived in France, Italians in Italy, Austrians in Austria, and other nations, for the most part, in their own native countries. In the last 40 years, however, European countries, with the exception of a few (e.g., Poland, Hungary), have experienced and allowed massive immigration from deeply religious Muslim countries. As a result, it has created cultural chaos, degradation of Judeo-Christian traditions, and incited regional conflicts in Europe that are sadly beyond repair.

I first visited Alaska in 1981 while participating in archaeological field research for graduate school at Brown University. At that time, I was one of few, if not the only, Soviet-born people in Alaska since 1945 (Russian Old Believers arrived in Alaska in the 1960s from Oregon and South America).

In fact, from 1946 to 1986, during the Cold War between the U.S. and the Soviet Union, travel to Alaska was officially closed to Soviet citizens, just as Siberia was closed to American citizens. There was an exception for select scientists visiting both places for research-related purposes under the auspices of the International Research Exchange Board. In 1981, I was already a permanent resident of the United States, with the green light for traveling to Alaska.

Then, as a recent political refugee from the Soviet Union, my behavior was still typically Russian—direct, impulsive, critical, opinionated, and emotional (certainly, a very general stereotype of the Russian character). Fortunately, my sponsors and hosts in Alaska, Charles Holmes from Anchorage and Glenn Bacon from Fairbanks, were trained and professional anthropologists; they were able to understand my behavior and occasional awkward expressions cross-culturally and guide me through rough waters and unfamiliar landscapes.

After 40 years, Charles and Glenn are still my good and loyal friends. From the mid-1980s onward, Bill Ruddy, Robert Price, Wallace Olson, and Tom Hanley of Juneau played a similar role in my life.

On one occasion, a humorous cross-cultural incident took place in Fairbanks in the summer of 1981. Glenn’s in-laws invited me to their house for dinner. To experience Russian cuisine, they asked me to cook some traditional Russian meals. So, I managed to cook borshch (cabbage and beet soup) and authentic Salad Olivye (boiled potatoes cut in cubes, green peas, boiled eggs, cooked carrots cut into cubes, cubed ham, olives, onion, large pickles cut into cubes, and ½ cup of mayonnaise—all mixed together).

After dinner, I played the guitar and performed several Russian songs for everyone. At some point, Glenn’s mother-in-law approached me and confessed, “I had always envisioned Russians as tall, dark, with shaking hands. But you are different.” I only smiled in response and took her description of a “Russian man” without offense. After all, I was the first Russian she had ever met, except for the demonic Russian characters portrayed in Hollywood.

Indeed, the process of acculturation and assimilation can be long and turbulent for many legal newcomers. It is critical, therefore, for American society to be selective and yet inclusive, tolerant, and educated in cross-cultural communication in welcoming legal newcomers to our diverse and exceptional country.

Alexander B. Dolitsky was born and raised in Kiev in the former Soviet Union. He received an M.A. in history from Kiev Pedagogical Institute, Ukraine, in 1976; an M.A. in anthropology and archaeology from Brown University in 1983; and was enroled in the Ph.D. program in Anthropology at Bryn Mawr College from 1983 to 1985, where he was also a lecturer in the Russian Center. In the U.S.S.R., he was a social studies teacher for three years, and an archaeologist for five years for the Ukranian Academy of Sciences. In 1978, he settled in the United States. Dolitsky visited Alaska for the first time in 1981, while conducting field research for graduate school at Brown. He lived first in Sitka in 1985 and then settled in Juneau in 1986. From 1985 to 1987, he was a U.S. Forest Service archaeologist and social scientist. He was an Adjunct Assistant Professor of Russian Studies at the University of Alaska Southeast from 1985 to 1999; Social Studies Instructor at the Alyeska Central School, Alaska Department of Education from 1988 to 2006; and has been the Director of the Alaska-Siberia Research Center (see www.aksrc.homestead.com) from 1990 to present. He has conducted about 30 field studies in various areas of the former Soviet Union (including Siberia), Central Asia, South America, Eastern Europe and the United States (including Alaska). Dolitsky has been a lecturer on the World Discoverer, Spirit of Oceanus, and Clipper Odyssey vessels in the Arctic and sub-Arctic regions. He was the Project Manager for the WWII Alaska-Siberia Lend Lease Memorial, which was erected in Fairbanks in 2006. He has published extensively in the fields of anthropology, history, archaeology, and ethnography. His more recent publications include Fairy Tales and Myths of the Bering Strait Chukchi, Ancient Tales of Kamchatka; Tales and Legends of the Yupik Eskimos of Siberia; Old Russia in Modern America: Russian Old Believers in Alaska; Allies in Wartime: The Alaska-Siberia Airway During WWII; Spirit of the Siberian Tiger: Folktales of the Russian Far East; Living Wisdom of the Far North: Tales and Legends from Chukotka and Alaska; Pipeline to Russia; The Alaska-Siberia Air Route in WWII; and Old Russia in Modern America: Living Traditions of the Russian Old Believers; Ancient Tales of Chukotka, and Ancient Tales of Kamchatka.

Bob Griffin: Alaska vs. Mississippi show why education reform matters more than money

recent columnist compared Alaska and Mississippi in the percentage of the state budgets that goes to K-12 education. 

That simplistic view avoids the real story about the huge difference between Alaska and Mississippi state government spending. 

In Fiscal Year 2023, Alaska spent $21,485 per capita for state government. That was by far the highest in the country — 44% higher than the second-highest state and 2.7 times Mississippi state spending per capita of $8,058.

That doesn’t include the fact that Alaska is also number one in the nation in federal spending (excluding defense spending), receiving $8,628 per person, while Mississippi received $6,880 per person. 

Cost of living is not a very good explanation for our enormous budget differential with other states. Alaska has the 13th highest cost of living in the US and the lowest cost of living of any state that touches the Pacific Ocean according to the U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis, Regional Price Parities — putting Alaska’s cost of living at just 1.4% above the US average. 

As far as K-12 spending, Alaska was ranked the 2nd most adequately funded education system in the U.S. in K-12 funding adequacy, scoring 95 out of a possible 100 according to a recent study from Rutgers University. Misssisppi scored a 23 out of 100 and was ranked 40th in the U.S. in K-12 funding adequacy. 

Despite the difference in funding adequacy, the difference in student outcomes is pretty stunning in favor of Mississippi — despite having nearly double the poverty rate of Alaska, Mississippi was first in the nation in 4th grade NAEP reading scores for low-income 4th graders while Alaska ranked 50th in 2024. 

Strong educational outcomes aren’t predetermined by funding or poverty rates. Mississippi has put the actual policy reform in place that is making a difference, and it’s time for Alaska to do the same.

Bob Griffin is a former member of the Alaska Board of Education and Early Development and a life-long learner.

DOGE-Alaska: Document drop on how Anchorage Assembly spends on staff, and staff returns the favor

The Assembly has spent over $1.13 million on staff who serve individual Assembly members from 2018 to now. These are not the generalist staffers, but more like the legislative aides to each member. The Assembly hires them through a sole-source contract.

Here’s a list of the aides (some have moved on to other jobs) and amounts that individually have been paid to them. (Note that Yarrow Silvers, who was assembly aide to Assemblywoman Karen Bronga, is now a candidate for Assembly):

We wondered how much these staff members have donated to Anchorage municipal candidate elections.

The total is $27,952, which isn’t an overwhelming amount—but it’s 11 pages long of individual candidates and issues to which they have been donated. It’s the self-licking ice cream cone. Here’s the list:

What about non-Anchorage races, such as Legislature, governor and partisan party?

That dollar amount of staffers donating to campaigns is $28,353, which again, isn’t a lot, but it’s 13 pages long of contributions. Here’s that list:

Readers may find it interesting to see who the “players” are. For “easy reference,” here’s the same information as the above two lists, but listed alphabetically by contributor’s last name in all races; it’s 31 pages that shows 643 contributions:

Sally Duncan: What was really ’empty’ at the Fairbanks town hall? The empty rhetoric from the left

By SALLY DUNCAN

I attended what I believed to be a town hall hosted for Sen. Dan Sullivan last week, based on a flyer I saw circulating. As a conservative, I was curious to hear from my senator and engage in a productive conversation with fellow constituents. However, what I walked into was not a town hall, but rather a protest against the very man I came to hear from.  

It looked like a standard town hall event: It was advertised at theNoel Wien Public Library’s auditorium in Fairbanks, the location and time seemed to line up. But upon arrival, the scene was anything but what I had expected. Instead of a discussion about policy or the senator’s actions, there was a palpable energy of frustration and dissent.

An empty chair was placed at the front, a symbol of Sen. Sullivan’s absence, though no one took ownership of the event. A young lady approached me, holding a piece of paper with a QR code, asking if I wanted to stay updated on similar events. When I asked her who was organizing the event, she replied with a cryptic response: “There is a different person that takes that responsibility each time so that we don’t get targeted.”  I

couldn’t help but find the irony striking. A group of about 125-150 people, gathered in what seemed to be a safe space for free speech, were apparently so fearful of backlash that they couldn’t even publicly claim responsibility for hosting the event?  

The flyer in question, which I later discovered had been posted on the Native Movement website and their recent newsletter, described the event as an “Empty Chair Town Hall.”

In this instance, the event was framed as a way to hold Senator Sullivan accountable for declining the invitation to attend the meeting. Did he really decline, was he really asked/invited or demanded of?   

This “Empty Chair” event was a missed opportunity, a chance for people to vent their frustrations (real or imagined or made up) without offering real solutions. This event, far from facilitating a thoughtful exchange of ideas, seemed more like a performance aimed at making a point rather than fostering understanding.  

Do we get to hold them accountable for a “fake” townhall?

Sally Duncan is from Two Rivers, Alaska.

Alive! Missing plane reportedly spotted on Kenai lake

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KSRM News reports that the family of those aboard a missing plane on the Kenai Peninsula says it has received a report that the plane was spotted on a frozen lake, with people walking around it.

The Piper PA-12 Super Cruiser was reported missing Sunday night; the US Coast Guard launched a search at daybreak on Monday in the area around Tustemena Lake.

A friend of the family says that the plane went through the ice.

“Earlier this morning, a good samaritan aircraft located the plane wreckage near the eastern side of Tustemena Lake. At approximately 10:30 am, the Alaska Army National Guard rescued the adult male pilot and two juvenile passengers from the plane. The three persons were taken to a Kenai Peninsula area hospital for treatment of non-life-threatening injuries. The Alaska State Troopers would like to thank the Alaska Army National Guard, US Coast Guard, the Alaska Rescue Coordination Center, and the good samaritan aircraft that assisted with this operation,” Trooper said in a statement.

Must Read Alaska has left a message with the Department of Public Safety and will update this story as more information comes in.

Plane missing on Kenai Peninsula with three souls

A search is under way after a Piper PA-12 Super Cruiser, with tail number N3342M, was reported missing on the Kenai Peninsula. There were three souls onboard, according to the Alaska State Troopers on Sunday.

Troopers said the location is believed to be in the area of Tustemena Lake and the Kenai Mountains, east of Homer. The call came in late Sunday night. On Monday morning at daybreak, the US Coast Guard launched a search.

The plane is registered to a John Morris of Sterling. One man wrote on Facebook that his son and his two granddaughters were aboard the plane.

Kevin McCabe: Taking back town halls and why Republicans must stand firm against disruption

Town halls and public speeches are a cornerstone of American democracy — a direct, unfiltered connection between elected officials and the people they serve. For Republicans, these meetings aren’t just a tradition — they’re essential. They cut through media distortion, allow constituents to be heard, and let leaders speak plainly.

But today, these events are under attack, hijacked by outside agitators and twisted by the media into political theater. Despite the chaos and the risks, Republicans must keep showing up — because leadership demands it, and voters deserve it.

The challenges are undeniable. The recent Eagle River town hall with Reps. Jamie Allard, Dan Saddler, and Sen. Kelly Merrick was supposed to be an open dialogue with local residents. Instead, it was overrun by activists from Anchorage and beyond — people who don’t even live in the district — who shouted down actual constituents to push their own agenda. This wasn’t civic engagement.

It was a staged spectacle designed to grab headlines, and the media played right along.

President Donald Trump called this tactic out on TruthSocial, saying, “Paid ‘troublemakers’ are attending Republican Town Hall Meetings… It’s not going to work for them!” 

House Speaker Mike Johnson backed him up, calling them “professional protesters” and questioning why Republicans should hand them a platform. This isn’t about debate or dialogue — it’s about silencing Republicans and controlling the narrative in the public venue.

Alaskans know this playbook all too well.

In 2020, Senator Dan Sullivan hosted a meet-and-greet in Anchorage. Protesters stormed the stage, and one even threw a bloody caribou heart onto the platform — a grotesque stunt meant to attack his environmental policies. His staff had to step in, worried for his safety. But instead of condemning the behavior, the media zeroed in on the spectacle, framing it as an anti-Sullivan protest and ignoring the intimidation.

Democrat protester shoved a bloody, raw caribou heart at Sen. Dan Sullivan at a campaign event in 2020, seen here as she is stopped from taking over the stage by a campaign aide.

Last week, Sullivan faced the same circus again while addressing the Alaska Legislature. During his question-and-answer session, he was repeatedly harassed by lawmakers pushing their own narrative, turning what should have been a serious policy discussion into a sideshow.

This isn’t just an Alaska problem. Nationally, we saw it when Congressman Al Green interrupted President Trump’s latest speech, hijacking the event for his own political grandstanding before being ejected by Speaker Johnson.

The marxists and progressives are not subtle about encouraging this behavior. One of the most blatant examples came during Trump’s 2020 State of the Union address, when Speaker Nancy Pelosi, on live television, dramatically tore up her copy of the speech for the cameras. It wasn’t a spontaneous act — it was deliberate, a signal to her party that disrespect and defiance weren’t just acceptable but encouraged.

Speaker Nancy Pelosi rips up a copy of President Trump’s State of the Union Address in 2020.

Pelosi wasn’t just tearing up a speech — she was tearing up any remaining sense of decorum, giving activists and lawmakers alike a green light to interrupt, disrupt, and humiliate Republicans at every opportunity. And, of course, the liberal media cheered her on.

But it’s not just about disruption — sometimes, it turns violent. In 2017, US Rep. Steve Scalise was shot and nearly killed by a Democrat activist during a congressional baseball practice. The shooter specifically targeted Republicans, driven by anti-GOP rhetoric and media-fueled rage. It was a chilling reminder that words have consequences — and unchecked political hostility can lead to bloodshed.

In 2023, Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene was repeatedly “swatted” — a dangerous hoax where false emergency calls send armed police to someone’s home, putting lives at risk. The media brushed it off as just another “controversy” surrounding her. But the truth is simple: She wasn’t targeted for being controversial. She was targeted for being a Republican. This tactic isn’t limited to politicians — conservative talk show hosts and influencers have recently faced the same dangerous harassment.

So why do we keep holding town halls and public speeches? After all, Democrats avoid them. They prefer staged events surrounded by friendly reporters. They rely on protests and media spin to push their message.

Republicans could take the easy route too — stick to press releases and social media posts from the safety of an office. But that’s not leadership. Leadership means showing up. It means standing tall and answering tough questions, even from those who disagree with us. Hiding behind a screen or in the basement isn’t leadership — it’s cowardice.

Town halls and public speeches should be our chance to cut through the noise — even in Democrat-heavy areas. The media loves to twist our words and distort our message. But when we speak directly to the people — face to face — we remind them exactly who we’re fighting for: Them. Not the elites in DC, not the Juneau insiders, and certainly not the activists screaming from the back of the room or on the capital steps of Juneau.

Republicans are built for resilience. In the era of President Trump’s bold, unapologetic leadership, standing your ground matters more than ever. A disrupted event doesn’t make us weak — it proves we’re tough enough to take the heat and stay in the fight.

But voters have a role to play too. Town halls and public speeches belong to you — not the loudest hecklers in the room. The Eagle River town hall was taken over because activists from outside the district were brought in and packed the room. If constituents want real dialogue — if they want their voices to rise above the noise — they need to show up. They need to take control of these events, push back against the agitators, [USA, USA, USA] and demand that their elected officials have the chance to speak and listen. 

And we do have a perfect example of a better way. Friday night, in Fairbanks, at the Lincoln Day Dinner, 200 protesters rallied outside against Trump. Republicans didn’t retreat or escalate—they put up a sign: “Welcome Peaceful Protesters, We Respect Your First Amendment Rights.” Inside, they raised funds and kept the focus, showing strength through constitutional kindness. That’s how we turn the tables—stand firm, respect rights, keep fighting, and keep serving our people.

Don’t expect the liberal media to help. They thrive on, and sometimes even create chaos. They won’t cover honest conversations because they find those boring and not in line with their liberal progressive ideas — yet they will always cover the shouting and the spectacle. That’s why it’s up to you to reclaim your town halls and public speeches and make sure they serve their true purpose: connecting you with your representatives.

Republicans hold town halls and public speeches because it’s our duty — to serve, to fight, and to lead. We’re not afraid of hostile crowds or media hit jobs. We’re here for our constituents and our values. The only question left is this: Will you stand with us?

In the end, Senator Sullivan’s Q&A session in the Alaska House last week was hijacked by angry liberals in the majority because they knew they wouldn’t be stopped. There was no risk for them. If we want a Republican majority in the future, Republicans must show up. We must take control. Let’s take back our town halls, our public speeches, and our government — together.

Rep. Kevin McCabe is a legislator from Big Lake, Alaska.

Texas attorney general defeats Biden rule forcing gender identity policies on foster parents

Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton has successfully blocked a Biden Administration rule that mandated the use of gender identity ideologies in foster care placements. The case has national implications.

A federal district court judge in Eastern Texas ruled that the US Department of Health and Human Services, under former Secretary Xavier Becerra, lacked the statutory authority to enforce a policy that conditioned federal funding for foster care programs on compliance with gender identity mandates.

The rule by the Biden Administration required Title IV-E and Title IV-B agencies to ensure that foster-care placements agree with and affirm a child’s self-professed LGBTQI+ identity. Agencies and providers who failed to comply faced penalties for “retaliation” and risked losing essential federal funding.

The “Final Rule first creates a new category of foster children — ‘LGBTQI+ children’ — which it defines as “children with lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, or questioning, and intersex status or identity,” the judge wrote in his opinion. “The Rule then requires that States affirm and promote these children’s ‘LGBTQI+ status or identity’ in novel ways that potentially conflict with state law—or else lose federal funding for their foster care systems.”

The rule made it clear that by affirming a child’s LGBTQI+ status, the federal government means foster parents must arrange for medical procedures such as puberty blockers, gender-affirming medications, and surgeries.

Attorney General Paxton originally filed the lawsuit against HHS in September 2024, saying the rule violated state and federal law by compelling foster care providers to adopt controversial and non-scientifically sound gender ideologies.

The court’s decision to halt the rule from taking effect is a major victory for state autonomy, parental rights, and the well-being of children in foster care.

“This is a tremendous victory for Texas families, parental rights, and the rule of law,” said Attorney General Paxton. “The Biden Administration had no authority to force radical gender ideology onto vulnerable children and demand compliance from foster care providers under threat of lost funding. I will always fight to protect our values and ensure that Texas children are not used as pawns in the federal government’s social experiments.”

The 27-page ruling by District Court Judge Jeremy Kernodle reinforces Texas’ stance against federally imposed mandates that conflict with state policies and beliefs about gender identity. It also sets a precedent that could impact similar policies nationwide.

Read the court ruling at this link.

Repeal Now announces launch date for collecting signatures to repeal ranked-choice voting

The effort to repeal Ranked Choice Voting in Alaska is set to launch on April 1, as the advocacy group Repeal Now prepares to collect signatures for a ballot initiative.

The petition has been approved by the Division of Elections and the organization has been developing the necessary infrastructure to ensure the campaign’s success and compliance with state regulations.

Repeal Now organizers said the public is eager to get the signature collection process going, but emphasized its commitment to meticulous planning. The group stated that it is aware of the scrutiny by opponents of the repeal, which during the last effort in 2024 tied up the previous repeal group in court and with challenges to the Alaska Public Offices Commission. The Repeal Now group is working to adhere strictly to regulations set by APOC.

The petition initiative has seen some changes in leadership. One of the original petitioners, Ken McCarty, has decided to pursue a different path. However, the Repeal Now group announced the addition of Bethany Marcum as treasurer. In this role, Marcum will oversee all aspects of signature collection across the state. Marcum is leaving her position as state director of Americans for Prosperity in order to devote herself full-time to Repeal Now.

The campaign will commence its efforts through Republican Women’s clubs and a network of district and regional chairs. These chairs will align with the state’s existing regional divisions to facilitate an organized and coordinated approach. Petition booklets are expected to be distributed to volunteers by April 1, and all petition holders will be required to sign an online agreement to comply with the Alaska Division of Elections requirements.

Volunteers interested in obtaining petition books can complete an online check-out form at: https://forms.gle/Uu9ea7iYpuuWcYjq5.

Questions and correspondence can be directed to [email protected].

Repeal Now is also preparing to raise funds to support its initiative. While a website is still under construction, Repeal Now aims to drive donations via credit card once the site is operational. Donations by check will be accepted once a mailing address is established. The group stressed that individuals who wish to assist with fundraising, including handling checks, must be officially designated as deputy treasurers.

The push to repeal ranked-choice voting follows ongoing debates over the election system, which, through Outside dark money, was voted into being in Alaska in 2020. Supporters of repeal argue that ranked-choice voting complicates the voting process and creates confusion, while proponents of the system say it promotes majority rule and discourages extreme partisanship, something that has been proven to be a false promise.

The Democratic Party wants to keep ranked-choice voting because it is the party that most can benefit from the confusion. Republicans generally want to get rid of it. But most voters in Alaska are not aligned with a party, and during the last repeal effort, repeal failed by 743 votes. Many said the ballot language was confusing, because it seemed to say “yes” meant a vote to support ranked-choice voting, or that “yes” could mean the vote was in favor of repealing it. Voters reported they were confused and some said they voted opposite of how they intended to vote.