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Tim Barto: Women athletes show courage when they refuse to compete against men

SENIOR CONTRIBUTOR
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Tim Barto: Women athletes show courage when they refuse to compete against men

By TIM BARTO

As big-time sports go, fencing and disc golf aren’t the typical topics of discussion over beers at the watering hole. Not to disparage the sports, but I’m willing to bet a fleche to your flippy that the vast majority of Must Read Alaska readers have neither played nor watched either sport. 

Nonetheless, these competitive endeavors are suddenly leading the way in standing up for truth, justice, and a well-executed flick.

As athletic organizations continue to defy reality – and, in some cases, the law – by allowing men who feel like women to compete in female sports, women are starting to do what is necessary to save women’s sports for real women:  they are refusing to compete.

Last week, in what is now a viral video, fencer Stephanie Turner refused to compete against Redmond Sullivan, a man who pretends he is a woman and expects everyone else, especially fellow fencers and their governing bodies, to go along with him.

Turner removed her mask and took a knee, telling the puzzled referee, “I’m sorry, I cannot do this. I am a woman, and this is a man, and this is a women’s tournament. And I will not fence this individual.”

As the referee walked over to figure out how to proceed in this apparently unprecedented situation, Sullivan approached Turner to inquire of her actions, to which Turner responded, “You’re a man, and I’m a woman, and this is a women’s tournament.”

Turner, who is now my favorite all-time fencer, was given the equivalent of the black card of death. Literally, the referee took a black card out of his pocket and showed it to Turner, and that was the end of the tournament for our heroine. 

It may also be the end of Turner’s fencing career for the veteran of over 200 matches, including national championship competitions, as USA Fencing’s policy allows men acting like women to participate in the women’s category, and judging from the organization’s statements since the incident, they are going to continue favoring the infiltration of men into women’s competitions. 

On to disc golf. 

Yep, disc golf is a sanctioned sport. Yours truly is admittedly guilty of thinking of it as a leisure activity for folks who wear tie-dye clothing that smells of cannabis, but your truly is grossly incorrect. The sport has professional athletes and even has their own network, appropriately, if not unimaginatively, called the Disc Golf Network. 

Just a couple days after Stephanie Turner refused to compete against a female impersonator, disc golfer Abigail Wilson similarly refused to compete. 

Wilson was scheduled to play in a first-round match against one Natalie Ryan, who, like fencer Redmond Sullivan, proclaims himself transgender and has gone to court for permission to be allowed to play in the women’s division. 

Wilson was announced and took her place at the tee (is it called a “tee” in disc golf?), but when she stepped up to take her turn, Wilson flung her arm forward but held onto the disc. She then turned to the audience and announced, “Females must be protected in our division! This is unfair. I refuse to play!” and walked off the course.

As with Sullivan, Wilson acknowledged that her actions may cost her a career in the sport she loves, issuing this statement:  “Today I refused to play at the Music City Open. Females deserve to have their gender protected division be protected. This is unfair. I have worked so hard to get to this point to play on the DGPT, but the sacrifice of my career and my hard work is worth it if it means I can make a difference for other women, daughters, nieces, and the future of our sport. If you feel how wrong it is to have biological males be competing in female protected divisions in sports, now is the time to speak up and stand your ground.”

Stephanie Turner and Abigail Wilson are sacrificing themselves for common sense and the common good, pushing back against systems that are supposed to organize and uphold the integrity of their sports. Unfortunately, it seems as though this route is the most effective. Now we need other courageous women and girl athletes (and the girls’ parents and coaches) in other, more mainstream sports, to take the same courageous stand.

Tim Barto is a regular contributor to Must Read Alaska, and vice president of Alaska Family Council, an organization dedicated to strengthening traditional family values.

Tim Barto: What happened to the Olympics?

Kassie Andrews: Renewable portfolio standards, round 3

SENIOR CONTRIBUTOR
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Kassie Andrews: Renewable portfolio standards, round 3

By KASSIE ANDREWS

For decades, Alaska’s energy policy has been shaped not by the will of the people but by outside influence. It has been a long, forced march led by climate activists and their NGOs.

Back in 2010, the legislative intent of our energy policy quietly embedded renewable energy targets, laying the groundwork for today’s Renewable Portfolio Standard (RPS) push. Most Alaskans don’t realize that much of this policy wasn’t just influenced by NGOs. It was written for and by them. 

The same activist networks that roamed the halls of Juneau back then never left. These groups continue to steer Alaska’s energy future toward their own agenda, co-opting our representative republic in the process. None of this is organic. It’s the result of calculated pressure from groups that have little concern for Alaskans, but plenty of appetite for power.

A Renewable Portfolio Standard is back in Alaska—for the third time. Gov. Mike Dunleavy backed the original version in 2022, and now Republicans are out of the majority.

Background

House Bill 153 was introduced by Rep. Ky Holland (I-Anchorage) on March 24, 2025. Per his presentation, “An RPS is a requirement on retail electric suppliers… to supply a minimum percentage or amount of their retail load… with eligible sources of renewable energy. HB 153 sets the following targets: 40 percent by 2030, 55 percent by 2035.” 

The 2023 RPS was proposed at 25 percent by 2027, 55 percent by 2035, and 80 percent by 2040.

Currently, the Railbelt is only at 15 percent renewable, where this bill is explicitly targeted. Hydropower dominates the renewable total. Hydropower supplied ~90 percent of the renewable electricity statewide in 2023. According to the sponsor, 40 percent by 2030 from 15 percent today is “modest,” and 55 percent is a “realistic” cap.  

Although the legislation allows for hydropower, activist backers of the bill have simultaneously called for the removal of the Eklutna Dam, which provides about 14 percent of the Railbelt’s total renewable share. With that, it becomes obvious what sources the co-ops will be forced to adopt: intermittent sources like wind and solar. Holland (then as a candidate) was provided with information on just how unreliable wind can be when Alaskans need it most. During the 2024 cold snap, wind at Fire Island fell to zero for a prolonged period, with the average at just 20.3 percent for the week—100 percent unreliable.

The legislation penalizes member-owned co-ops who fail to meet the targets with fines of $45/MWh shortfall, adjusted annually for inflation. The fine, as proposed in 2023, was $20/MWh, and while co-ops couldn’t technically recover it through rates, there was no realistic way for them to pay it otherwise. But this bill is completely different, and they don’t even try to hide it. 

When asked by committee member Rep. George Rauscher about who pays the price, Shaina Kilcoyne, Holland’s staffer, admitted that “ultimately the ratepayer would pay.”  

In a scenario of a larger scale operation such as a hospital—10,000-15,000 MWh/year, the fines at just a 20% shortfall would be more than $100k annually. For residential homes, it is in the hundreds, and it only escalates for both as the push to electrify everything—heat pumps, EVs, public transit, industrial process heat—accelerates. This does not include the intermittency factor or the higher cost of renewables themselves that the co-ops will undoubtedly need to increase your base rates to account for. 

The incentives in this bill include a pseudo carbon tax of Renewable Energy Credits where co-ops can buy credits instead of building renewable projects, a wind energy bonus multiplier of 1.25x for large wind and a fine reinvestment option to force renewable projects. This is a mandated energy transformation with sharp, big sticks aimed directly at ratepayers’ wallets. It locks Alaskans into unreliable and politically favored renewables, whether the market (or the people) like it or not.

Activists, Operatives, and Dark Money Behind the RPS Push

The credit for the RPS legislation this round goes to Kilcoyne, who presented the sectional analysis to the House Energy Committee on April 1, 2024. Kilcoyne co-led the implementation of the Anchorage Climate Action Plan under Mayor Ethan Berkowitz. She is listed as the Energy Transition Program Director for the Alaska Venture Fund. Alaska Venture Fund is a project of the New Venture Fund, the flagship nonprofit of the many organizations managed by Arabella Advisors. The Alaska project received $10 million in 2021 from the Bezos Earth Fund to Advance former President Joe Biden’s unconstitutional Justice40 in Alaska.

No surprise, the same old cheerleaders for past RPS bills were invited by the committee for testimony. This included a blogger who is on the board of REAP and the Chief Energy Officer from Hawaii, plus one new recruit: Alaska Public Interest Research Group, AKPIRG. AKPIRG claims to be Alaska’s only non-governmental, nonpartisan consumer advocacy group- yet they testified in support of the RPS. Hard to imagine a bigger hypocrisy: backing a policy that punishes ratepayers and consumers. The claim of nonpartisanship made during testimony, as well as in the written presentation, is especially interesting. 

The presenter, Energy Lead Natalie Kiley-Bergen, is a registered Democrat. Their website dons a land acknowledgment and states that they use the Jemez Principles for Democratic Organizing, used exclusively by anti-capitalist radical environmental justice groups that promote fossil fuel bans.  

According to their 2024 report, this proudly “nonpartisan” group celebrated a four-month sabbatical for their executive director and locked in a permanent four-day workweek, complete with a paid wellness day every single week. Apparently, dismantling the economy is exhausting work, even for the nonpartisan crowd. Proudly displayed in their 2024 annual report is the list of donors, the typical blend of left-wing policy, climate, and electoral influence networks. The climate and energy transition funders include the 11th Hour Project, Hopewell Fund and Tortuga Foundation. The Hopewell Fund is also part of the Arabella Advisors network.

Grand Deception

For years, Alaska’s RPS was pushed by activists and policymakers as a solution to climate change. But as skepticism has grown—especially during the Trump administration, which is now actively pulling the rug out from under the climate agenda and slashing Green New Deal funding—the same players have simply shifted tactics. With the climate narrative losing traction in Alaska, they’re now repackaging the RPS as a response to dwindling Cook Inlet gas reserves and the supposed threat of expensive gas imports. It’s the same mandate, just a new fear campaign, swapping the “climate crisis” for a “gas crisis” to force through costly, unreliable energy policies.

A gas shortage needs a gas solution, not a mandate that drives up costs and risks grid stability. We need resilient, affordable power, not policy-driven by far-left climate NGOs. 

This is the trap of an “all of the above” energy approach. Dunleavy has repeated this mantra multiple times. This approach is an excuse for doing a little bit of everything and none of it well. Enormous amounts of state resources and effort were poured into Energy Security Task Forces and Sustainable Energy Conferences. There was even a technical committee stood up by former Anchorage Mayor Dave Bronson to advise the Southcentral Alaska Mayors on the gas crisis. A report on their investigations has yet to be issued. The net result for Alaska is centralized planning, green banks, carbon capture and RPS mandates designed to force wind and solar onto the grid. 

Alaska needs leadership that stops hiding behind “all of the above” and moves to all of the sensible instead. Last September, I suggested an RPS to Holland when he was running for office, a Reliable Portfolio Standard. But here he is now, pushing the complete opposite—backing a policy that guarantees unreliability and skyrocketing costs. Alaska deserves power that works, not politics that don’t.

Public testimony on HB 153 is scheduled for April 10th at 1:00 PM in House Energy.  Show up.  Speak out. Written testimony can be emailed to [email protected] 

Kassie Andrews is an energy expert on Alaskan politics and resource development. A lifelong Alaskan, her career in energy has involved project management, construction, and finance.

Val Van Brocklin: Alaska Supreme Court continues to resist accountability for judges

GUEST CONTRIBUTOR
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Val Van Brocklin: Alaska Supreme Court continues to resist accountability for judges

By VAL VAN BROCKLIN

In January of this year, the Anchorage Daily News published two articles that uncovered widespread, shocking delays of felony cases in the Anchorage trial courts. They occurred with no regard for the suffering inflicted on victims, some of whom died during the delays, or their constitutional right to “a timely disposition” of the cases.

Appalled by what I read, I researched and revealed in a commentary that  the problem was alarming before 2008. That year, a group co-chaired by an Alaska Supreme Court justice determined the average time to disposition for felony cases in Anchorage had nearly quadrupled. “This finding amounted to a ‘call to arms’ for improvements …(.)”

Valerie Van Brocklin: Presiding judge and chief justice continue to ignore victims’ constitutional rights

Some judges and court personnel were sent to training in Phoenix. A consultant was brought to Anchorage to meet with judges, prosecutors and defense attorneys. The consultant issued a 59-page report that recommended the trial courts log every requested continuance, the party requesting it, the reasons given, whether the continuance was granted, and the delay incurred if it was granted. It also recommended: 

“Every six months, the chief criminal judge shall report to the Presiding Judge on the number of continuances requested and granted during the previous period(.)”

While the Anchorage court system subsequently issued repeated orders “intended” to address delays, none contained the recommended provisions ensuring accountability. 

The problem worsened. From 2014 through 2022, the Office of Victims’ Rights reported annually to the legislature that case continuances were the most prevalent victims’ rights violation. 

In March, the ADN reported on a new Alaska Supreme Court order “intended to facilitate” a reduction in the undue delay of felony cases. What the ADN story didn’t report is, just like previous court orders beginning in 2009, this latest order also omits any accountability for trial judges granting delays to report them to the court system for review. That’s a significant problem, especially in Anchorage, where the trial courts have a long, well-established record of ignoring such orders.

In its 2019 Annual Report to the Legislature, the Office of Victims’ Rights repeated that the worst violator of victims’ right to a timely disposition of the criminal case was Anchorage. That report noted, “While the Anchorage Court put two new procedures in place that should have helped the pre-trial delay issues, neither procedure is being adhered to uniformly and consistently as designed by practitioners or judges.”

Two years later, in its 2021 annual report, the Office of Victims’ Rights repeated that the delay problem remained worst in Anchorage and blamed the judges for not controlling their dockets, adhering to standing court orders and court rules, following the law, or protecting victims’ rights. The report observed that continuances were “rubber stamped.”

In 2022, the Office of Victims’ Rights focused again on the Anchorage court system’s delays, documenting the harms, as well as the lack of accountability.

“Pretrial delay is most prevalent in the Third Judicial District, particularly Anchorage. … The court persistently fosters long pendency of cases by its failure to act. These delays come at a considerable financial and emotional cost. These delays certainly affect whether a crime victim is treated with dignity, respect, and fairness and affect whether the victim and the community see a just criminal outcome.

“The issue of continuances is a particular concern for victims as it violates their constitutional right to a timely disposition. It also negatively impacts the court system, prosecution, defense attorneys, defendants, and the Department of Corrections. Resources are limited and inefficiency only aggravates the situation. Pretrial delay not only affects victims, it affects every agency and every person associated with the criminal justice system.

“…One problem is there is no accountability. Judges are not held accountable. … Another problem in Anchorage is there is no will to change. Even when an order is issued which would seemingly address some of the pre-trial delay causes, the judges don’t follow the order or stick to it and there are no ramifications for failure to do so. More timely disposition is possible. This is evident because other judicial districts in the state move felony cases quicker, in general, than felony cases move through the Anchorage court. OVR applauds the steps taken by judges, notably in other parts of the state, to move cases more effectively through the system.”

The court system has “intended” to reduce inexcusable felony case delays since 2008. It has repeatedly failed in Anchorage with orders that do not hold trial judges accountable. The recent State Supreme Court order set to go in effect May 12th is no different. The question that should be answered is,

“Why has the Alaska Supreme Court consistently refused to require trial judges in Anchorage to report on continuances they grant so they can be held accountable?”

If the State Supreme Court refuses to answer that question, Alaskans should hold it accountable for the cost of delays when it comes to the courts’ budget and during judicial retention elections when voters decide whether to retain particular judges.

Val Van Brocklin was a senior trial attorney with the Anchorage District Attorney’s Office before she was asked to join the state’s Office of Special Prosecution and Appeals, where she had statewide responsibility for cases so complex they required specialized investigative and prosecution efforts. She was then recruited by the U.S. Attorney’s Office to prosecute complex white collar crime, for which she received the FBI’s commendation. Now she is an author, international speaker, and trainer whose work has been featured on ABC and Discovery. More about Val at this link.

Trump executive order pushes back on state and local climate laws

Suzanne Downing
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Trump executive order pushes back on state and local climate laws

President Donald Trump signed an executive order on Tuesday directing the Department of Justice to identify and challenge state and local climate-related laws that undermine US energy production and national security.

The directive, issued from the White House on Monday, outlines a plan to “unleash American energy” by removing what it calls “illegitimate impediments” to the development of domestic energy resources, including oil, natural gas, coal, hydropower, nuclear energy, and critical minerals.

Trump said regulations imposed by certain states are harming energy producers and violating constitutional principles by restricting interstate commerce and imposing retroactive penalties.

“These State laws and policies try to dictate interstate and international disputes over air, water, and natural resources; unduly discriminate against out-of-State businesses; contravene the equality of States; and retroactively impose arbitrary and excessive fines without legitimate justification,” the order says. “These State laws and policies are fundamentally irreconcilable with my Administration’s objective to unleash American energy. They should not stand.”

Under the executive order, the Attorney General is instructed to identify state and local laws that may be unconstitutional, preempted by federal law, or otherwise deemed unenforceable. These include laws and lawsuits related to greenhouse gas emissions, environmental justice initiatives, ESG (environmental, social, governance) measures, and carbon penalties.

“The Attorney General shall prioritize the identification of any such State laws purporting to address ‘climate change’ or involving ‘environmental, social, and governance’ initiatives, ‘environmental justice,’ carbon or ‘greenhouse gas’ emissions, and funds to collect carbon penalties or carbon taxes,” the order says.

Within 60 days, the Attorney General must report to the President with findings and recommendations, including potential legislative or additional executive action.

States like New York, California, and Vermont are specifically cited in the order as examples of jurisdictions enacting what the administration calls “ideologically motivated” climate laws. Some of these laws impose retroactive penalties or create regulatory hurdles for out-of-state energy companies — measures the Trump administration views as unconstitutional interference with interstate and federal energy policy.

The order may shield Alaska-based or Alaska-bound energy companies and projects from climate-related lawsuits filed in other states, helping stabilize investment confidence in large-scale resource projects.

However, the order is also likely to face legal challenges and opposition from environmental groups, climate-focused states, and some members of Congress. Its long-term effect will depend on how aggressively the Justice Department pursues enforcement and how courts interpret the balance of federal versus state authority over environmental and energy regulations.

The executive order is part of a broader Trump administration push to reverse climate policies enacted at the state and federal level over the past decade. It aligns with a campaign promise to restore American energy independence and roll back what Trump has repeatedly described as “radical” environmental regulations.

David Boyle: What is the pupil-teacher ratio in your Alaska school?

SENIOR CONTRIBUTOR
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David Boyle: What is the pupil-teacher ratio in your Alaska school?

By DAVID BOYLE

We have heard some teachers complain that they have more than 40 students in their classes. This may be true for a few certain required classes. But this is the exception rather than the rule. It does make for good chanting by the teachers’ unions.

There has been much discussion in the Alaska Legislature regarding capping the number of students in a classroom. This is called the pupil-teacher ratio (PTR).

Several bills have been filed to cap the number of students per classroom.  Rep. Zack Fields (D, Anchorage) has filed HB 98 in an attempt to limit the pupil-teacher ratio in public schools. But his bill only applies to a district that has more than 40,000 students — the Anchorage School District. It seems that class sizes don’t really affect student learning anywhere else in Alaska. 

David Boyle: The student-teacher ratio battle

Rep. Julie Coulombe (R, Anchorage) filed HB 165, which also caps the number of students per classroom. But her bill only applies to a district that has more than 35,000 students. It appears as if Rep. Coulombe recognizes that the Anchorage School District is quickly losing students to home schools and private schools.  Interestingly, Rep. Fields signed onto her bill as a co-sponsor.

Rep. Coulombe is in a swing district and has to heed the K-12 education industry’s power in the next election.

The Anchorage Teachers’ Union wants to also limit the number of students per classroom. It reinforces this policy by charging the district for every student that exceeds the PTR. It is apparent that the union is very concerned with the declining number of students and the resultant loss of teacher union members.

David Boyle: The student-teacher ratio battle

Here’s where the data get very, very interesting. The Department of Education and Early Development submitted its Annual Progress Report to the legislature as required by AS 14.03.078. This report contains the PTRs for all Alaska K-12 schools.

Here are some Pupil-Teacher Ratios in selected school districts: 

School DistrictPupil-Teacher Ratio
Anchorage17.95
Fairbanks19.10
MatSu18.89
Juneau16.46
Kenai15.92

Granted, the above are averages across the entire district. Some classes will have a large number of students; other classes will have very few students; and the district correspondence schools (home schools) will have extremely large classes. But the average gives one the big picture of the PTR district wide.

Drilling down into the data shows more precise information. Here are some of the Anchorage class sizes:

Anchorage SchoolPupil-Teacher Ratio
Aquarian Charter School17.67
Alaska Native Cultural Charter School13.05
Bartlett High School20.16
Clark Middle School16.48
Eagle Academy15.83
Goldenview Middle School19.76
Inlet View Elementary School16.70

Except for Anchorage’s correspondence schools, all the schools have a PTR ratio of less than 23 students per teacher.

Here are some class sizes for the Fairbanks North Star Borough School District:

Fairbanks SchoolPupil-Teacher Ratio
Anderson Crawford Elementary School19.21
Denali Elementary School16.82
Lathrop High School18.53
West Valley High School18.57
North Pole Middle School15.88
Ryan Middle School16.35

Except for the Fairbanks correspondence schools, all the schools have a PTR ratio of less than 21 students per teacher.

Here are some class sizes for the Kenai Peninsula Borough School District:

Kenai Peninsula Borough SchoolPTR
Aurora Borealis Charter School16.02
Homer Middle School13.80
Kenai Central High School18.10
Seward High School16.03
Soldotna Elementary School12.20
Skyview Middle School14.18
Sterling Elementary School11.18

Except for Kenai correspondence schools, all Kenai schools have a PTR ratio of less than 19 students per teacher.

Here are some class sizes for the Mat-Su Borough School District:

MatSu Borough School Pupil-Teacher Ratio
Academy Charter School13.24
Colony High School20.60
Colony Middle School22.26
Cottonwood Creek Elementary School15.86
Knik Elementary School15.46
Wasilla Middle School18.47
Palmer Middle School18.29

Except for its correspondence schools, all Mat-Su schools have a PTR ratio of less than 24 students per teacher.

Here are a few select smaller school districts with their PTRs:

Bristol Bay9.83
Juneau  16.46
Ketchikan12.43
Kodiak Island 13.95
Lake & Peninsula8.57
North Slope11.45
Pelican7.50
Sitka 12.32

Several people from the education establishment have testified to the House and Senate education committees that their classrooms are overflowing with students such that some don’t even have desks. But the data provided by the various school districts belies those testimonies for the most part.  

Class sizes are important. But it is not the most important factor in student success. I attended a one-room rural schoolhouse that had one teacher and 26 students in 8 grades.  When I went into the big city school, I was more than six months ahead of my classmates in virtually every subject.

Class size does matter but it is not nearly as important as the culture in the classroom. That culture includes respect for the teacher. Respect for one’s fellow students to learn. And respect from the school administration for the student and parents.

If you want to find what the Pupil-Teacher Ratio is in your child’s school, you can find the Pupil-Teacher Ratio for every Alaska School here beginning on page 88.

David Boyle: The student-teacher ratio battle

Navy vice admiral fired for insubordination, after refusing to display portrait of president and secretary of defense at NATO headquarters

Suzanne Downing
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Navy vice admiral fired for insubordination, after refusing to display portrait of president and secretary of defense at NATO headquarters

Navy Vice Admiral Shoshana Chatfield, the US military representative to the NATO Military Committee, was relieved of her duties over the weekend following reports that she refused to hang portraits of President Donald Trump and Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth at NATO headquarters.

She reportedly told military staff that they would wait out the Trump Administration, an indication of passive resistance to the commander in chief.

The dismissal was confirmed by the Pentagon on Tuesday.

Chatfield, 59, has had a 38-year career in the Navy. Born and raised in California, she graduated from Boston University in 1987 with a degree in International Relations and French, later earning a Master’s in Public Administration from Harvard’s Kennedy School of Government and a Doctorate in Education from the University of San Diego.

She was commissioned through the Naval Reserve Officers Training Corps and qualified as a naval helicopter pilot, flying aircraft such as the Boeing Vertol CH-46 Sea Knight and Sikorsky SH-60 Seahawk during deployments in the Pacific and Persian Gulf. She was commanding Helicopter Combat Support Squadron HC-5, a joint reconstruction team in Afghanistan (for which she earned a Bronze Star), and Joint Region Marianas.

In February 2023, she was promoted to vice admiral and assigned to the role at NATO, representing the US on the alliance’s 32-member military committee.

She has been a vocal advocate for diversity, equity, and inclusion, notably stating in a 2015 Women’s Equality Day speech that “our diversity is our strength” and emphasizing the empowerment of women in the military.

According to posts on X, Chatfield refused to display official portraits of President Trump and Secretary Hegseth in her office at NATO headquarters in Brussels.

The conservative American Accountability Foundation had previously listed Chatfield among “woke” officers to be purged, citing her diversity-related comments as evidence of misplaced priorities.

Chatfield delivered a speech at a Women’s Equality Day event in 2015 where she bemoaned male dominance in Congress, where she claimed at the time, 80% of lawmakers in the House of Representatives were males. 

“It seems a bit unequal what issues go forward,” she said. Chatfield also attended a Commander, Naval Air Forces DEI summit in 2022.

Sources said she held an “all hands” meeting and she told staff, “We will wait them out four years,” implying a strategy of passive resistance to the Trump administration’s policies. These details are unconfirmed by official Pentagon statements.

Sources familiar with the situation suggest that her refusal to hang the portraits—combined with her prior advocacy for diversity initiatives—made her a target of Defense Secretary Hegseth, who has vowed to eliminate “wokeness” from the military.

Chatfield’s ouster is the ninth firing of a senior military officer—and the fourth woman—since Trump’s return to office in January 2025. It follows the dismissals of figures like Admiral Lisa Franchetti, the first female Chief of Naval Operations, and General Timothy Haugh of the National Security Agency, signaling an intensifying purge of leaders perceived as out of step with the administration’s agenda. With NATO allies already notified of her removal, the incident raises questions about U.S. credibility within the alliance at a time of heightened global security challenges.

As the Pentagon prepares to name Chatfield’s replacement, her dismissal underscores a deepening divide between military tradition and political pressures, leaving observers to wonder how far this reshaping of the armed forces will go—and at what cost to its unity and effectiveness.

Department of Health layoffs were expected, due to end of Covid funding

Suzanne Downing
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Department of Health layoffs were expected, due to end of Covid funding

The Alaska Department of Health has laid off 30 employees, a move attributed to the expiration of federal Covid-19 grants that funded their positions.

The department confirmed that all 30 roles were either fully or partially supported by these temporary funds, which were allocated during the height of the pandemic to bolster public health efforts.

According to DOH officials, the grants were never intended to be a permanent funding source. Most were set to expire in 2027, and are just expiring early due to the need to reduce federal spending.

The department had developed a strategic wind-down plan to align with the grants’ original termination date, ensuring a smooth transition as the extra resources phased out.

The layoffs come at a time when the Alaska Department of Health is grappling with a 12% vacancy rate across its workforce. The department is encouraging affected employees to apply for other open positions within the agency for which they are qualified.

To support the impacted employees, the DOH is collaborating with the Division of Personnel and the Department of Labor and Workforce Development. These agencies are offering job placement services, unemployment assistance, and additional resources to help the laid-off workers navigate their next steps.

Nick Begich is on Democrats’ newly released campaign target list

Suzanne Downing
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Nick Begich is on Democrats’ newly released campaign target list

The Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee has released its latest target list of Republican incumbents in the US House of Representatives who will be marked for attack. Alaska Congressman Nick Begich, a Republican, is on the list.

“Today, we’re unveiling our offensive target list for 2026. Democrats are poised to retake the House — and defeating these vulnerable House Republicans will be key to doing that,” the DCCC said in its notice.

The unveiling of the list follows the March announcement of the “DCCC’s 2026 Frontliners,” 26 incumbent House Democrats seeking re-election in competitive districts.

Along with Tuesday announcement, the DCCC launched nominee fund pages to raise the funds for the eventual Democratic nominee. In Alaska, there is no announced Democrat nominee to take on Begich, who bounced Mary Peltola out of office after her first term. Democrats have not indicated that Peltola will try for that seat.

The DCCC is the same group that put Peltola on its “at risk” list in 2023, and then spent millions of dollars to try to save her, to no avail.

In 2026, the center-left Cook Political Report puts Begich in the “driver’s seat” for keeping the seat, as of February, 2025. But that’s without knowing who the possible contender might be.

Recent polls indicate that the Democratic National Party’s approval rating has reached historic lows. An NBC News poll conducted from March 7-11 found that only 27% of registered voters view the Democratic Party favorably, marking the lowest rating in NBC News polling since 1990.

Peltola at risk in 2024, added to ‘rescue’ list for Democrats

DOGE: Alaska Humanities Forum loses federal funds

Suzanne Downing
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DOGE: Alaska Humanities Forum loses federal funds

The Alaska Humanities Forum has been informed that its federal funding from the National Endowment for the Humanities has been terminated. The decision, communicated this week, is part of a shift in federal priorities under the direction of President Donald Trump. The NEH notified state humanities councils and other grantees that their funding is being cancelled immediately to align with “a new direction in furtherance of the president’s agenda.”

The Alaska Humanities Forum promotes events like “drag aueens for kids” events and “whites not allowed” conferences.

Alaska Humanities Forum promoting drag queens for kids because it will make the ‘world a better, safer place’
Segregationist conference planned for Anchorage to discuss race and the land in Alaska; whites can only attend half of the conference

The president of the Alaska Humanities Forum is Anchorage Assemblyman Kameron Perez-Verdia. He may be looking for another job soon. The organization posted a notification on its website, asking the community to help get its funding restored. It says:

“Late on the night of April 2, the Alaska Humanities Forum received a letter from DOGE officials informing them that their NEH operating grant approved by Congress had been illegally terminated effective immediately. NEH funding constitutes a significant portion of the Forum’s budget that their core programs rely upon to operate,” the notification said.

“The Forum and all humanities programming in Alaska are under dire threat. This means potential loss of:

  • “28 Years of Cross-Sector Leadership Development(Leadership Anchorage)
  • “Youth Mental Health Support in Schools (Story Works)
  • “24 Years of Youth Cultural Exchange Programs (Rose Urban-Rural Exchange, Take Wing Alaska)
  • “Veteran & Community Conversations that foster understanding across sectors and regions
  • “Writers & Filmmakers Programs that provide economic opportunity for emerging storytellers and entrepreneurs across Alaska
  • “Governor’s Arts & Humanities Awards, co-hosted with the Governor’s Office since 1968
  • “Vital Grants to Local Community Organizations for cultural, educational, and civic projects across rural and urban Alaska

“The Forum is required to match every dollar of federal funding, but they leverage that funding to raise at least $1.50 in additional investment for every $1 of federal support. They are able to do this because Alaskans value the humanities. We value the Forum’s work building connections across the urban-rural divide; creating partnerships across different perspectives; supporting youth to be mentally resilient and successful after high school; and developing leaders who deeply understand and are invested in the communities they serve. 

“Without action, Alaska will lose a 50-year-old institution that has built local leaders, preserved our cultures and languages, and served tens of thousands of Alaskans. 

“Without action, Alaska will lose the Forum, and the community-strengthening projects it supports. As an Alaskan, I ask that you take action to restore funding to the Alaska Humanities Forum and the National Endowment for the Humanities,” the group says on a notification on its website.

In 2022-23, the Alaska Humanities Forum reported $2,826,160 in revenues, nearly all from federal grants matched by grants from the state. Perez-Verdia is paid $181,164 a year to run the nonprofit.

Anchorage homelessness consortium, run by Anchorage Assembly member Zaletel, got some bad news on its audit
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