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Janet Weiss: Alaska’s LNG moment: Powering the Railbelt, fueling the world

By JANET WEISS

Alaska’s North Slope natural gas is a sought-after resource for our state and for the world. Here in Alaska, our gas can reliably and affordably meet the energy needs of the Railbelt and help move the Interior off of heating sources like wood and fuel oil with high particulate emissions that caused the American Lung Association to label Fairbanks the “most polluted city in the nation.” In Asia, Alaska’s gas can help markets meet rapidly growing energy demand while moving away from coal. Alaska’s large North Slope gas supply can play an important role in global energy.

Internationally, markets, including JapanTaiwanKoreaThailand, India and more, are all negotiating hard for access to LNG from Alaska. Long-term LNG agreements take time, and Glenfarne has only been in the driver’s seat for Alaska LNG for about six weeks. Shortly, Glenfarne will commence the final engineering work needed to produce definitive cost estimates, likely to increase Alaska LNG’s commercial tempo.

While project opponents dismiss preliminary agreements, they are a necessary step towards binding commitments. LNG contracts last for 20 or 30 years and much like buying a house, buying LNG is a multi-step process. In real estate, you have to find a listing, make an offer, perform inspections, and arrange financing, all before you go to closing. LNG buyers need non-binding agreements like a letter of intent or memorandum of understanding before reaching final deals.

Alaska LNG will produce 20 million tonnes of LNG a year. Taiwan interests have already signed a preliminary agreement for 6 tonnes and Thailand’s Permanent Secretary for the Ministry of Energy just directed state energy companies to negotiate up to 5 million tonnes from Alaska LNG. These two agreements, plus two agreements previously in hand, mean that about 65% of Alaska LNG’s export volume now has identified customers.

It is important to note what changed with Alaska LNG to spark so much interest. In addition to bringing in Glenfarne to lead the project forward, the Alaska Gasline Development Corporation (AGDC) developed the option to phase construction of the project to tackle the Cook Inlet gas supply shortage. AGDC, which provides oversight of Alaska LNG for the State of Alaska, determined that Alaska LNG’s overall size and complexity was an impediment to development. AGDC broke Alaska LNG into two phases. Phase 1 prioritizes the pipeline infrastructure to bring gas down from the North Slope to Interior and Southcentral Alaskans. Phase 2 is the export infrastructure.

Focusing on the pipeline first provides long-term energy security for Alaska’s largest population centers. Without Alaska LNG, we’ll need to commit to long-term imports, which will double our energy bills and shred budgets for our families, our schools, and our government. Renewables can help address the problem and help diversify Alaska’s energy sources, but the large gas resources from the North Slope bring reliability and affordability. Imagine gas prices less than half what we pay today for decades to come.

The benefits of phasing the project were also quickly obvious to the LNG market because of the increased likelihood of success, helping accelerate talks with Glenfarne, and intensifying interest among Asian buyers.

Add to that the strong support of our federal government. President Biden gave Alaska LNG an environmental green light and signed into law more than $30 billion in federal loan guarantees, thanks to our Alaska Congressional Delegation. President Trump, who authorized Alaska LNG in his first term, has recognized the geostrategic importance of Alaska LNG across the Pacific and made this project a national priority. This support is incredibly helpful in commercial discussions with potential buyers.

I’ve watched Alaska LNG progress forward since it started just over a decade ago. My husband and I moved to Alaska in 1986 to work for Arco, and I became president of BP Alaska on February 15, 2013. I remember it very well because one of the first things I did that day was to sign an agreement with the State of Alaska and the other owners of Prudhoe Bay and Point Thomson to advance the concept that became Alaska LNG. Today, I am incredibly proud to serve as the vice chair of the AGDC board of directors. I’ve been involved with Alaska LNG for 12 years from two different front-row seats, and there has never been more momentum behind this project than we have today.

Janet Weiss, former president of BP Alaska and vice chair of the board of directors for the Alaska Gasline Development Corp.

Win Gruening: Juneau property tax cap initiative, and safeguarding affordability for residents

By WIN GRUENING

City and Borough of Juneau (CBJ) residents hear a lot from city leaders about the importance keeping their community affordable. However, far too often, the actions and priorities of elected officials instead make Juneau less affordable.

Taxpayers have taken notice and a local citizen’s group is gathering signatures for three initiatives designed to rein in Assembly spending and make Juneau more affordable. The three initiatives filed are:

In my two previous columns, I explained why repealing mail-in voting and implementing a sales tax exemption on basic necessities promote community affordability. This column will discuss how a property tax cap, in combination with the other two initiatives, can lower the cost-of-living and make Juneau more affordable.

To be fair, affordability hasn’t been completely ignored. Affordable housing and childcare have been among CBJ municipal priority lists for years. Both programs receive millions of dollars each year. But it remains to be seen whether these sizable expenditures have significantly moved the needle by permanently lowering housing and childcare costs and increasing availability

What businesses and homeowners have seen is unchecked spending by the city assembly for discretionary projects and initiatives, some having been rejected by voters, which will make Juneau less affordable. 

Millions every year are handed out via “Assembly grants” with no accountability measures attached.

Millions of dollars have also been sequestered or spent for mail-in voting, proposed city offices and a massive new arts and culture “civic” center. Questionable tax exemptions remain on the books while basic necessities like groceries and utilities are fully taxed. 

If investing in these priorities resulted in meaningful private sector growth and more affordable outcomes, that would be laudable. But that hasn’t happened, and it is unlikely to happen in the future.

Juneau’s cost-of-living is negatively impacted by a variety of factors. But the two most significant are lack of economic growth and rising municipal taxes. Yet, government entities seem ill-equipped to recognize that economic expansion and lowering taxes are the two most powerful strategies that can significantly enhance a community’s affordability.

The CBJ Assembly’s most recent approval of the Aak’w Landing cruise dock project is a long overdue and most welcome step in promoting economic growth in the community.

But the other half of the equation, equally as important, is controlling property taxes that fuel municipal spending. Moderating taxes, particularly property taxes, directly reduces the financial burden on business owners, homeowners, and families, making it easier for them to manage their finances.

The combined effect of economic expansion and lower taxes is particularly potent. As businesses expand, adding to the tax base, more jobs are created, wages increase, and more housing is built to meet demand, all of which helps keep prices in check and increases the supply of housing. 

A cap on spending is necessary for this to happen. No doubt, city officials will respond to the initiative with predictions of dire consequences, should this pass. We will hear that city services will be cut (not grants or discretionary projects), and everything from schools to parks will suffer.  Nonsense.

The existing basic property mill rate is 8.96 plus 1.08 mills for debt service equaling a total of 10.04. The proposed 9 mill rate cap is above the current mill rate and will not affect current expenditures. Debt service is not limited by a property tax cap. The city may still float additional bond issues as necessary for worthy projects when needed, but they must be approved by voters. 

Tax revenues will rise organically with inflation since they are tied to property tax assessments. If the economy grows, tax assessments increase, as will total property taxes. If the economy is contracting, the tax base will decrease, constraining expenditures and limiting budget increases.

Essentially, a tax cap acts as an automatic control on discretionary spending and gives voters say in how their tax dollars are spent.

Juneau voters who believe community affordability is a priority should sign these petitions and then make an informed choice on election day in October.

After retiring as the senior vice president in charge of business banking for Key Bank in Alaska, Win Gruening became a regular opinion page columnist for the Juneau Empire. He was born and raised in Juneau and graduated from the U.S. Air Force Academy in 1970. He is involved in various local and statewide organizations.

Bernadette Wilson files for governor

A well-known political figure and a competitive figure skater. A policy advisor and a business owner. A talk-show host and a mother of three. Bernadette Wilson is all those things … and now she is a candidate for governor.

Over the weekend, Bernadette quietly filed a letter of intent to run for governor in 2026, joining two other Republicans who have already announced — Lt. Gov. Nancy Dahlstrom and former state Sen. Click Bishop.

On the steps of the Alaska Capitol building in Juneau, Bernadette made it clear that she’s in it to win it: “America’s Strength Starts with Alaska!” Watch the live announcement here.

She then made a quick tour of a few offices in the Capitol before heading back to the airport to fly home and begin campaigning.

Bernadette Wilson was recently the executive director of the Alaska Policy Forum, and before that was state director for Americans for Prosperity Alaska. She started her political activism in 2010, working to get the “parental notification” ballot initiative passed, and she worked on several campaigns, including Joe Miller for Senate, winning the primary against Lisa Murkowski; Mead Treadwell for Governor; and Nick Begich for Congress. Currently, she is one of the sponsors of the RepealNow ballot initiative to repeal ranked-choice voting. The initiative aims to gather signatures to revisit the issue after a narrow defeat in 2024.

She is the great-niece of the late Gov. Walter J. Hickel and Ermalee Hickel, which takes her roots in Alaska to before Statehood. Many members of her family have been in the construction and trucking businesses. But the roots go deeper: Bernadette is a member of the Naknek Native Village tribe.

The longtime political activist and founder of Denali Disposal was identified last month as the favorite candidate among conservative voters for the Alaska gubernatorial race, according to reader surveys conducted by Must Read Alaska. Polls indicated strong support for Wilson over other potential candidates.

Wilson’s campaign website went live today at this link.

Her X account went live here.

You can watch the announcement on Must Read Alaska’s Facebook page.

Tim Barto: Charlie Hustle and Shoeless Joe now eligible for Baseball’s Hall of Fame

By TIM BARTO

With an announcement that caused the cell phone of many of us baseball fans to light up, Major League Baseball Commissioner Rob Manfred made a decision that the game’s permanently ineligible list ends upon the banned person’s death. That means that two deceased legends of the game – Pete Rose and Joe Jackson – may soon be eligible for entry into the Baseball Hall of Fame.

Rose, nicknamed Charlie Hustle, is the all-time leader in hits (4,256) and games played (3,562) but has been banned from any activity in the game since 1989, when an investigation revealed he bet on games in which his team, the Cincinnati Reds for whom he played and managed, were involved. 

“Shoeless” Joe Jackson, whose .356 lifetime average places him third on the all-time career batting average leader list, was banned after Commissioner, Kennesaw Mountain Landis, ruled that Jackson and seven of his 1919 White Sox teammates who conspired to throw the World Series would no longer be allowed in the game.

For decades, Rose adamantly denied he bet on baseball, despite having agreed with the Commissioner’s office to accept a ban. At the time of his ban, the Hall of Fame did not have a ruling that permanently ineligible personnel could not be voted into the Hall of Fame, but the Hall changed that within a couple years of Rose’s ban, asserting that all personnel considered ineligible to participate in Major League Baseball are also not eligible for Hall of Fame induction. (The rule applies to all ineligible personnel, but the ruling was clearly directed toward Rose.)

Rose finally admitted to having bet on games in which his team played, and some of his former teammates – including Hall of Famers Joe Morgan and Mike Schmidt – and detractors came to his side and appealed to the Commissioner’s office to argue for his induction. It did not come during Pete’s lifetime, as he predicted ten days prior to his September 2024 passing.

Jackson’s ban took him out of the game and the limelight. There were rumors of him playing in third rate leagues in the South, clinging desperately to stay in the game he loved and a profession that provided the outfielder a decent living for 13 years. Baseball legend and Jackson contemporary Ty Cobb told a story of seeing Shoeless Joe working in a liquor store years after his playing days were over. “Don’t you recognize me Joe?” asked Cobb as he purchased a bottle of booze. “Sure I do, Ty, I just didn’t think you’d recognize me,” replied an embarrassed Jackson. 

Shoeless Joe became known to a new generation of baseball fans almost four decades after his death, thanks to a couple of movies that came out in the late 1980s. Eight Men Out told the story of that 1919 World Series scandal that led to Commissioner Landis’ fateful decision, and Field of Dreams provided a fantastical story in which a farmer plows under his corn crop to allow Shoeless Joe’s ghost to come to the Iowa farm so he could once again play the game he loved. 

Shoeless Joe was a likeable, illiterate country hick, traits the movies emphasized and brought him sympathy, especially since his performance in the tainted World Series was spectacular. 

Pete Rose, on the other hand, was both hated and loved, often by the same people, this author included. 

Pete was aggressive and brash, and he rubbed many people the wrong way. Fans booed him in every visiting ballpark . . . and he embraced it. These traits, along with his decades long inability to admit the truth about his gambling, made it difficult for many of us to want to see him attain the highest accolades in the game. A four part HBO documentary that aired just a month or two before his 2024 death, softened those feelings for some but amplified them for others. That’s the way everything was with Pete. 

Commissioner Manfred’s decision to rule that permanent ineligibility ends with the end of the ineligible person’s life means that come December 2007, the Hall of Fame’s Classic Baseball Era Committee can vote to induct Pete and Joe (and 14 others on the ineligible list) into the Hall of Fame. It is very likely that they will both get the needed votes. 

There will be few detractors for Shoeless Joe, but the arguments for or against Charlie Hustle will continue forever. Perhaps in 35 years a movie will premiere in which Pete Rose’s ghost comes back to play in farmer’s field and sentiment will turn more favorable . . . but I wouldn’t bet on it.

Tim Barto is a regular contributor to Must Read Alaska, and is a lifelong fan of Cincinnati’s Big Red Machine, of which Pete Rose was captain. Tim loved Pete as a kid, hated him when Pete left Cincinnati for Philadelphia, loved him when Pete returned to Cincinnati and broke Ty Cobb’s hit record, hated Pete again when he gambled on baseball and lied about it, and finally succumbed to allowing Pete into the Hall after baseball allowed gambling companies to advertise and take bets inside stadiums. When not agonizing over the state of the game, Tim serves as vice president of Alaska Family Council.

Hayden Ludwig: There are no rigged elections in America … except at the DNC

By HAYDEN LUDWIG

Who could’ve seen it coming?

Just 101 days into his tenure as the Democratic Party’s youngest vice chair – and the first “Zoomer” to hold that office – party elites have already declared David Hogg’s election null and void, a complaint that sounds suspiciously like “election fraud.” It’s the latest embarrassment from a spent political party that pales in comparison to President Trump’s incredibly successful first 100 days. If Republicans are wise, they’ll take advantage of the chaos ahead of the 2026 midterms.

The complaint centers on broken parliamentary procedures – the preferred excuse of weasels and dictators alike to undermine democratic elections – specifically, DNC rules mandating “gender parity” to tip the scales in favor of female candidates running against men.

In other words, DEI did Hogg in.

Hogg, who was elected to help Democrats win back young male voters, complained that “the DNC has pledged to remove me, and this vote has provided an avenue to fast-track that effort.” Party elites, he believes, want to “defend an indefensible status quo.”

The DNC’s procedural revelation comes just two days after Hogg blasted his party for driving away young men who “feel like they have to walk on eggshells … constantly because they’re going to be judged or ostracized or excommunicated.”

Oh, the irony. More importantly, will conservatives capitalize on the blunder?

For years, Democrat politicians have told Americans that elections couldn’t be more trustworthy, that only they could safeguard democracy from MAGA Republicans, and that their party represents everyday people over ultra-wealthy special interests.

None of that is true, as this latest CCP-style election nullification reminds us.

Democrats routinely meddle with their internal elections to manufacture “victories” for party insiders, voters be damned. Remember the superdelegates in 2016 and 2020? Bernie Sanders sure does – the “oligarchs and billionaires” he complains about cost him the Democratic nomination twice by rigging obscure parliamentary rules against him.

Congressional Democrats haven’t accepted a Republican presidential victory as legitimate since 1988. House Democrats tried to nullify Republican election victories in 2016 and 2024 as illegitimate, yet called  allegations of a stolen election in the extremely questionable COVID election results in 2020 “misinformation.”

As for protecting democracy, leftists tried to turn 2024 into a one-party election in many states by removing Donald Trump from the ballot. That was an inside job by D.C. operatives to thwart the will of voters, who delivered Trump a landslide victory anyway.

Don’t forget Democrats’ effort to nullify the Constitution with a “national popular vote” scheme to award all Electoral College votes to whichever candidate wins the most popular votes nationwide. In 2016, that would’ve meant awarding all 538 electoral votes to Hillary Clinton – even in states she lost or didn’t bother to visit, like Wisconsin.

Amazingly, Democrats suddenly went mute about the national popular vote after November 2024, with Michigan Democrats quietly abandoning their national popular vote bill mere weeks after Trump won a popular vote majority.

This from a party controlled by a small constellation of ultra-partisan activists, agitators, lobbyists, and political operatives in the Beltway. Recall that Kamala Harris never won a primary vote anywhere – not in two presidential elections.

Massive dark money donors with strong ties to Big Business and Wall Street magnates bankrolled Harris’ campaign from the start. Even in California, she was the ultimate product of one-party machine politics: a mediocre prosecutor who failed upward at every turn by collecting enough party IOUs to earn a political promotion. Her promise was to govern as a figurehead for the faceless Deep State cabal that the Left no longer tries to hide.

It was only after Harris came into contact with real, flesh-and-blood Americans in places like – shudder – Nevada and Pennsylvania that she fell to pieces. Normal people, it turns out, don’t consider mindless babbling and cackling substitutes for ideas and leadership.

Now those same special interests are behind the second Trump “Resistance” to undermine the agenda most voters voted for.

There’s a common thread here: Democratic politicians and their allies attack the system as “rigged” and “unfair” when they lose. They’re champions of the system until the system doesn’t work for them, even a single time; then they reveal themselves for the lying opportunists they’ve been all along. Hogg, for all his inanity and gun control bona fides, was honest enough to criticize his party’s toxic obeisance to the radical feminists and trans nazis who’ve made the world’s oldest political party repulsive to young men (and most everyone else).

Hogg just proved that democracy cannot be tolerated in the Democratic Party. Dissent will be crushed with extreme prejudice. He’ll shortly be replaced by a gay black woman who pledges to enforce the party line, no questions asked.

Republicans should thank God for this gift. We have an opportunity to further expose and permanently defeat the woke mob while it’s distracted by infighting, but that window is quickly closing. If this is how the Democratic Party treats its own “democracy,” America, how will it treat yours?

Hayden Ludwig is the director of policy research for Restoration of America and the author of ERIC: the Best Data Money Can’t Buy. This article was originally published by RealClearPolitics and made available via RealClearWire.

Democrats’ election bill passes State Senate

Alaska Senate Bill 64, an overhaul of the state’s election laws, is racing through the Legislature, with provisions that could open the door to voter fraud, registration errors, and weakened oversight. The bill is now in House Finance after the Senate Democrat-led majority passed it.

While the bill is framed as a modernization effort to increase voter access and streamline registration, it invites trouble for Alaska’s already-troubled election system.

The bill expands the list of acceptable IDs to include tribal identification cards and to exclude previously accepted hunting and fishing licenses. It mandates that documents like utility bills or bank statements used as ID are valid within 60 days.

While the inclusion of tribal IDs is intended to improve access, there are widely varying standards among tribal-issued documents, with some prone to forgery or falsification. The 60-day document rule, if not strictly verified, could be exploited with falsified documents.

SB 64 defines voter residency as a place the voter intends to return to, creating a “rebuttable presumption” that the address on file is valid.

This looser standard invites ambiguity, especially for transient populations or individuals who spend significant time out-of-state. The subjective nature of a “reasonable and articulable plan” to return to a specific precinct makes enforcement difficult, allowing non-residents to vote unlawfully and skew voter rolls.

There is not a “fiscal note” on the bill at this time, but there are costs. The bill has added more staff in the way of “rural liaisons” to help rural voters.

The bill eliminates the witness signature for absentee ballots. Supporters like Sen. Bill Wielechowski say it reduces voting barriers. However, it strips away a key safeguard used to verify voter identity and intent, and it increases the risk of absentee ballot fraud or coercion, particularly in unsupervised environments, such as rural Alaska, where ballots often can be harvested from Post Office trash cans.

Under the new proposed law, absentee ballots received after election day may be counted if USPS tracking shows they were sent on or before election day, even without a postmark.

The bill creates a new system for absentee ballot tracking and curing. Voters can now fix issues such as missing signatures or ID mismatches. While well-intentioned, experts caution that a lax curing process might allow improperly cast ballots to be counted. The security of the digital tracking system is also vital—any breach could compromise sensitive voter information or election results.

The bill adds unlimited drop boxes and absentee ballots in perpetuity, which means after a person registers and qualifies they don’t have to ever request it again, so long as they vote at least once every four years or their ballot is not returned as undeliverable.

The Democrats added interesting language about “true source” funding. An Independent Expenditure group that gives money to a ballot initiative does not have to reveal the true source of its funds. The bill decreases transparency on campaign finance laws as applies to donors Outside Alaska. The Democrats have redefined what “true source” means, as it applies to ballot measures.

As SB 64 moves toward passage in the Democrat-led House, it’s unclear if the governor will veto the bill or allow it to go into law.

“Yes” votes in the Senate were Jesse Bjorkman, Claman, Forrest Dunbar, Cathy Giessel, Elvie Gray-Jackson, Lyman Hoffman, Scott Kawasaki, Jesse Kiehl, Kelly Merrick, Donny Olson, Bert Stedman, Gary Stevens, Loki Tobin, and Bill Wielechowski.

“No” votes on the bill were Sens. Mike Cronk, Shelley Hughes, James Kaufman, Robert Myers, Mike Shower and Rob Yundt, all Republicans in the minority.

State representative who pushed for defined benefits has AFL-CIO as his biggest private client

Rep. Chuck Kopp makes bank as a private consultant with his Winfluence Strategies political consulting company that he co-owns. In fact, his biggest check comes from the AFL-CIO — up to $200,000 in the past year.

So it’s no surprise that he is also carrying water of the same union that has been pushing for the restoration of defined pensions for State of Alaska and other government workers.

Kopp’s Public Officer Financial Disclosure shows:

House Bill 78 is Kopp’s passion. It’s why he got elected over fiscal conservative Craig Johnson for the south Anchorage House seat. HB 78 would recreate a set pension for public employees — similar but not exactly like the one that the state discontinued in 2006, after it began bankrupting the state. This time, he promised it will not.

Kopp himself is a beneficiary of the former pension plan, as he is a 100% vested recipient of the Tier 2 Public Employee Retirement System.

On the floor of the House on Monday, he spoke at length about how this time, it will be different and it won’t lead the state to insolvency.

His House campaign account is filled with donations from Democrat donors like Mark Begich, Zack Fields, and soft Republicans like Sen. Lisa Murkowski, as well as major donations from unions.

Risky pension plan passes House despite fiscal warnings

The Democrat majority in the Alaska House passed House Bill 78 on Monday, repackaging a defined benefit pension system that was shut down in 2006 after it left the State of Alaska with billions in unfunded liabilities — liabilities still in the billion in 2025.

Despite repeated warnings from independent fiscal analysts and economists, the bill pushes forward a financially risky restructuring of Alaska’s public employee retirement system.

HB 78 allows current employees in the defined contribution system to opt into the older defined benefit tier, effectively recommitting the state to decades of guaranteed payments without certainty that future funds will be available to cover them.

The Reason Foundation, an independent public policy think tank, projects the bill could create as much as $11.4 billion in additional liabilities. That projection is based on investment return assumptions of 7.25%, a figure that exceeds the average returns Alaska’s pension funds have actually achieved since 2001, which sit at just 5.8%. If those elevated return expectations aren’t met, the gap would likely fall on state taxpayers because the Alaska Constitution considers this a nonnegotiable obligation.

Supporters of HB 78 struggled to offer clear evidence that the measure will deliver the recruitment and retention improvements it promises. Alaska already maintains a lower turnover rate for public employees compared to other states with defined benefit systems, including Texas and Utah. A 2021 survey commissioned by the state found that public employees ranked retirement benefits well below other factors like pay, workload, and student behavior.

HB 78, pushed by Rep. Chuck Kopp, a Republican who caucuses with Democrats, ignores both historical context and fiscal responsibility. The 2006 pension reform was enacted precisely to stop the unchecked growth of long-term liabilities that threatened the state’s financial foundation. By reintroducing a similar system now, opponents say, the legislature is risking a repeat of that crisis.

Despite efforts from House Republicans to raise these issues and propose safeguards, the Democrat Majority advanced the bill. The legislation now heads to the Senate, where its financial implications are expected to face further scrutiny, but where the Democrats — and their union handlers — are solidly in charge.

House Bill 13 could lower property taxes for some, but shift burden to others

The Alaska House of Representatives has passed House Bill 13, giving municipalities the option to provide targeted property tax exemptions aimed at expanding housing access across the state.

While the bill is being promoted by its sponsor and supporters as a tool to tackle Alaska’s housing challenges, it also raises serious concerns about shifting the tax burden onto other property owners. It’s a redistribution of wealth because every exemption must be made up elsewhere in the city. This is taking money from some people and giving it to others.

Sponsored by Anchorage Democrat Rep. Andrew Gray, HB 13 allows local governments to adopt ordinances granting property tax relief for specific types of real estate, including:

  • Long-term rental units
  • Certain mobile home parks
  • Properties rented to low-income families
  • Owner-occupied primary residences
  • Homes purchased by first-time buyers

The stated intent is to promote stable rental markets, improve the quality of life in mobile home communities, and increase access to homeownership.

Tax exemptions would not be automatic. Municipalities must choose whether to implement them, and each community can define its own criteria and processes. For example, a city might require proof of income to qualify for low-income rental exemptions or set time limits for what qualifies as “long-term” rental housing.

In Anchorage, many property owners have applied for and received existing property tax exemptions, which have shifted the tax burden to other taxpayers. For example, if you are 65 or older and own/occupy your primary residence, you may qualify for an exemption on up to $150,000 of the assessed value. Same for a disabled veteran who has a service-connected disability, which gets a similar exemption.

Since property taxes are a key revenue source for local governments and fund schools, public safety, streets, emergency services, and more, reducing taxes for some property owners will likely require raising them for others in order for the city to not go bankrupt.

If exemptions are widely adopted, municipalities may need to:

  • Raise property tax rates on non-exempt properties such as commercial buildings, homes, or market-rate rentals;
  • Increase other local taxes, such as sales taxes, which could broadly impact residents and small businesses;
  • Cut public services to make up for lost revenue.

For example, if a borough exempts $10 million in assessed property value, it may need to raise mill rates on the rest of the tax base to maintain funding levels.

Supporters argue HB 13 could make long-term rentals more attractive to landlords and potentially reduce rents for low-income tenants by lowering their landlords’ tax costs. It may also help mobile home parks and first-time buyers by reducing barriers to investment and ownership.

But the benefits are not guaranteed. If landlords of non-exempt rental properties face higher taxes due to budget adjustments, they may raise rents to cover the costs, pushing housing expenses higher for some renters.

Because implementation is optional and subject to local ordinances, the impact of HB 13 will vary by municipality. Cities like Anchorage or Fairbanks may embrace broader exemptions to address housing shortages, while smaller or rural communities may be hesitant to reduce revenue from already narrow tax bases.

Administering the new exemptions, including verifying income limits, determining first-time buyer status, and monitoring compliance, will place new burdens on municipal governments. And while the exemptions are meant to support housing goals, critics may argue that they unfairly favor specific groups, leaving other taxpayers to foot the bill.

HB 13, which passed 25 to 15, now goes to the Senate for consideration. There are nine days left in the session. If the bill doesn’t get through Senate committees and the Senate floor, it will be held over until next year.