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Alaska Bush Caucus violates oath of office by pushing for rural preference with congressional delegation

Suzanne Downing
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Alaska Bush Caucus violates oath of office by pushing for rural preference with congressional delegation

Members of the Alaska House and Senate who call themselves the “Bush Caucus” have written a letter to the Alaska congressional delegation, telling them that they think Gov. Mike Dunleavy might be working to preserve hunting and fishing rights for all. They think that is a bad idea, because the federal government manages its lands with rural residents having priority for fish and game, a model they support.

The letter, received Monday, April 14, states that the Bush Caucus members think Dunleavy is trying to challenge the “Katie John” decisions and the federal government’s awarding of special rights for Natives under Title III of the Alaska National Interest Lands Conservation Act (ANILCA).

However, the letter’s promotion of a rural subsistence priority directly conflicts with the Alaska Constitution, which raises a question about whether the legislators who signed it are, in fact, violating their oath to uphold the state constitution. This may expose them to civil action by their constituents.

Key points of the letter include support for ANILCA’s rural subsistence priority under Title III of ANILCA, which prioritizes subsistence uses by rural residents during resource shortages; and the accusation that the Dunleavy Administration is undermining the “Katie John” decisions (which affirmed federal subsistence priority on certain navigable waters) through litigation and by seeking to align the state with President Trump’s Executive Order 14153.

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The letter references the Alaska Supreme Court’s 1989 McDowell decision, which ruled that a rural subsistence priority violates the Alaska Constitution’s common use clause, and notes the state’s failure to amend the constitution to align with ANILCA. The letter says that Gov. Tony Knowles in 2001 made the promise that the state would never undermine the Katie John decision, and the writers state that binds the hands of all future governors.

The letter was signed by Speaker Bryce Edgmon, Rep. Louise Stutes, Rep. Robyn Burke, Sen. Lyman Hoffman, Rep. Neal Foster, Rep. Maxine Dibert, Sen. Donny Olson, and Rep. Nellie Jimmie.

The problem for these legislators, Alaska Constitution contains provisions that directly conflict with the rural subsistence priority advocated in the letter. These include:

  • Article VIII, Section 3 (Common Use Clause): “Wherever occurring in their natural state, fish, wildlife, and waters are reserved to the people for common use.” This clause mandates equal access to natural resources for all Alaskans, without preference for any group.
  • Article VIII, Section 4 (Sustained Yield): Requires fish and wildlife to be managed on a sustained yield principle, subject to preferences among beneficial uses, but not among specific groups like rural residents.
  • Article VIII, Section 17 (Uniform Application): “Laws and regulations governing the use or disposal of natural resources shall apply equally to all persons similarly situated with reference to the subject matter and purpose to be served by the law or regulation.” This prohibits discriminatory preferences based on residency or ethnicity.

In the 1989 McDowell v. State case, the Alaska Supreme Court ruled that the rural subsistence priority in state law (that were modeled after ANILCA) violated these constitutional provisions because it granted preferential access to rural residents, thus denying equal access to others. The court held that such a priority conflicted with the common use and uniform application clauses, rendering it unconstitutional under state law.

Alaska legislators take an oath under Article XII, Section 5 of the Alaska Constitution: “I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the duties of [my office], and will to the best of my ability preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the State of Alaska.” This oath binds legislators to uphold the constitution’s provisions, including those governing natural resource access.

The Bush Caucus’s advocacy for a rural subsistence priority, as outlined in the letter, appears to contradict the Alaska Constitution by promoting an unconstitutional policy to the congressional representatives, undermining common use and equal access provisions, and by failing to address the constitutional barriers. The letter writers reinforce federal authority through ANILCA to bypass state law, effectively stepping on the constitution, rather than upholding it.

The Bush Caucus is now promoting a position that the Alaska Supreme Court has deemed unconstitutional. They are actively working contrary to their oaths to “preserve, protect, and defend” the Alaska Constitution, and they are blatantly ignoring the McDowell ruling, which is binding under state law, while criticizing the governor for upholding the law.

If rural legislators truly believe in a rural preference, they need to try to amend the Alaska Constitution, but until then, their oath requires the opposite — that they uphold the Alaska Constitution.

Here is their letter:

Letter from Bush caucusDownload

Michael Tavoliero: Alaska’s health services analysis

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Michael Tavoliero: Alaska’s health services analysis

TAKING BACK ALASKA SERIES

By MICHAEL TAVOLIERO

Alaska’s healthcare system currently faces severe challenges affecting the quality, accessibility, and affordability of medical services statewide. While well-intentioned, Medicaid expansion and the transfer of Alaska Native healthcare responsibilities to state administration, originally aimed at improving coverage and patient outcomes, have unintentionally exacerbated bureaucratic mismanagement, inefficiency, regulatory delays, and high operational costs.

Bureaucratic Realities of Alaska’s Healthcare System — A Hierarchical Breakdown

1. Alaska Department of Health

Core Issue: Unchecked Medicaid growth and cost mismanagement. 

Systemic Failures:

  • Inability to implement cost controls
  • Excessive administrative waste
    Consequences:
  • Exploding budget obligations
  • Reduced funding for direct patient care
  • Rising tax burden with limited care improvements

2. Department of Commerce, Community, and Economic Development

Core Issue: Slow, bureaucratic healthcare provider licensing.

Systemic Failures:

  • Delayed approvals
  • Excessive red tape
    Consequences:
  • Worsening provider shortages
  • Longer wait times, especially in rural areas
  • Reduced competitiveness in attracting medical talent

3. Alaska Mental Health Trust Authority

Core Issue: Lack of transparency and impact measurement.

Systemic Failures:

  • Poor financial accountability
  • Ineffective program evaluation
    Consequences:
  • Eroded public trust
  • Misallocation of funds
  • Crisis services remain underfunded

4. Division of Health Care Services

Core Issue: Inefficient Medicaid administration and claims processing.

Systemic Failures:

  • Delayed reimbursements
  • Poor provider communication
    Consequences:
  • Shrinking provider participation in Medicaid
  • Increased overhead costs
  • Reduced access for Medicaid patients

5. Health Facilities Licensing and Certification Unit

Core Issue: Over-regulated facility approval processes.

Systemic Failures:

  • Redundant paperwork
  • Regulatory rigidity
    Consequences:
  • Fewer new or upgraded facilities
  • Higher patient-care costs
  • Suppressed innovation in care delivery

6. Office of Children’s Services

Core Issue: Chronic mismanagement and under-resourcing. 

Systemic Failures:

  • Overwhelmed caseworkers
  • Delayed services for vulnerable children
    Consequences:
  • At-risk children fall through the cracks
  • Staff burnout and turnover
  • Long-term public health and safety risks

Alaska’s healthcare bureaucracy is bogged down by inefficient systems, redundant oversight, and a lack of accountability. The result is rising costs, underserved populations, and an overstretched workforce. Without restructuring, these agencies will continue to siphon resources from frontline care while delivering diminishing returns to the people they are meant to serve.

In short, Alaska’s healthcare bureaucracy demands comprehensive reform or restructuring to prioritize direct patient services, fiscal responsibility, and administrative transparency.

Alaska faces a mounting fiscal challenge driven by long-term Medicaid growth and an aging population. According to a forecast by Evergreen Economics, between FY2024 and FY2044, Alaska’s population will grow modestly by just over 21,000 people, with a significant shift toward older age groups. The number of Alaskans 20 to 64 years of age will grow by 18,778. The number of residents aged 65 and older is projected to increase by 14,263, while the population under 20 is expected to shrink.

This demographic shift will increase demand for Medicaid, particularly among older, higher-cost enrollees. Per-recipient Medicaid spending is expected to rise 3.7% annually, nearly double the rate seen from FY2010 to FY2023. Reimbursement rates, after years of lagging behind medical inflation, have recently surged and are projected to continue growing at 2.7% annually.

Overall, total Medicaid spending is expected to grow 4.4% annually, reaching nearly $6.5 billion by FY2044. State general fund contributions are projected to rise even faster, 4.9% per year, reaching over $1.7 billion. This forecast underscores the urgent need for Alaska to address structural inefficiencies, cost controls, and the long-term sustainability of its healthcare system.

The real question that demands honest scrutiny is this: Why is a sprawling government bureaucracy deemed necessary to deliver healthcare? And more urgently for Alaska, why has the state assumed federal responsibilities under the guise of “partnership,” effectively becoming a proxy to validate and sustain the Affordable Care Act?

Rather than improving outcomes, these delegated roles have burdened Alaska with escalating costs, growing inefficiencies, and a healthcare system increasingly driven by compliance over care. It’s time to ask whether the state’s involvement is truly about serving Alaskans or just propping up a federal mandate at the expense of fiscal responsibility and healthcare quality.

Alaska’s healthcare system faces critical fiscal and administrative challenges affecting the quality, affordability, and accessibility of medical services. Medicaid expansion and the transfer of Alaska Native healthcare responsibilities to state administration, intended to enhance coverage, have instead intensified bureaucratic inefficiencies, regulatory delays, and unsustainable fiscal burdens.

Alaska’s decision to adopt Medicaid expansion, initiated by the Walker Administration, was built on promises of extending health insurance coverage to roughly 40,000 low-income Alaskans, reducing hospitals’ uncompensated care costs (especially in rural and tribal regions), and leveraging federal funds to support Alaska’s economy amid declining oil revenues. However, these promises have largely failed to materialize in meaningful and sustainable ways, leaving the state burdened by unsustainable costs, increased bureaucracy, and fiscal vulnerability.

First, while the expansion did temporarily increase insurance coverage, it also drastically inflated the administrative costs and bureaucratic complexity of Alaska’s healthcare system. Rather than efficiently directing resources toward patient care, Medicaid expansion diverted substantial state resources into layers of federal and state bureaucracy. This has negatively impacted care quality and inflated the cost structure, diminishing rather than enhancing the effectiveness of healthcare delivery.

Second, the intended reduction in uncompensated hospital care has not alleviated financial burdens as expected, particularly in rural and tribal communities. Hospitals continue to face significant financial stress due to Medicaid’s notoriously low reimbursement rates and the cumbersome, slow, and expensive administrative processes associated with Medicaid claims. Consequently, the expansion has not achieved its goal of easing rural and tribal hospitals’ financial burdens, instead complicating their financial management and hindering access to quality care.

Third, the reliance on federal funds as an economic stabilizer has proven to be shortsighted. Federal funding commitments to Medicaid expansion are vulnerable to future budget cuts or policy changes, leaving Alaska fiscally exposed and dependent on an unreliable federal financial stream. Additionally, instead of alleviating the state’s budget crisis, these federal dollars have fueled the uncontrolled expansion of the state bureaucracy, exacerbating fiscal problems rather than resolving them. This dependence has further reduced Alaska’s motivation and capacity to develop innovative, state-based healthcare solutions tailored to unique local needs.

Moreover, the delegation of federal constitutional trust responsibilities, specifically regarding Alaska Native healthcare, has added an undue burden to the state. Historically, these trust responsibilities, established under federal obligations, were designed to ensure comprehensive healthcare for Alaska Native populations. The shift of these responsibilities onto Alaska has resulted in an increased administrative and financial load on the state, complicating the healthcare landscape without corresponding improvements in care delivery. The rationale for this delegation, that local control would inherently improve responsiveness and efficiency, has not materialized. Instead, it has exacerbated systemic inefficiencies and imposed significant financial and operational strain on Alaska’s healthcare infrastructure.

Given these realities, Alaska urgently needs to reconsider and ultimately reverse Medicaid expansion. Removing excessive federal and state bureaucracy from healthcare and reverting constitutional trust responsibilities back to the federal government would allow Alaska to design a leaner, more efficient, and patient-focused system. Prioritizing direct healthcare delivery over administrative processes can empower local providers, stimulate competition in the private sector, improve access to high-quality care, and establish long-term fiscal stability.

By reversing Medicaid expansion and reclaiming appropriate federal trust responsibilities, Alaska can regain control over its healthcare policies, allocate resources more effectively, and create a genuinely sustainable model tailored to its citizens’ unique needs, especially in underserved rural and tribal areas. The state should transition from a dependency-based, federally dictated healthcare framework toward a more dynamic, responsive, and financially responsible system that puts Alaskans, not bureaucrats, first.

Michael Tavoliero writes for Must Read Alaska.

Elaine Donnelly: Congress must act to stop ‘Supreme Judicial Commanders’ of the military

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Elaine Donnelly: Congress must act to stop ‘Supreme Judicial Commanders’ of the military

By ELAINE DONNELLY | REAL CLEAR DEFENSE

Former Majority Leader Senator Chuck Schumer recently admitted that he is responsible for confirming 235 “progressive” judges who are “ruling against Trump time after time.”  Activist judges are Schumer’s Plan B.

Article I, Section 8, of the U.S. Constitution empowers Congress to make policy for the military. But as things stand now, unelected, unaccountable federal judges are overruling President Trump’s Executive Orders and arrogating to themselves power to run the armed forces.

Unless the 119th Congress intervenes, President Joe Biden’s radical policies regarding transgender people in the military will continue indefinitely.

Self-Appointed “Supreme Judicial Commanders” Take Charge 

President Donald Trump’s January 27 Executive Order #14183, titled “Prioritizing Military Excellence and Readiness,” is one of several calling for an undistracted focus on military warrior ethos, not “political agendas or other ideologies harmful to unit cohesion.” 

Executive #14168 (January 20) defined biological reality – differentiating “sex” from subjective “gender identity” and proclaiming the existence of two immutable sexes, male and female. This EO also prohibited male access to women’s sleeping, changing, or bathing facilities and discontinued use of inaccurate invented pronouns and bureaucratic markers that reflect subjective gender identity instead of biological sex.

The reality-based principles stated above, applied to DoD policies regarding persons having a history of gender dysphoria or identifying as transgender, logically justified orders to revoke President Joe Biden’s Executive Orders and Directives accommodating persons with gender dysphoria or identifying as transgender in the military.

Trump’s EOs and directives restored gender dysphoria to the DoD list of physical and psychological conditions that affect eligibility to serve, and ended Biden-era mandates and subsidies for irreversible treatments and surgeries for “transitioning” purposes that attempt to change sex.

Trump’s Executive Orders also mandated respectful treatment for persons separating with generous benefits due to gender dysphoria, and protected vulnerable children from chemical and surgical mutilation based on “junk science” recommended by discredited “experts” like the World Professional Association for Transgender Health (WPATH).

Lawsuits Filed to Halt Trump Gender Dysphoria/Transgender Policies

A lawsuit titled Nicolas Talbott v. U.S., plus two more, (Shilling v. Trump in Seattle and Ireland v. Hegseth in New Jersey), are challenging the directives and premises behind President Trump’s Executive Order regarding persons diagnosed with gender dysphoria or identifying as transgender.

In the Washington, DC Talbott case, District Judge Ana C. Reyes issued a nationwide preliminary injunction that blocked implementation of Trump’s order.  Judge Reyes, a longtime Democratic/left-wing activist described as the first gay Latina U.S. District Judge, displayed extreme bias in her handling of this case.  Her behavior toward the Justice Department attorney defending the Trump policy was so egregiously hostile, the office of the Attorney General filed a formal complaint. 

Not surprisingly, Judge Reyes’ March 18 opinion in the Talbott case lashed out at Trump’s recognition of only two sexes and concerns about male/female sexual privacy. Her strident rhetoric could be the start of a Plan B campaign of judicial lawfare against President Trump and his efforts to restore sound priorities in our military.

A similar national injunction in the Shilling case, a temporary restraining order in the Irelandcase, plus additional adverse rulings expected from other activist judges, could make Biden’s extreme transgender policies permanent while various lawsuits wind their way to an unpredictable Supreme Court.     

Absent Congress Action, Biden Policies Likely to Become Permanent 

The 78-page Talbott opinion exploited weaknesses in the government’s case, but Judge Reyes’ intemperate language and obvious bias showed why federal judges should not be making policy for our military.

Among other things, Judge Reyes disregarded Defense Department data on the costs and consequences of Obama-era treatments for gender dysphoria. In 2018, a DoD panel of experts reported to then-Defense Secretary James Mattis that 994 active-duty service members diagnosed with gender dysphoria accounted for 30,000 mental health visits – a 300% increase per capita. 

The Mattis panel’s report also cited long-term studies highlighting the operational and human costs of gender dysphoria, including disproportionately high risks of suicide. 

Why has this data not been updated? Perhaps because Biden’s policy prohibited discussion of problems with the transgender policy without approval from high-level officials.  Now Biden-era officials are praising their own policies before Congress and the courts.

We don’t know whether the Justice Department, representing the DoD, mentioned several empirical studies that have questioned lucrative treatments for gender dysphoria.  A 2025 University of Texas study, for example, reported elevated risks of depression and suicide following “gender-affirming surgery.” 

The Reyes ruling does not mention WPATH, a prominent organization advocating for irreversible puberty blockers and mutilating surgeries for minor children, which has been charged with medical ethics violations.  Nor does the record show consideration of the 2024 Cass Review in England, which questioned the benefits of “sex change” treatments for children.

Even if the Justice Department had presented many recent critical studies in court, the judge probably would have still described Trump’s policy (twice) as “soaked in animus and dripping with pretext.” 

Judge Reyes’ over-the-top opinion showed zero concern about operational complications, medical ethics, and overwhelming public opinion against men entering women’s private facilities and athletic teams.  Activist court injunctions that usurp power from Congress and the Executive Branch are about reality-denying transgender ideology, not military effectiveness.

Congress Should Enact Common Sense in Defense Bill (NDAA) for 2026

Years could pass before the issue reaches the Supreme Court, which may or may not hand down a decision favoring the Trump policy. This puts the ball squarely in Congress’ court.

Without principled congressional action, accomplished in a way that can withstand judicial scrutiny, members could be held accountable for not delivering on promises made during the 2024 elections.

It would help to inscribe four essential principles in the National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) for 2026: Merit as the exclusive basis for personnel actions, a prohibition on non-merit factors such as race in personnel actions, clear definitions of key terms such as “merit,’ “male,” and “female,” and narrow exceptions for operational reasons.

Congress also should dismantle ideological power bases in the Pentagon.  Non-discriminatory practices and common-sense, reality-based measures would support President Trump’s efforts to end woke policies in the military, while reaffirming purposes of the military that some federal judges refuse to respect.

Elaine Donnelly is President of the Center for Military Readiness (CMR), an independent public policy organization founded in 1993, which reports on and analyzes military/social issues. More information is available at www.cmrlink.org.

Bob Griffin: Add charter school authorizers to end the long waiting lists in Alaska

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Bob Griffin: Add charter school authorizers to end the long waiting lists in Alaska

By BOB GRIFFIN

Alaska was ranked second in the nation in K-12 education funding adequacy by a recent Rutgers University study with a score of 95 out a possible 100 for funding adequacy.

Under that backdrop, any large increases in K-12 funding should also be accompanied by at least some modest education reforms — like expanding authorizers for public charter schools. Major increases in K-12 spending without education reforms have not worked in the past for Alaska. Between 2003 and 2023, state education spending increased 90.6% per student while inflation was 64.7%. And Alaska student NAEP test scores in every category declined significantly during that 20-year period.  

One result of the poor support is thousands of parents on waiting lists for Alaska’s most innovative and successful public charter school models. Programs lack capacity to meet public demand because local districts in Alaska have sole authority to dictate the terms of public charter school programs — like enrollment limits.   When districts have no competition from other potential authorizers, they’re not very motivated to be attentive to the desires of charter applicants. They can compel applicants to accept undesirable terms, like inability to expand to meet public demand.   

Alaska is one of only five states which leaves the power of approval and expansion of public charter schools solely in the hands of local school districts — which may be hostile to public charter schools. In other states, a university, the state department of education, specialized public or private entities are among the different types of authorizers. In Ohio, parents have five different charter authorities they can go through to “shop around” for a public charter school approval.  

There’s a myth that public charter schools authorized by local school districts somehow disrupt the concept of “local control.” Public charter schools are actually the ultimate in local control. Though the programs can be authorized by many different entities, the schools themselves are very much controlled by the parents and staff in the individual programs. It’s hard for control to get much more “local” than that.  

There’s also a myth that public charter schools are a partisan Republican issue. In Washington D.C., where 76% of voters identify as members of the Democratic Party, 48% of children are in public charter schools.  The rapid growth of charter schools in D.C. has a direct correlation to a rapid rise in student NAEP scores to the point that the average D.C. student outperforms the average Alaska student in every NAEP category, for both low-income and upper/middle-income kids. That’s true even considering that almost double the percentage of D.C. children are in poverty than are Alaskan children.  

A final myth is that public charter schools rob resources from neighborhood public schools. This is certainly not the case in Alaska, where per student spending in charter schools is significantly lower than traditional neighborhood schools. As more kids move to public charter programs, neighborhood schools are relieved of the burden of the variable cost of educating the kids who move, leaving more funding per student for the children who stay in their neighborhood schools.       

Finding education that fits your child’s learning style shouldn’t be reliant on winning a lottery. We should adopt the policy of multiple charter authorizers — already available in most states. That will allow our very successful, locally controlled, public charter schools to grow to meet the capacity demands of parents, while increasing per student dollars available for parents who choose their local neighborhood schools. 

Bob Griffin was a member State Board of Education and Early Development and senior education research fellow for the Alaska Policy Forum, writing on his own behalf. 

Bob Griffin: While funding is adequate for Alaska schools, results are still disappointing
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Bob Griffin: Why it was right to recalibrate Alaska education test standards

Bob Griffin: Alaska Reads Act is up for the challenge shown by national reading assessment scores

Paulette Simpson: RIP Juneau Access

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Paulette Simpson: RIP Juneau Access

By PAULETTE SIMPSON

The latest version of the capital budget reappropriates approximately $37 million from designated Juneau Access funds for use as federal match for transportation projects all over Alaska. Considering the State’s precarious financial position, I can’t blame the Legislature for re-appropriating these funds. Nonetheless, the story must be told.

During the Clinton Administration, (1993-2001) the timber industry in Southeast Alaska shed some 4,000 direct and indirect jobs – mostly in Ketchikan, Sitka and Wrangell. The population of Southeast has been in serious decline ever since. Alaska Marine Highway System (AMHS) ridership has mirrored the region’s demographic slide. 

In 2024, the AMHS carried 185,000 passengers and 65,000 vehicles – down from a peak of nearly 400,000 passengers and 110,000 vehicles during the early 1990s. 

To keep the AMHS from drowning in a sea of red ink, due to ever-increasing costs and declining ridership, when Governor Murkowski came into office (2002-2006), the state correctly changed course and appropriated $60 million for Juneau Access – the construction of a road connecting the Capital City to the Alaska highway system.  

This road option had actually been selected by Murkowski’s predecessor, Gov. Tony Knowles, in early January 2000 as the “preferred alternative” to address transportation in Southeast. Knowles, however, abruptly suspended work on the project a few weeks later and ordered the construction of two untested “fast ferries.” Note: British Colombia had just shut down its “fast ferry” program. 

Knowles’ two ferries cost Alaska about $80 million plus another $50 million for terminal modifications. Expensive to operate and problematic from the get-go, the ships failed miserably and eventually were sold for $5 million.

Why Juneau Access: By shortening the northern terminus of the system by 100 miles and eliminating the need for two mainline ferries in Lynn Canal, hundreds of millions of dollars in capital and operating outlays could be saved.  Southeast would then have an integrated, efficient and reliable transportation network that both the state and users could afford.

For over 20 years, local road advocacy groups met to promote Juneau Access. Often in attendance to offer expertise were three retired engineers who had served in leadership positions with the Alaska Department of Transportation and Public Facilities (DOT) – Bob Martin, Jon Scribner and Sandy Williams.   

We called them our “Road Scholars.” They loved Alaska and especially loved Juneau. All were men of competence and integrity, dedicated subject-matter experts in their chosen field of engineering. A commonality they shared was their devotion to the cause of Juneau Access. They supported the project from both a professional and community perspective.

In a 2002 Juneau Empire “My Turn,” Bob Martin articulated his staunch support for Juneau Access by characterizing it as fundamentally a freedom issue. Bob’s ending quote arguing in favor of the road was, “Let my people go!”

Jon Scribner was never more animated than when talking with his dear friend (and former Juneau mayor) Jamie Parsons about the need for Juneau Access. 

Sandy Williams was our Road Scholar historian who arrived in Juneau at statehood in 1959 and worked to plan, design and construct our new state’s transportation system. When Sandy testified before the Legislature, he enlightened lawmakers about the early days when the Alaska Marine Highway Service (AMHS) was first initiated, noting that it was never meant to provide a permanent solution to transportation in Southeast Alaska. In fact, the AMHS was conceived as an interim service to coastal communities. Roads were always envisioned as the state developed its infrastructure.

Our data-driven Road Scholars knew that to sustain and ultimately save the AMHS, and the island communities that depend on it, ferry links all over Southeast, not just northern Lynn Canal, had to be shortened, and roads built wherever possible.  

The benefit to the environment has always been that automobiles (like Juneau’s 1,000 electric vehicles) driving a highway burn exponentially less fossil fuel than a ferry does to carry those vehicles the same distance. 

When Gov. Bill Walker and his handlers sank Juneau Access in 2017, they lit a match to $30 million worth of professional engineering, economic and environmental studies* that validated the 51-mile road project. This, perhaps inadvertently, effectively scuttled the AMHS.

Unspent Juneau Access funds, however, remained in place and many held out hope that the project would eventually be revived. Apparently, that is not to be.

In the end, the loss is due to the total lack of vision and leadership of so-called “public servants” who caved to political manipulation, environmentalist hyperbole and sentimental arguments – in full denial of reality – instead of building Southeast for the future.

It won’t happen in my lifetime, but hopefully, a new generation of leadership will someday usher in a new era of sensible and sustainable travel in Southeast – by shortening ferry runs and building roads wherever feasible. 

Until then, we’re just re-arranging deck chairs on the Titanic. 

*  https://ftfakfoundation.org/area-of-focus/juneau-access/

Paulette Simpson is a longtime Juneau resident and civic leader.

Edgmon’s Pickle: House Majority can’t pass a budget

Lucas Smith: Alaska students and teachers deserve better than the flawed funding patch of HB 69

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Lucas Smith: Alaska students and teachers deserve better than the flawed funding patch of HB 69

By LUCAS SMITH

House Bill 69 is not the education bill Alaska’s public-school students and teachers deserve. HB 69 does nothing more than increase the Base Student Allocation. That is a proven recipe for disaster. 

HB 69 is unfair to the Anchorage School District’s dedicated students and teachers, and fails to consider current constraints and realities. Time and time again ASD Superintendent Bryantt has demonstrated where his allegiance lies and it is not to ASD students and their education. It is also not to ASD’s dedicated teachers. 

On Feb. 25 the Anchorage School District held a special meeting to approve the fiscal year 2025-2026 Preliminary Budget and authorize an upper limit spending authority of $866,250,188.  Where was Superintendent Jharrett Bryantt on Feb. 24? He wasn’t in his office fretting over how to improve student outcomes. He was in Juneau lobbying the Alaska Legislature on the subject of competitive wages for teachers. 

In a special meeting of the Anchorage Municipal Assembly held on April 2, 2025, Superintendent Bryantt was offered another opportunity to clarify the intent of ASD’s proposed budget. 

Bryantt was asked, “How are you going to take some of these funds and try to improve the current programs… beyond the charter schools that are doing well?”  Bryantt neither expressed a shared concern over student performance and outcomes, nor revealed even a hint of interest in providing any detail about a single improvement focused initiative. Instead, in what could be characterized as an arrogant lecturing retort, Bryantt spoke at length in support of defined benefits for teachers. 

Are you middle aged? The child whose education is compromised today in favor of tenured teachers’ defined benefits packages could one day be the public defender assigned to your case, or your primary Medicare physician. Even if you don’t have kids enrolled at ASD, you have a dog in this fight!

At the outset of this legislative session, the Legislature’s education committees were given ample fair warning with strong encouragement to begin work on producing an education bill focused on improving student outcomes and test scores through innovation and choice, and with incentives for students and teachers.  As an example, and a mighty good starting point, Governor Dunleavy proposed HB 76, a simple framework with sensible mechanisms for reforming and incentivizing Alaska education.  Although HB 76 was received by the legislature on Jan. 31, the bill’s first hearing happened just days ago, on April 9. 

HB 69 passed the House on March 12.  The minority caucus offered more than 50 amendments to improve HB 69. Nearly all were turned down by the majority caucus lead by Republican Chuck Kopp of House District 10. 

HB 69 must be vetoed, reminding both the legislature and Superintendent Bryantt that student outcomes do matter, and both teachers and students should be rewarded for achieving them together. 

Do not allow the legislature to pass an education bill that simply empowers Superintendent Bryantt to throw money at the teachers’ union.  This benefits no one.  Tell the Alaska Legislature and tell your legislator we want all options on the table – incentives, choice, innovation – not the same old tired flavor of education most of us seem to be gagging on. 

Alaska requires a long-term fiscal solution, and with that solution, perhaps then, and only then, might we all be willing to consider serious investment in public education; but definitely not now, and not through HB 69.

Lucas Smith is a parent in Anchorage.

Senate passes massive education funding bill that is already dead on arrival. So, why did they do it?

Video: Ketchikan woman’s amazing jaws are world’s biggest, says Guinness World Records

Suzanne Downing
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Video: Ketchikan woman’s amazing jaws are world’s biggest, says Guinness World Records

The next time someone tells you that you have a big mouth, tell them it’s not nearly as big as Marie Pearl Zellmer Robinson’s, the lifelong Ketchikan resident who has just earned her jaw-dropping place in Guinness World Records as the world’s largest mouth.

From a young age, Robinson knew she was different. “I’ve always kind of known I had a big mouth,” she told the Ketchikan Daily News, recalling childhood tests involving oranges, lightbulbs, and even Jenga blocks that she could fit into her mouth to entertain her seven siblings.

After years of mouth-gaping humor, she had her dentist measure her mouth and make the official record: It’s between 7.23 and 7.33 centimeters — significantly larger than the previous record holder, Samantha Ramsdell, who measures a mere 6.52 cm.

A lifelong fan of Guinness World Records, Robinson at first didn’t even know that there was a category or the world’s largest mouth in the women’s category. For now, she’s the record holder and likely to hold onto that record for the foreseeable future.

Read more about Robinson’s record-setting journey and more photos of her amazing mouth at Guinness World Records.

One hundred days of Nick Begich in Congress: Report on benchmarks and accomplishments

Suzanne Downing
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One hundred days of Nick Begich in Congress: Report on benchmarks and accomplishments

What a difference a congressman makes. Sixteen months ago, Rep. Mary Peltola was telling America that President Joe Biden was “one of the one of the smartest, sharpest people I’ve met in DC.” Lying to Alaskans, while the whole world could see that Biden was feeble in both body and mind, Peltola persisted through the year to prop up the puppet president and his reign of terror on Alaska’s economy.

That was then. This is now.

In his first 100 days as Alaska’s congressman, Nick Begich has wasted no time making his presence known on Capitol Hill. A freshman lawmaker with a fast-moving agenda, Begich has not only passed landmark legislation but also taken on influential committee roles and championed Alaska priorities across the board.

Begich, since being sworn in on Jan. 3, is the first freshman member of the 119th Congress to pass legislation out of the US House.

Among the bills he’s ushered through the chamber are two pieces of landmark legislation for Alaska Native communities — House Resolution 42, the Alaska Native Settlement Trust Eligibility Act, and House Resolution 43, the Alaska Native Village Municipal Lands Restoration Act of 2025. Both aim to empower local governance.

He also introduced HR 410, the Alaska Native Vietnam Era Veterans Land Allotment Extension Act, which extends land claim opportunities for Native veterans, and HR 1368, the DOE and NASA Interagency Research Coordination Act, to boost federal scientific collaboration, which also passed the House.

Begich has also stepped into the national tech arena with HR 2032, the BITCOIN Act of 2025, aimed at creating a regulatory framework for digital assets that balances innovation with individual liberty.

Addressing youth mental health, he teamed up with Congresswoman Gillen of New York on the bipartisan Youth Suicide Prevention Research Act, HR 2630, which seeks to strengthen research and prevention resources amid a growing national crisis, one that is particularly rough in Alaska.

Begich’s early influence in Congress is shown in the appointments received to three powerful committees: Natural Resources, Transportation and Infrastructure, and Science, Space & Technology.

He holds two vice chair roles — on the Energy & Mineral Resources Subcommittee and the Subcommittee on Railroads, Pipelines, and Hazardous Materials. These are positions rarely given to freshmen.

The assignments place him in direct control over policy areas deeply relevant to Alaska, including energy development, infrastructure expansion, and environmental science.

He has cosponsored a number of bills, including:

“Protecting American Energy Production Act,” which prevents the federal government from banning hydraulic fracturing without Congressional authorization.

“Superior National Forest Restoration Act of 2025,” which rescinds Public Land Order 7917, reinstates mineral leases and permits, and ensures timely review of Mine Plans of Operations in the Superior National Forest.

“Fix Our Forests Act,” which stablishes requirements for managing forests on federal land, including reducing wildfire threats and expediting review of forest management projects.

“No Iranian Energy Act,” legislation that imposes sanctions on entities involved in Iraq’s importation of natural gas from Iran.

“HALT Fentanyl Act,” which classifies fentanyl-related substances as Schedule I drugs and increases penalties for trafficking.

“Veterans’ ACCESS Act of 2025,” legislation that improves veterans’ access to healthcare by expanding eligibility, reducing wait times, and increasing service availability.

“Disabled Veterans Housing Support Act,” which excludes service-connected disability compensation when determining eligibility for certain housing assistance programs

“Secretary of the Coast Guard Act,” legislation that would establish a Cabinet-level Secretary of the Coast Guard to oversee all Coast Guard operations and activities.

“United States Reciprocal Trade Act,” which authorizes the President to impose reciprocal duties or restrictions on foreign goods equivalent to those imposed on U.S. goods.

“Born-Alive Abortion Survivors Protection Act,” which requires healthcare practitioners to provide the same care to infants born alive after an attempted abortion as to any other newborn.

“Preventing Violence Against Women by Illegal Aliens Act,” which prevents violence against women by individuals unlawfully present in the U.S. by imposing stricter penalties and enhancing enforcement measures.

“REMAIN in Mexico Act of 2025,” which requires the Department of Homeland Security to implement the Migrant Protection Protocols, mandating that certain asylum seekers wait in Mexico during their immigration proceedings.

“Hearing Protection Act,” which removes firearm silencers from the list of items regulated under the National Firearms Act.

“Constitutional Concealed Carry Reciprocity Act”, which allows individuals with valid concealed carry permits from one state to carry concealed firearms in other states that permit concealed carry.

“Chiropractic Medicare Coverage Modernization Act of 2025,” which provides Medicare coverage for all physicians’ services furnished by chiropractors within the scope of their license.

He has also been tapped to serve as Speaker Pro Tempore twice since taking his oath of office, another honor rarely bestowed a freshman.

Constituent relations has been strong, a very big reversal from the Peltola years, when constituent concerns were ignored. Begich has helped return more than $460,000 to constituents through his staff’s relentless casework and he has closed over 100 individual cases in 100 days. In total, he’s held 50 meetings across Alaska and another 100 with constituents and stakeholders who traveled to Washington, DC.

Begich has also thrown his support behind a slate of conservative legislative priorities, co-sponsoring bills such as the HALT Fentanyl Act, the Veterans’ ACCESS Act, and the Preventing Violence Against Women by Illegal Aliens Act. His co-sponsorships range from energy and trade policy to veterans’ benefits and gun rights, aligning him with the broader America-First movement.

Among the high-profile legislation he supports are the Born-Alive Abortion Survivors Protection Act, the Remain in Mexico Act, and the Constitutional Concealed Carry Reciprocity Act.

Begich’s first 100 days also align closely with the broader goals of House Republicans in the 119th Congress. Notably, the Laken Riley Act — named in response to national outrage over crime and immigration — was signed into law. The GOP has also passed a budget resolution and rolled back onerous Biden-era energy regulations, steps Begich says are vital to unlocking Alaska’s full economic potential.

“In just the first 100 days, we’ve set a strong foundation — passing legislation, advocating for Alaska’s right to develop our resources, and making the case for Alaska in Washington, D.C. From advancing Alaska Native sovereignty to championing digital innovation and standing up for resource development, our team is working every angle to deliver for Alaskans. That is what I came here to do –- tell Alaska’s story in the halls of Congress, and I will continue that mission as I serve the people of our great state. This is just the beginning,” Begich said.

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First cruise ships to arrive in Juneau on Monday, and Mendenhall Glacier Visitor Center will be open

Suzanne Downing
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6
First cruise ships to arrive in Juneau on Monday, and Mendenhall Glacier Visitor Center will be open

As the first cruise ship of the season, the Norwegian Bliss, is scheduled to arrive in Juneau on April 14, the US Forest Service said it is prepared to welcome thousands of visitors to the Mendenhall Glacier Visitor Center and surrounding recreation area that is managed by the federal agency.

The Forest Service has announced it is fully prepared for the influx of tourists, ensuring a high-quality experience at one of Southeast Alaska’s most visited natural landmarks.

In collaboration with local partners and organizations, the agency has developed a plan to maintain staff presence and visitor services, despite ongoing staffing challenges of having several employees laid off due to the Trump Administration’s goal of reducing government expenditures.

“Our goal is to maintain the unique and memorable experience visitors have come to expect by adapting to staffing changes and ensuring the area remains accessible and safe,” said Juneau District Ranger Michael Downs.

To support the plan, minor reductions have been made to the Mendenhall Glacier Visitor Center’s typical summer hours of operation. Throughout April, the center will be open intermittently. Starting May 4, it will be open Sunday through Friday from 10 am to 5 pm, and closed on Saturdays. However, the surrounding recreation area, including paths and trails, will continue to operate daily from 6 am to midnight.

A collaborative team, including Forest Service staff, Discovery Southeast employees, volunteers, and cultural representatives from the Central Council of Tlingit and Haida, will help manage the visitor center and grounds. Their responsibilities range from visitor safety and resource protection to education, crowd control, and support for tour operators. The team will also manage bear-human interactions and maintain the area’s trails, campsites, and facilities, Downs said.

While indoor restrooms will only be accessible during visitor center hours, five portable toilets in the recreation area will remain open 24/7. An additional bathroom near the parking area will be available from 8 am to 7 pm daily.

Staffing support will also come from across the Forest Service, including personnel from the Juneau Ranger District, the Tongass National Forest Supervisor’s Office, and the Alaska Regional Office.

The projected 1.7 million cruise ship passengers for Southeast Alaska in the summer of 2025 is expected to set a new record, surpassing the previous high of 1.65 million passengers recorded in 2023. 

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