The FBI is asking for the public’s assistance in identifying a suspect involved in a bank robbery at the Wells Fargo branch located inside the 5th Avenue Mall on Friday afternoon.
According to investigators, the robbery occurred at approximately 1:40 pm on July 11. The suspect, described as a man possibly in his 40s or 50s, approximately 5 feet 5 inches tall, entered the bank and passed a note to a teller demanding money. The note indicated that the man was armed, though no weapon was visibly displayed.
Prior to the robbery, the suspect was observed sitting in a massage chair outside the bank entrance. After receiving an undisclosed amount of cash, he exited the mall on foot. Law enforcement officers responded quickly to the scene, but the suspect was not immediately located.
Authorities have not released surveillance images at this time but are encouraging anyone who may have seen the individual or has any relevant information to come forward.
The last bank robbery in Anchorage occurred one year ago on July 13, 2024, when James Surrells, 54, robbed a local credit union and took $450. He was caught later that day and was sentenced in March, 2025 to over 13 years in prison for the crime, which he committed while on supervised release for a previous bank robbery conviction in a 2014 incident.
The FBI Anchorage Field Office is leading the investigation and urges anyone with tips to call 907-276-4441. Anonymous tips may also be submitted online at tips.fbi.gov.
Missouri on just became the latest state to prohibit foreign entities from financing ballot measure campaigns, as Gov. Mike Kehoe signed Senate Bill 152 into law on Tuesday. Missouri is the 19th state to adopt such an explicit ban, and the ninth state to do so in 2025.
The legislation bars foreign nationals, governments, and entities from directly or indirectly contributing to ballot initiative campaigns, a response to growing concerns over foreign influence in US elections. Kehoe’s signing follows similar legislative action in Louisiana, where Gov. Jeff Landry approved House Bill 693 on June 20.
The first such ban was enacted nearly three decades ago in California, under the administration of then-Gov. Pete Wilson in 1997. Since then, momentum has grown as lawmakers nationwide seek to reinforce the integrity of ballot initiative processes—often seen as particularly vulnerable to large infusions of outside cash.
Of the 19 states with bans now in place, 11 had Republican trifectas (control of both legislative chambers and the governorship) at the time of enactment. Six had divided governments, and only two were under Democratic trifectas. This year’s surge has been overwhelmingly driven by Republican-led states — seven of the nine states enacting bans in 2025 fall into that category.
Lawmakers in several other states, including Idaho and North Carolina, are reportedly considering similar bans.
While Alaska’s laws require transparency for candidate elections, contributions to ballot measure campaigns can come from any source, including out-of-state entities, except foreign nationals, with no contribution limits.
Alaska has yet to join the growing list of states that have outlawed foreign money in initiative campaigns. The Last Frontier has is a target for Outside entities to push “citizen-led” ballot measures.
By TRENT ENGLAND AND JASON SNEAD | DAILY CALLER NEWS FOUNDATION
Remember the sales pitch for ranked choice voting? Sure, it’s more complicated, excludes voters, and delays results. But it’ll be worth it because ranked choice voting is supposed to help moderate, consensus candidates. So much for that.
Marxist extremist Zohran Mamdani is now the Democrat nominee for New York City mayor, with 43.5 percent of the vote. Well, sort of. Mamdani was ranked first by about 432,305 voters from among 1,026,783 who cast a ballot in the Democrat’s primary. Following ranked-choice voting retabulations, Mamdani’s share of the vote went up to 56% out of only 973,864 voters, producing the mirage of a Mamdani majority.
This is ranked choice voting’s new math. A normal election is simple addition: one vote, plus one vote, and so on until it’s done. With ranked choice voting, there are multiple rounds of addition—and subtraction.
Ranked choice voting tabulation starts by eliminating the least popular candidate, which really means eliminating the votes (first-place rankings) for that candidate. If affected voters ranked other candidates, their votes are shifted to their second-place rankings, and this repeats until a winner clinches a “majority.” But here is the kicker: along the way, if voters run out of rankings before the final round of tabulation, their ballots are eliminated from the final results. It’s as if those people never voted—all to make it appear that the winner has majority support. Their votes simply disappear from the final results.
With ranked choice voting, your right to vote does not include the right to have your vote count for an unpopular candidate. Nor does it include the right to timely and reliable election results.
It’s clear that Mamdani is going to be the Democrat’s nominee. Voters used longer, more complex ballots, and none of it matters. The initial result is almost certain to stay the same when ranked choice tabulations are completed. This was true four years ago, when Eric Adams had an even greater lead in first-place votes and, eventually, won in the ranked choice process as well.
At least when ranked choice voting is superfluous, results can be quick and decisive. If the election was closer, the multi-round tabulation could lead to weeks of uncertainty. Delays and complexity are a recipe for distrust. After Maine adopted ranked choice voting, a researcher at the MIT Election Lab found it produced “significantly lower levels of voter confidence, voter satisfaction, and ease of use.”
In Oakland, Calif., voters can be forgiven for losing confidence. Ranked choice voting there led to the wrong winner taking office. It started with a few hundred voters who didn’t rank a candidate first but did rank one second. Election officials made their own mistake, incorrectly programming their ranked choice voting tabulation software. These errors, only possible with ranked choice voting, threw off all the final counts and changed the result in one school board race.
The failure almost went undetected, because ranked choice voting tabulation happens inside the “black box” of a computer. Outside experts stumbled on it and notified the county nearly two months after the election. In all, it took four months, a voluntary resignation by the wrong winner, a court order, and dumb luck to fix this ranked choice voting mess.
New York City’s first experience with ranked choice voting flirted with a similar disaster. Before it was reversed, a tabulation glitch threatened to knock current Mayor Eric Adams out of contention. And even after the City spent $15 million to teach people how to use ranked choice voting, many simply don’t do it.
Ranked choice voting makes voting harder, affecting some citizens more than others. The data is clear: minority, low-income, and less-educated voters are more likely to have their ballots eliminated. Their voices are diluted, their influence diminished, according to another analysis. All this is supposed to be worth it because ranked choice voting will somehow produce moderate, consensus winners.
Mamdani appears to be the first choice of about 14% of New York City’s 3 million registered Democrats. In other words, he’s not even the consensus choice of his own party. His positions are so extreme that Gov. Kathy Hochul has thus far declined to endorse him. Mamdani wants government to run grocery stores, confiscate guns, shut down prisons, and allow prostitution. After the vicious Oct. 7 Hamas terrorist attack, Mamdani blamed Israel’s government for “ongoing violence” in the region.
Ranked choice voting has failed New York City. It burdens voters without providing any real benefit, threatens to delay results by weeks, and increases the risk that some hidden mistake will cause a true election disaster. No wonder voters in six states refused to adopt it last year, and 17 states have banned it. Many cities have tried ranked choice voting and then repealed it. New York City should join them.
Jason Snead and Trent England are Co-Chairs of the Stop RCV Coalition.
On the one-year anniversary of one of the most brazen attempts on the life of Donald Trump, the US Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee on Sunday released its final report on the attempted assassination during campaign rally in Butler, Penn. The report sharply criticized the United States Secret Service for what it described as “a complete breakdown of security at every level.”
The report, issued by Committee Chairman Sen. Rand Paul of Kentucky, outlines a series of intelligence and procedural failures that nearly cost Trump his life on July 13, 2024, when a gunman opened fire from a rooftop overlooking the rally, injuring four people, including Trump, and killing firefighter Corey Comperatore.
According to the report, Secret Service agents received a report of a suspicious individual with a rangefinder on the rooftop of the American Glass Research building 25 minutes before shots were fired. Despite this, no action was taken to clear or secure the location. The report found that key intelligence was not shared with agents protecting Trump, coordination with local law enforcement was deficient, and critical assets, including counter-sniper teams, were missing from the scene.
Following the attack, the Committee, along with the Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, launched a yearlong bipartisan investigation. Over 17 transcribed interviews were conducted, and more than 75,000 pages of documents were reviewed. A preliminary report was released in September 2024; the final report incorporates new evidence and details systemic failures.
Among the Committee’s findings:
Secret Service denied multiple requests for additional personnel and resources to protect Trump during the campaign.
No personnel have been terminated as a result of the failures in Butler. Six were formally disciplined, some as late as July 2025. In at least two cases, the disciplinary decisions were reduced from the original recommendations.
Then-Director Kimberly Cheatle falsely testified to Congress that all asset requests had been approved for the rally.
Despite prior intelligence, counter-sniper teams were absent at a July 9, 2024, rally in Doral, Florida, contrary to authorized protocol.
Advance agents operated under vague directives, leading to poor site control and miscommunication.
A failure to transmit crucial intelligence regarding the rooftop threat to Trump’s protective detail meant no action was taken to delay his appearance.
Coordination with local law enforcement was described as insufficient from planning through execution of the event.
Sen. Paul criticized the lack of accountability, noting that only through subpoenas did the Committee gain visibility into internal disciplinary actions. The report warns that the structural issues uncovered, ranging from poor communication to lapses in leadership, must be corrected to prevent future threats against high-profile public figures.
As part of the report’s release, the Committee published subpoenaed documents, disciplinary records, and transcribed interviews in an effort to promote transparency. The addendum also includes a summary of procedural changes implemented by the Secret Service in the wake of the Butler attack. Here are the documents released today:
INTERVIEW TRANSCRIPTS: These transcribed interviews were conducted during the 118th Congress. References to offices reflect the leadership structure of the Committee in the 118th Congress, and not the current leadership structure of the Committee. In these documents, references to “HSGAC Minority” refer to now Chairman Paul’s staff. References to HSGAC majority refer to now Ranking Member Peters’ staff. References to PSI Minority refer to now Chairman Johnson’s staff. References to PSI Majority refer to now Ranking Member Blumenthal’s staff.
The Bear Paw Parade celebrated its 40th anniversary on Saturday with all the charm and energy locals have come to love. From pageant princesses and football teams to candy-tossing floats and grinning kids lining the route, the annual event felt as youthful and joyful as ever.
But this year’s celebration came with an unexpected twist. A group of “no circumcision” protesters disrupted the family-friendly atmosphere with graphic signage and costumes featuring blood-red stains over their pants. Their presence rattled many parade-goers, prompting calls to local law enforcement.
Police responded quickly but, after assessing the situation, determined the protest fell under constitutionally protected free speech. No arrests or citations were made.
The festival managers posted about the incident on Facebook:
A Note to Our Bear Paw Festival Attendees
Well folks… we knew Bear Paw would bring surprises — but today brought something none of us anticipated.
During what should’ve been a joyful, family-friendly afternoon full of music, parades, and festival fun, a group of demonstrators chose to share a very specific message about circumcision. While we absolutely respect the right to free speech, this was not the time or place for such content.
Our team quickly contacted the Anchorage Police Department’s non-emergency line. Officers responded promptly and professionally. Because of the public nature of our event, removal was not possible, but the situation remained peaceful and was monitored closely. No injuries occurred, and the festivities continued as planned.
To our families, vendors, performers, and incredible volunteers — thank you for your patience, understanding, and keeping cool under very strange circum….stances. We recognize this disruption was unwelcome and out of line with the spirit of Bear Paw.
We are actively reviewing our safety protocols and public space policies to better protect the joyful, inclusive atmosphere we all value.
Thank you for sticking with us — and for helping keep Bear Paw all about community, celebration, and just the right amount of weird.
—The Bear Paw Festival Team
Despite the jarring display, the spirit of Bear Paw endured, and Must Read Alaska captured photos of the festivities that carried on, undeterred by the brief disruption:
The Alaska Division of Agriculture is inviting farmers, ranchers, and other agricultural stakeholders to a special listening session on July 17, from 6-8 pm., to explore the formation of a cooperative centered on the Palmer slaughter plant.
The meeting will be held both in-person at 1801 S Margaret Dr., Suite 12, Palmer, and online via Zoom (link here Meeting ID: 945 7520 9433, Passcode: 0LR7bU).
The focus of the session is to discuss the feasibility of forming a co-op to provide a long-term solution for managing and operating the Palmer facility in a way that supports Alaska’s livestock producers.
Barbara Johnson from the University of Alaska Anchorage’s co-op development group will deliver a 10–15 minute presentation on the core values and seven guiding principles of cooperative organizations.
A cooperative, or co-op, is a business or nonprofit owned and operated by a group of individuals for their mutual benefit. In agriculture, co-ops are often used to pool resources, share costs, and give members greater control over the processing and distribution of their products. Unlike private corporations that earn profit for shareholders, co-ops exist to serve their members—who are also their owners.
The seven principles that typically guide cooperatives include:
Voluntary and open membership
Democratic member control
Member economic participation
Autonomy and independence
Education, training, and information
Cooperation among cooperatives
Concern for community
Slaughterhouses are vital infrastructure for livestock producers, but they are expensive to operate and require consistent demand, economies of scale, and regulatory compliance. In many Lower 48 states, agricultural co-ops have successfully taken over or built processing facilities that serve local and regional producers, giving them more control over processing schedules, quality standards, and pricing.
In places like Montana, Wisconsin, and Missouri, co-ops have enabled small-scale producers to band together to operate meat processing facilities that meet USDA standards. These cooperatives often benefit from public-private partnerships, grant funding, and strong member commitment to shared goals.
In Alaska, where food security and local meat production remain ongoing challenges, a co-op model for the Palmer plant could provide producers with a sustainable, community-driven alternative to government or private-sector management.
Following Johnson’s presentation, attendees will be invited to participate in an open discussion about how a cooperative might work in the Mat-Su region, who might participate, and what structure would best support local needs. Input from this session will help shape future meetings and decisions about forming a formal cooperative and determining its scope of work.
The Division of Agriculture is encouraging anyone interested in the future of Alaska’s agricultural economy to attend and share their thoughts—whether they are producers, consumers, educators, or advocates.
The city council in Craig is considering an ordinance that would symbolically declare the community to be “Indian Country,” a term with specific legal meaning under federal law. While the ordinance is still under discussion, it’s on the July 17 agenda and has already drawn attention for its potentially far-reaching legal and political ramifications.
Under federal law, “Indian Country” is defined as land within Indian reservations, dependent Indian communities, or Indian allotments where title has not been extinguished.
In Alaska, this designation is particularly complex due to the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act of 1971, which largely eliminated reservation lands in favor of transferring property to Native-owned corporations.
The 1998 U.S. Supreme Court decision in Alaska v. Native Village of Venetie reinforced this framework, ruling that most lands conveyed under ANCSA do not qualify as Indian Country unless specifically held in federal trust.
Craig is home to the federally recognized Craig Tribal Association, which exercises certain sovereign powers, including limited regulatory authority on tribal matters. However, the city council, operating as a municipal government under Alaska state law, does not have the authority to legally establish “Indian Country” status. That designation can only be made by Congress or the US Department of the Interior, typically through a formal land-into-trust process.
If passed, the ordinance would likely serve as a symbolic assertion of tribal identity and sovereignty, rather than a legally enforceable change. Legal experts note that such a declaration could face challenges in court, especially if interpreted as an attempt to extend tribal jurisdiction over non-Native residents or private property.
The State of Alaska has historically opposed expansions of tribal authority that appear to conflict with the structure established under ANCSA. A recent example includes the state’s legal challenge to a 2023 federal decision to take land into trust for a tribe in Juneau, a move that created Alaska’s second officially recognized Indian Country land area after the Annette Island Reserve. The state has also intervened in an Indian Country case involving a casino on a small parcel of land in Eklutna.
Should the tribe itself wish to pursue formal recognition of land as Indian Country, it would need to submit a land-into-trust application to the DOI. While a 2016 court ruling reinstated the eligibility of Alaska tribes to petition for trust land status, each request undergoes extensive review and is subject to objections from state authorities or private interests.
The proposed ordinance may spark public debate within the Craig community, which includes both Native and non-Native residents. While some may view it as a meaningful affirmation of tribal sovereignty, others may raise concerns about legal uncertainty, potential shifts in governance, or impacts on property rights.
Craig, on Prince of Wales Island, has a population of about 1,036, with about 164 of those residents being Alaska native.
Ultimately, any substantive change in Craig’s legal status as Indian Country would depend not on local ordinance, but on federal action.
The US Coast Guard’s newly renamed Arctic District held a change-of-command ceremony Friday in Juneau, marking a significant leadership transition as Rear Adm. Bob Little assumed command from Rear Adm. Megan Dean. Dean had been in the role since June 9, 2023, and before that was the Coast Guard Director of Governmental and Public Affairs, responsible for external engagement with Congress, the media, and other inter-governmental entities. She is returning to DC to her new assignment as the Assistant Commandant for Operations Integration and Response Policy.
Rear Adm. Little most recently served as director of the Joint Interagency Task Force West, where he focused on countering transnational criminal organizations and narcotics trafficking. In his new role, Little will oversee Coast Guard operations across Alaska, the North Pacific Ocean, Bering Sea, and Arctic Ocean. His responsibilities encompass a broad array of missions including search and rescue, maritime law enforcement, environmental protection, and national defense.
The Arctic District is composed of more than 2,500 active duty, reserve, civilian, and auxiliary personnel. From its headquarters in Juneau, the District coordinates with national and international partners to support a full range of Coast Guard missions across one of the most challenging and strategically vital regions of the world.
A proposed ordinance that would restrict camping in public parks, next to trails and schools, and some other areas across Anchorage was postponed Friday during a special meeting of the Anchorage Assembly. The measure will now be considered next week.
The proposal, which drew opposition during its final scheduled hearing, would make it a criminal offense to camp within 200 feet of roads, trails, railroads, and other rights-of-way. The restricted zone expands to 500 feet in proximity to schools and playgrounds.
Currently, vagrant encampments are lining greenbelts and trails throughout Anchorage, making them unsafe for families. Last week, the city announced it had removed 744,000 pounds of debris from Davis Park, where an encampment has been present on and off for years. Meanwhile, fire after fire has been extinguished by the Anchorage Fire Department in greenbelt encampments.
In addition to regulating camping locations, the ordinance includes provisions that would criminalize the unauthorized construction of structures on public land. In some encampments, there is de facto homesteading going on with multi-story structures built by the community of thieves and drug addicts.
